The use of dual forms in Hesiod: Observations about its gradual dwindling in the Theogony and in Works and Days
Sara Agliardi Ruprecht-Karls-Universität Heidelberg
The considerable quantitative disparity between the occurrences1 of dual forms in the Theogony and in Works and Days becomes outright evident by means of a closer examination of the data: in Works and Days almost three times as many dual forms as in the Theogony are employed: such a peculiarity seems to be not completely accidental and likely depends on the different stadiums of the language´s evolution which reflects Hesiod´s specific stylistic decision, correspondingly to the respective themes and addressees of the poems. The author of the Theogony appears not to employ the dual in an active way for he uses this numerus only where a plural would not be metrically2 suitable. On the contrary, if the option between dual and plural is open, then will the author mostly opt for a plural.3 In Works and Days the quantity of dual forms in proportion to the verses is by a third higher than in the Theogony4. Furthermore, in Works and Days the choice between dual and plural seems to be made for metric reasons in four cases only5: where a dual occurs, almost always6 also a plural form would be possible and vice versa. Additionally it is possible to assert that the dwindling of the dual appears to follow the same path as in Attic Greek7: its decomposition starts with the verb and is then extended to nominal forms. In fact, the duals in these poems are mostly nouns8: only three occur in a verbal form9, two of them in the Theogony. The mixture of dual and plural forms10 in the same passage, which occurs mainly in Works and Days, seems, through the concept of "Zweiheit"11 or through the so called "Dualité-Unité"12 not to be clarified enough13. This combination is perhaps better
1 While in the Theogony only three duals occur, there are forty-seven negligences in this poem. The percentage of employment of the dual in proportion to the negligences is 6 %, whereas the proportion between this value and the number of the verses amounts to 0,29%. For all the occurrences, the decision of the dual is always metrically obligatory, while the choice for the negligences is mostly open. In Works and Days there are eight occurrences, while the negligences are two times as many. The percentage of the employment in proportion to the negligences amounts to 33,33 %, while the proportion between this quantity and the number of the verses is 1,15%. Mostly, the choice for a dual is not metrically obligatory. 2 The occurrences in the Theogony are at v. 475 (πεφραδέτην), v. 698 (ὄσσε) and v. 892 (φρασάτην). In all of these cases a plural would not be metrically possible: πέφραδον and φρασάν would not be suitable in the verse. As ὄσσε exists just in dual, this passage is to be interpreted as metrically obligatory. 3 In 21/50 of the cases the choice is metrically obligatory in the whole poem. 4 See note 1. 5 V. 13; v. 199; v. 185; v. 432. 6 Only in 4/24 cases metrically obligatory. 7 See Cuny, p. 85 ff. about Attic epigraphic. 8 11/14 Occurrences. 9 Theogony: v. 475 (πεφραδέτην) and v. 892 (φρασάτην). Works and Days: v. 438 (ἔχοντε). 10 There are different opinions as well: Thumb claims e.g. on p. 211 that the poems attributed to Hesiod are in no way testimonies of the Boeotian dialect and that this dialect did not affect Hesiod´s language too much. 11 W. von Humboldt, p. 18. 12 Gonda 1953, p. 9. 13 The dual is perceived as a numerus, which is specifically employed for the "in der Natur verbundenen Gegenstände" (Kühner, Blass, Gerth, Teil II, Band II, p. 68), constituting a unity. Although the concept of duality tells us much about the vocabulary assortment of the dual forms, it does not seem to be a valuable criterion to
1 explainable by researching about the process, how traces of dialects persist in the correspondent high language and in which manner the lower version of the dialect tends to dwindle14. Actually the substitution of dual through plural progressively increased with the time, until the dual, approximately at the time of Alexander the Great, died out15. Regarding the diverging quantities and distributions of dual forms in the two poems, it is possible to assume that the difference of topic and register plays a central role in this sense, for these are dissimilarly influenced and vary according to the respective contexts and addressees. In fact, the dual is unanimously estimated16 as a product of a primitive society, which perceived and conceived the world and humans mostly as groups or couples17: eventually, this perception would, with the civilisation of the society, progressively disappear18. Although the use of the dual can be interpreted as an interesting signal of the stadium of the language´s evolution19, it is not necessary for this reason to postulate a different authorship for the two poems20, as, according to the sacral-mythic theme of the Theogony, Hesiod could have adopted a, so to speak, more modern and intellectual register which almost ignores dual forms, while for Works and Days, according both to the theme and to the receiver of the poem21, the rural Boeotian oral dialect was perceived as more adequate.
Bibliography surely determinate where a dual should be expected und where not (cf. Illek, p. 100). The first reason is that often the same subjects occur not just in dual, but also in plural form; the second reason is that the concept of duality/unity is too generally formulated (a critic against the formulation of the duality theory of Humboldt can be found in Plank, p. 242): to rightly claim that two subjects constitute an inseparable duality, it is enough to observe that they appear in the text as a couple. Although the distribution and the quantity of the occurrences is surely useful for the understanding of the linguistic register, it is not the same with the analysis of singular occurrences, for eventually some randomness plays a role in this sense. Nevertheless it has been tried to legitimate singular occurrences by means of grammatical rules, but most negligences were still not explained or ignored: in legitimizing a dual it is also necessary to explain why in other passages with a similar constellation a plural appears (see e.g. Cuny p. 501, who convincingly explains the plurals in Hes. erg. vv. 432-441 as exceptions, but ignores the – two times higher! – quantity of negligences in the same poem. Another example is Gonda who theorizes that the employment of the dual depends on the presence or absence of the word δύο. Although these are clever analyses, they do not give fully satisfying explanations). 14 Concerning the theory of “Diglossie ohne Zweisprachigkeit" see Ferguson, 1959; Cf. e.g. also the process of dwindling of the Italian dialects in Loporcaro, M., Profilo linguistico dei dialetti italiani, Roma-Bari, 2013, p. 176 ff. 15 Cf. Kühner, Blass, Gerth, Teil II, Band I, p. 285. 16 The connection between the recession of a specific primitive culture and the dwindling of the dual has been already observed in the Indo-European studies (e.g. Cuny, p. 5 or Gonda, pp. 9-11). 17 About the "collective meaning" of the dual see Malzahn, p. 292 ff. 18 For the Greek language cf. Kühner, Blass, Gerth, Teil II, Band I, p. 285. 19 The employ of the dual as well as colloquial expressions (cf. e.g. Troxler p. 113 about Hes.erg., v. 453) could be an indicator of the influence of the Boeotian oral form on the language of Works and Days, as in this dialect, which Hesiod surely knew, the dual has been preserved for a longer time (see Buck, p. 87): In fact Hesiod asserts in Works and Days (Hes. erg., v. 640) that he spent most of his life in Askra in Boeotia. Furthermore the fact that in the Boeotian region the dual was used in rural expressions suits to what is known about Boeotia: that it was for a long time a mostly rural area (cf. Vottéro, p. 205). 20 E.g. Cuny who even assumes that Theogony is not by Hesiod (see Cuny, p. 502). For a different opinion see Illek, p. 102. 21 Cf. Schlieben-Lange, p. 79: "Jeder Sprecher verfügt über mehrere Varianten seiner Muttersprache, zwischen denen er umschalten kann (...) Solch ein Umschalten geschieht in Abhängigkeit der Situation, dem Auditorium, dem Thema usw. Es kann sich abspielen zwischen regionalen Varianten (häufig beherrscht ein Sprecher einen Dialekt und die regionale Form der Hochsprache), zwischen sozialen und zwischen stilistischen Varianten. Dabei sind alle mögliche Überschneidungen zwischen diesen Arten von Varianten möglich".
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Critical Editions • Solmsen, F., Hesiodi Theogonia, Opera et Dies, Scutum, Oxford, 1970. • West, M. L., Hesiod Theogony, Oxford, 1966. Commentaries • Rzach, A., Hesiodi Carmina accedit Homeri et Hesiodi certamen, Leipzig, 1902. • Wilamowitz-Moellendorf, U. von, Hesiods Erga, Berlin, 1962. Grammatics • Chantraine, P., Grammaire homérique, Paris, 1963. • Kühner, R., Blass, F., Gerth, B., Ausführliche Grammatik der Griechischen Sprache, Hannover, 1869. • Rix, H., Historische Grammatik des Griechischen, Laut und Formenlehre, Darmstadt, 1992. • Zinsmeister, H., Lindemann, H., Färber, H., Griechische Grammatik, München, 1954. Lexica and Encyclopediae • Der Neue Pauly: Enzyklopädie der Antike, hrsg. von Cancik, H., und Schneider, Stuttgart, 1996-2003. • Lexikon des frühgriechischen Epos, begründet von Snell, B., Göttingen 1979ff. • Liddell, H. G., Scott R., Jones, H. S., A Greek-English Lexikon, Oxford 1968. Secundary Literature • Bechtel, F., Die griechische Dialekte, Erster Band, Berlin, 1921. • Buck, C. D., The greek dialects, Grammar, Selected Inscriptions, Glossary, Chicago, 1928. • Corbett, G., Number, Cambridge, 2000. • Cuny, A., Le nombre duel en grec, Paris, 1906. • Edwards, G. P., The language of Hesiod in its traditional context, Oxford, 1971. • Giacalone Ramat, A., Ramat, P., Le lingue indoeuropee, Bologna 1994. • Gonda, J., Reflections on the numerals "one" and "two" in ancient Indo-European languages, Utrecht, 1953. • Hoffmann, O., Debrunner, A., Geschichte der griechischen Sprache, Berlin, 1953. • Humboldt, W. von, Über den Dualis, Berlin, 1828. • Illek, F., Der Dual bei Hesiod, Zeitschrift für die österreichischen Gymnasien, n. 39, 1888, SS. 97-102. • Lühr, R., Zum Gebrauch des Duals in der Indogermania, in 125 Jahre Indogermanistik in Graz, edd. Ofitsch, M., Zinko, C., Graz 2000, SS. 263-274. • Malzahn, M., Die Genese des indogermanischen Numerus Dual, in 125 Jahre Indogermanistik in Graz, edd. Ofitsch, M., Zinko, C., Graz 2000, SS. 291-315. • Meier Brügger, M., Griechische Sprachwissenschaft, Berlin, 1992. • Meillet, A., L'emploi de duel chez Homère et l'èlimination du duel, in Mèmoires de la Sociètè de Linguistique de Paris, 22, SS. 145-64. • Meillet, A., Aperçu d' une histoire de la langue Greque, Paris, 1930. • Nicolai, W., Hesiods Erga, Beobachtungen zum Aufbau, Heidelberg 1964. • Ohler, Über den Gebrauch des Duals bei Homer, Mainz 1884. • Plank, F., Humboldt über den Dualis, in: Humboldt-Grimm-Konferenz, Protokollband, Teil I Berlin, 1986, SS. 231-245. • Rzach, A., Der Dialekt des Hesiodos, Leipzig, 1876. • Schlieben-Lange, B., Soziolinguistik, Eine Einführung, Stuttgart, 1958. • Sellschopp, I., Stilistische Untersuchungen zu Hesiod, Hamburg 1934. • Thumb, A., Handbuch der griechischen Dialekten, Heidelberg, 1959. • Troxler, Sprache und Wortschatz Hesiods, Zürich, 1964.
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• Viti, C., The use of the dual number in Homeric Greek, in Akten der 13. Fachtagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, Wiesbaden, 2008, SS. 595-604. • Vottéro, G., Le dialecte Béotien, L' écologie du dialecte, Nancy, 1998.
Managing Common Ground. Greek particles as grounding operators
Rutger Allan Free University Amsterdam
Greek particles are usually seen as communicative devices serving as ‘sign-posts’ in the interaction between speaker and addressee, used to express the interlocutors’ stance and to organize the discourse. This paper takes a closer look at particles in their role as ‘signposts’. Key to my approach will be the notion of common ground (e.g. Stalnaker 1978, Clark 1996, Verhagen) and the closely related cognitive linguistic notion of current discourse space [CDS] (Langacker 2001). According to Langacker, ‘[b]esides the context of speech, the CDS includes a body of knowledge presumed to be shared and reasonably accessible. It also includes the speaker’s and hearer’s apprehension of the ongoing discourse itself: a series of previous usage events, as well as subsequent events that might be anticipated’ (Langacker 2001: 145). In Langacker’s approach, the CDS is a cognitive domain that can be evoked as the conceptual base for the meaning of linguistic elements and it plays a crucial communicative role in coordinating the interlocutor’s focusing of attention and perspectives (cf. Verhagen’s 2005 notion of intersubjective coordination). According to Clark (1996), the interlocutor’s common ground can be based on shared perceptual experiences, joint actions and current discourse (personal common ground) and on shared membership of a community (communal common ground). A more specific component of the common ground which is relevant to the semantics of discourse markers is the topos, a general default rule shared by the members of some community or culture which states what is normally the case (Anscombre & Ducrot 1983, Verhagen 2005. In this paper, I will discuss a number of particles that have been classified as ‘modal’, ‘attitudinal’ or ‘interactional’ (such as δή, μήν, τοι) as they are used in dialogical texts (especially drama), and I will analyze them as grounding operators: as instructions to the addressee how to relate the host utterance to an element in the common ground, for example by specifying the element of the common ground to which the attention should be directed, by invoking the common ground (and especially topoi) as a basis for argumentation, and by pointing out possible conflicts with the common ground. An analysis of particle meaning in terms of common ground management may help us to better understand some of the functional differences between particles in dialogical texts.
Allan, R.J. 2017. ‘Ancient Greek Adversative Particles in Contrast’, in Pragmatic Approaches to Latin and Ancient Greek, Denizot, C. & Spevak, O. (eds.). Amsterdam/Philadelphia, 273- 301. Allan, R.J., 2017, ‘The Grammaticalization of Greek Particles: A Functional Discourse Grammar Approach’, in Ancient Greek Linguistics: New Approaches, Insights, Perspectives. Logozzo, F. & Pocetti, P. (eds.). Berlin/Boston: De Gruyter, 103-118. Anscombre, J.C. & O. Ducrot. 1983. L’argumentation dans la langue, Brussels. Bakker, S.J. & G.C. Wakker (eds.). 2009. Discourse Cohesion in Ancient Greek, Brill, Leiden/Boston.
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Bonifazi, A., A. Drummen & M. de Kreij. 2016. Particles in Ancient Greek discourse: Five volumes exploring particle use across genres. Hellenic Studies Series 74. Washington, DC: Center for Hellenic Studies. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn- 3:hul.ebook:CHS_BonifaziA_DrummenA_deKreijM. Particles_in_Ancient_Greek_Discourse.2016 Clark, H.H. 1996. Using Language, Cambridge. Langacker, R.W. ‘Discourse in Cognitive Grammar’, Cognitive Linguistics 12, 143-188. Rijksbaron, A. (ed.). 1997. New Approaches to Greek Particles. Proceedings of the Colloquium held in Amsterdam, 4–6 January 1996, to honour C. J. Ruijgh on the occasion of his retirement, Amsterdam. Sicking, C.M.J. & J.M. Van Ophuijsen. 1993. Two Studies in Attic particle usage, Leiden/New York/Cologne: Brill. Stalnaker, R.C. 1978. ‘Assertion’, in P. Cole (ed.), Syntax and Semantics 9: Pragmatics, New York, 315-332. Verhagen, A. 2005. Constructions of Intersubjectivity: Discourse, Syntax, and Cognition, Oxford. Wakker, G.C., 1997, ‘Emphasis and Affirmation. some aspects of μήν in tragedy’, in Rijksbaron, A. (ed.), 1997, New Approaches to Greek Particles. Proceedings of the Colloquium held in Amsterdam, 4–6 January 1996, to honour C. J. Ruijgh on the occasion of his retirement, Amsterdam.
Myth of the raising vowels. The spellings
Alcorac Alonso Déniz CNRS/HiSoMA
The spelling
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However, the hypothesis of a close mid short o which could justify the above spellings is unlikely, since it runs counter to typological evidence: cross-linguistically, in languages with vowel systems which contrast both length and height, short vowels tend to be lower than long ones. As a matter of fact, the spelling <Ο> for <Υ> must be taken at face value: it represents the lowering of short u. In this paper, I will focus on the spellings
References Allen, W. S. Vox Graeca. A Guide to the Pronunciation of Classical Greek. Cambridge, 1987 (3rd edition). Bile, M. Le dialecte crétois ancien. Paris, 1988. Brixhe, Cl. “Dialecte et koinè à Kafizin”. In: Karageorghis, J. and O. Masson (ed.), The History of the Greek language in Cyprus. Larnaca, 1988: 167-180. －Phonétique et phonologie du grec ancien I. Quelques grandes questions. Louvain-la-Neuve, 1996. － “Un ‘nouveau’ champ de la dialectologie grecque: le macédonien”. In: Cassio, A. C. (ed.), KATA DIALEKTON. Atti del III colloquio internazionale di dialettologia greca. Napoli, 1999: 41–71. Dobias-Lalou, C. Le dialecte des inscriptions grecques de Cyrène. Paris, 2000. Egetmeyer, M. Le dialecte grec ancien de Chypre. Berlin, 2010. Lejeune, M. Phonétique historique du mycénien et du grec ancien. Paris, 1972. Méndez Dosuna, J. “Ancient Macedonian as a Greek dialect: A critical survey on recent work”. In: G. Giannakis (ed.), Ancient Macedonia. Language, History, Culture. Thessaloniki, 2012: 133-145. Schwyzer, E. Griechische Grammatik I Allgemeiner Teil, Lautlehre, Wortbildung, Flexion. Munich, 1939.
“Entwining Greek with Asian Speech”: An Example of Secondary Foreigner Talk in Timotheus of Miletus’ Persae
Milena Anfosso University of California, Los Angeles | Sorbonne University, Paris
After the conquest of the Lydian capital Sardis by Cyrus the Great in 546 BC, the complex geopolitical situation of Anatolia was reduced for the first time to political and administrative unity. However, the ethnolinguistic context remained heterogeneous thanks to the tolerant linguistic policy of the Persians (Basello 2013). The linguistic repertoire of Anatolia during the Achaemenid Era included many varieties: the dominators’ languages, old Persian and Aramaic; the epichoric languages, one of which was Phrygian; and Greek, whose penetration into the intermediate zone between the western coast and the Anatolian hinterland was promoted by the Achaemenid administration (Asheri 1983: 15–17). In this multilingual context, the scene represented by Timotheus of Miletus in his nome Persae (late 5th century BC) is not implausible. In one of the direct speeches describing the Battle of Salamis (480 BC), the poet decides to give the floor to a Phrygian soldier from Kelainai, engaged in the Persian army. After having been seized by his Greek aggressor and dragged by the hair (140–149), the Phrygian soldier begs him to spare his life, speaking in broken Greek (150–161). The incomplete linguistic competence of a non-native speaker in a target language is known as a linguistic register called broken language (Ferguson – DeBose 1977), which can
6 be easily imitated by a native speaker through a register called secondary foreigner talk (Hinnenkamp 1982: 40–41). In a literary context, this secondary foreigner talk is a very precise technique that aims to obtain different effects, from mimetic realism to humorous parody, according to the author’s needs (Traugott – Pratt, 1980: 358–397). Through his attempt to reproduce the overall effect of the Phrygian soldier’s imperfect knowledge of Greek, Timotheus connects himself to a tradition already established by Ancient Comedy (cf. Aristophanes: Scythian archer, Thesmophoriazousae; Pseudartabas, Acharnians; Triballic God, Birds). Several studies have been devoted to these passages, including from a sociolinguistic point of view (Brixhe 1988, 2012; Willi 2003: 198–225), but this has never been done before for Timotheus’ Phrygian soldier. Commentators (among the most recent ones: Janssen 1984; Hordern 2002; Sevieri 2011; Lambin 2013) have often focused on the “grammatical mistakes” present in the Phrygian’s speech, considering their analysis as an end in itself. However, it seems much more interesting to situate these deviations from the norm of Greek language in the framework of secondary foreigner talk, in order to understand the strategies used by Timotheus to reproduce in a credible way the type of Greek spoken by the Phrygian. In light of the latest knowledge of Phrygian, it is possible to see the extent to which Timotheus pushed his mimesis, allowing us to identify the elements of the Phrygian’s speech that would actually be compatible with an Ionic Greek dialect learned by a non-native speaker of Phrygian origin, and to distinguish them from those attributable only to the poet’s linguistic creativity in the literary secondary foreigner talk.
References
Asheri, David. 1983. Fra ellenismo e iranismo: studi sulla società e cultura di Xanthos nella età achemenide. Bologna: Pàtron.
Basello, Gian Pietro. 2013. “Le unità amministrative dell’impero achemenide (satrapie): il potere percepito dai popoli sottomessi e le immagini di ritorno”. Ricerche storico bibliche 25. 37–97.
Brixhe, Claude. 1988. “La langue de l’étranger non grec chez Aristophane”. L’étranger dans le monde grec: actes du colloque organisé par l’Institut d’Études Anciennes, Nancy, mai 1987 (ed. Lonis, Raoul). Nancy: Presses Universitaires de Nancy. 113–137.
—. 2012. “Le pseudo-pidgin de l’étranger non grec chez Aristophane”. Folia graeca in honorem Edouard Will: Linguistica (eds. Brixhe, Claude, Vottéro, Guy). Nancy: Association pour la Diffusion de la Recherche sur l’Antiquité (A.D.R.A.). 65–81.
Ferguson, Charles A., DeBose, Charles E. 1977. “Simplified Registers, Broken Language, and Pidginization”. Pidgin and Creole Linguistics (ed. Valdman, Albert). Bloomington/London: Indiana University Press. 99–125.
Hinnenkamp, Volker. 1982. Foreigner Talk und Tarzanisch: Eine vergleichende Studie über die Sprechweise gegenüber Ausländern am Beispiel des Deutschen und des Türkischen. Hamburg: Helmut Buske Verlag.
Hordern, James. 2002. The Fragments of Timotheus of Miletus. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
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Janssen, Tittje H. 1984. Timotheus, Persae. A Commentary. Amsterdam: Adolf M. Hakkert.
Lambin, Gérard. 2013. Timothée de Milet. Le poète et le musicien. Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes.
Sevieri, Roberta. 2011. Timoteo. I Persiani. Milano: La vita felice.
Traugott, Elizabeth C., Pratt, Mary L. 1980. Linguistics for Students of Literature. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.
Willi, Andreas. 2003. The Languages of Aristophanes. Aspects of Linguistic Variation in Classical Attic Greek. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Zurück zum „Pelasgischen“? Ein neuer Interpretationsvorschlag
Ján Bakyta Department of Greek and Latin Studies, Faculty of Arts, Charles University, Prague
Die Sprachkontakte des Griechischen im vormykenischen Zeitalter, für das man keine vollständig und sicherlich gedeutete schriftliche Quellen zur Verfügung hat, stellen für die Forschung nach wie vor ein recht problematisches und umstrittenes Thema dar. Als fast allgemein akzeptierte Meinung könnte aber zur Zeit gelten, dass die Benutzer des Griechischen (als die Muttersprache) im Griechenland mit den Sprechern zumindest einer nichtindogermanischen „vorgriechischen“ Sprache im Kontakt gelebt haben, wovon u.a. die griechischen Lexeme offensichtlich nichtindogermanischen Ursprungs zeugen. Eine vor allem in der dritten Viertel des 20. Jahrhunderts lebendige Forschungsrichtung (V. Georgiev, A. J. Van Windekens, W. Merlingen...) hat für die Vorgeschichte des Griechischen auf dem Boden des Griechenlands auch (oder: ausschließlich) eine, vorwiegend als Pelasgisch bezeichnete, indogermanische Kontaktsprache (oder aber sogar zwei indogermanische Kontaktsprachen; dann tritt auch ein sog. „Psisprache“/„Psigriechisch“ dazu) postuliert. Die Grundlage dafür waren ebenfalls die Wörter des altgriechischen Korpus, in diesem Fall allerdings solche indogermanisch anmutende, phonetisch jedoch offenbar ungriechische. Obwohl das von den erwähnten Forschern vorgebrachte Material allzu oft kaum überzeugend wirkte sowie für die Sicherung der ehemaligen Existenz „vorgriechischer“ indogermanischen Sprachen ungenügend war und obwohl sich das Thema seit fast einem halben Jahrhundert keiner ernstlichen Diskussion mehr erfreut, gibt es im Griechischen doch wenigstens ein paar Wörter, bei denen sich über eine indogermanische, zugleich aber keine problemlose griechische, Etymologie nachzudenken lässt, wenn nicht sogar aufdringt, wie ab und zu zugegeben worden ist (der Paradebeispiel wäre σῦς – in diesem Fall sogar mit einem „echtgriechischen“ Gegenstück ὗς; weiter etwa πύργος, τύμβος u.a.). Es gibt eine Möglichkeit, diesen Befund zu interpretieren, die eine Art Kombination der „pelasgologischen“ und traditionellen Sichtweise ist und die ziemlich naheliegend ist, an die aber erstaunlicherweise, wie es scheint, bisher nicht gedacht wurde: Die Griechen haben die fraglichen Lexeme von der ursprünglicheren Bevölkerung Griechenlands übernommen, deren Sprache(n), wie die überwiegende Meinung lautet, wirklich nicht indogermanisch war (waren). Die Sprecher dieser Sprachen haben aber seinerseits diese – etymologisch natürlich
8 indogermanische, wie die Pelasgologen behaupteten – Wörter schon früher von den Griechen (aus dem Griechischen bzw. seiner Vorform) übernommen. Es geht also im Griechischen um Rückentlehnungen. Ich möchte diese grundsätzliche Überlegung zur Diskussion stellen. Sollte dieser Vorschlag akzeptiert werden und sich etymologisch als zumindest einigermaßen nützlich erweisen, würde er hoffentlich auch einige neue Einsichten in die Entwicklung des Griechischen sowie in die Kontaktsituationen der Sprecher dieser Sprache erlauben.
Modality and Injunctive in Homeric Greek: the case of counterfactual and epistemic constructions
Annamaria Bartolotta & Daniel Kölligan Università di Palermo, Universität zu Köln
Homeric unaugmented aorists and imperfects are the oldest verbal forms attested in Greek, which continue the so-called Indo-European ‘injunctives’. The latter were inflectionally underspecified as regards verbal categories such as tense or mood (Hoffmann 1967; Kiparsky 1968). Thus, the question arises as to how the attitude of the speaker towards the content of his utterance was expressed. The aim of this paper is to investigate the role of epistemic particles co-occurring with injunctives in the Iliad and the Odyssey, focusing in particular on past counterfactual constructions. Crosslinguistic studies have shown that such modal constructions reflect the universal semantic distinction between realis and irrealis (Wierzbicka 1997: 38). Specifically, the data show epistemic particles like ἄρα, δή, που, etc. (cf. Denniston 1954) occurring in the if-clause or protasis, which is usually made of εἰ μὴ + injunctive or past indicative and refers to an actual event in the past for which the outcome is already known. Differently, the main clause or apodosis is always (lexically) marked by the irrealis particle κέν + injunctive or past indicative, as also expected in a typological perspective (Elliott 2000), and refers to a potential event in the past, which in fact never happened (see also Hettrich 1998). The analysis of all the occurrences of such complex constructions shows a not random distribution of those epistemic particles, whose frequency significantly decreases when the protasis has an indicative rather than an injunctive. It might be argued that the use of epistemic particles was initially the only (lexical) means to express the speaker’s commitment to the truth of a proposition, while the more recent indicative tensed forms rendered them redundant at a later stage, since the verb was already inflected according to modality. Another piece of evidence in favour of this hypothesis comes from the use of the epistemic verb μέλλω that develops into a periphrastic marker for future tense, especially as a future in the past (cf. Allan 2017). The Homeric poems show most instances of the unaugmented 3SG occurring with an epistemic particle, while there is variation with the augmented form. The remainder of the paper will discuss the development of the various readings of μέλλω in the epic language both in combination with and without epistemics.
References Allan, Rutger J. 2017. ‘The History of the Future: Grammaticalization and Subjectification in Ancient Greek Future Expressions’. In Lambert F., Allan R. J., and Markopoulos T. (Eds), The Greek Future and Its History = Le Futur Grec et Son Histoire, Bibliothèque Des Cahiers de l’Institut de Linguistique de Louvain, 139. Leuven, Peeters, pp. 43–72. Denniston, J. D. 1954. The Greek particles. 2nd ed. Oxford, Clarendon Press.
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Elliott, J. R. 2000. Realis and irrealis: Forms and concepts of the grammaticalisation of reality, «Linguistic typology» 4 (1), 55-90. Kiparsky, P. 1968. Tense and mood in Indo-European syntax, «Foundations of Language» 4, 30-57. Hettrich, H. 1998. ‘Die Entstehung des homerischen Irrealis der Vergangenheit’. In Jasanoff J., Melchert H. C., Oliver L. (Eds), Mír Curad. Studies in honor of Calvert Watkins, Innsbruck, Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft, pp. 261-270. Hoffmann, K. 1967. Der injunktiv im Veda: eine synchronische Funktionsuntersuchung. Heidelberg, Carl Winter Universitätsverlag. Wierzbicka, A. 1997. ‘Conditionals and counterfactuals: conceptual primitives and linguistic universals’. In Athanasiadou, A. & Dirven, R. (Eds), On Conditionals Again, Amsterdam, John Benjamins, pp. 15-59.
Some new old u-stem adjectives in Greek
Roberto Batisti Università di Bologna, Dipartimento di Filologia Classica e Italianistica
Even after De Lamberterie’s (1990) masterful study, the morphology and semantics of u-stem adjectives in Ancient Greek are still a fruitful field for linguistic research, as I try to show in three separate case studies, applying a combined methodology of philological investigation and comparative Indo-European reconstruction. Inner-Greek and comparative evidence enables us to reconstruct an adjective in -ús which was lost early in its simple form. An adj. *tr̥sú- (root *ters- ‘dry’) is attested in several IE languages (Ved. tṛṣú-, Avest. taršu-, Goth. þaursus); Wackernagel (1897:17) and De Lamberterie (1990:701-14) argued that it is also preserved in Gr. τραυλός ‘lisping, stammering’, continuing *tr̥s-u-ló- with a ‘complex Caland suffix’ (cf. δαυλός ‘thick, shaggy’ < *dn̥s-u-ló- besides δασύς < *dn̥s-ú-). Accepting their phonetic derivation, I propose to derive this word from an homophonous *tr̥sú- (root *tres- ‘tremble’) which would fit better the semantic nuances of τραυλός in ancient sources. An adj. *tr̥sú- ‘moving quickly, quivering’ could also lie behind some occurrences of tṛṣú- in the Rigveda (Debrunner 1954:566), thus projecting this form back to (Late?) PIE. An adj. *agú- can be tentatively reconstructed on the basis of fem. plur. ἀγυιαί ‘streets’, a morphological archaism as shown by its oxytone accentuation (Lundquist 2017:23-60), possibly cognate with Armenian acu ’garden bed’. I argue that additional evidence for this adjective can be found in ἄγυρις ‘gathering, assembly’, comparing θαμύς ‘thick, packed, crowded’, attested in plur. m. θαμέες, f. θαμειαί (cf. ἀγυιαί) and in several derivatives (De Lamberterie 1990:664-675, Anttila 2000:44) including a fem. noun θάμυρις ‘assembly’ (an i-stem abstract from θαμυρός ’crowded’), which presents us with a near- perfect formal and semantic match for ἄγυρις. Lastly, a Gr. adj. *λαφύς ’greedy’ (root *labh- ’take, seize, grasp’, Ved. rabh-/labh-; possibly also in εἴληφα ’I took’, cf. Ringe 1984) is tentatively posited on the basis of neut. plur. λάφυρα ’spoils’ and of the epithet Λαφύστιος ’devourer’, which I propose to derive from *labhu-h1d- ’eating greedily’. Possible cognates inside and outside Greek are discussed, including the obscure divine epithet Λάφριος/-α.
Anttila, R., Greek and Indo-European Etymology in Action, Amsterdam 2000. Debrunner, A., Altindische Grammatik. Band II.2: die Nominalsuffixe, Göttingen 1954. de Lamberterie, Ch., Les adjectifs grecs en -υς, Louvain-la-Neuve 1990.
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Lundquist, J., Archaisms and Innovations in the Songs of Homer, PhD diss., UCLA, 2017. Ringe, D.A., ‘εἴληφα and the aspirated perfect’, «Glotta» 62 (1984), 125-141. Wackernagel, J., Vermischte Beiträge zur griechischen Sprachkunde, Basel 1897.
Deictic shifts in Greek contractual writing
Klaas Bentein Ghent University
Studies of Greek contractual writing typically distinguish between ‘objectively’ and ‘subjectively’ styled contracts (see e.g. Mitteis 1963; Palme 2009). As traditional terminology indicates, these two types of contracts have different vantage points or ‘deictic centers’ (cf. Zubin & Hewitt 1995), and accordingly also different personal references: with the former type, the scribe or someone else forms the deictic center, so references to the contracting parties are in the third person. In subjectively styled contracts, on the other hand, the initiating contracting party forms the deictic center, so references are in the first and second person. Contrast, for example, the first lines of the following two contracts:
(1) βούλομαι μισθώσασθαι παρὰ σοῦ τὰς ὑπα[ρχού]σας σοι περὶ τὴ(ν) αὐτὴν κώμην ὁρι[οδ]ικ[τί]ας Κερκεσούχω(ν) σιτεικὰς ἀρούρ[ας] τέ[σ]σαρας ἢ ὅσας ἐὰν ὦσι κτλ. (P.Cair.Isid.100, ll. 4-8 (296 AD))
“ I wish to lease from you the four arouras sown in grain, or however many they may be, which belong to you in the vicinity of the same village, in the horiodeiktia of Kerkesoucha etc.”
(2) ὁμολογοῦ[σι] ἀλλήλοις Ὡρίων Ὡρίωνος τοῦ Μενχείους … καὶ Ὧ[ρος Ὥρου] τοῦ Πετεύριος … διειρῆσθαι πρὸς ἑαυτοὺς κτλ. (P.Mich.3.187, ll. 2-4 (75 ΑD))
“Horion, son of Horion, the son of Menches … and Horos son of Horos, the son of Peteuris … acknowledge that they have divided between themselves etc.”
In this paper, I will show that the distinction between these two major types was not always strictly upheld: in many contracts, one finds subtle changes of perspective, so-called ‘deictic shifts’ (see e.g. McIntyre 2006:91-121), as reflected in divergent personal references. These typically take the form of subtle intrusions – either objective intrusions in subjectively styled contracts, or subjective intrusions in objectively styled contracts. Consider the following example, where the use of the third person reflexive pronoun ἑαυτῆς intrudes in an otherwise subjectively written phrase:
(3) Ἀρσιν[όη] Ἡρακλείδου μετὰ κυ̣ρ̣ί̣ο̣υ̣ ἐμοῦ τοῦ ἑαυτῆς ἀν[δ]ρὸς Λυσιμάχου τοῦ Λυσιμάχου ὁμολ̣ο̣γ̣ῶ̣ ἐξίστασθαι κτλ. (P.Mich.5.350, l. 22 (37 AD))
“I, Arsinoe, daughter of Herakleides, with her guardian, my husband Lysimachos, son of Lysimachos, acknowledge that I have released etc.”
A number of reasons can be suggested for the occurrence of such deictic shifts: objective intrusions, which involve considering the contracting parties from a third-party point of view, can be related to the fact that it is unnatural for the scribe to write in the first
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person, and not assume himself to be the deictic center. Subjective intrusions, in which one of the contracting parties becomes the deictic center, are less frequent and more complex to explain: possible factors contributing to such intrusions include one of the contracting parties acting as the scribe, or the introduction of persons triggering a different point of view.
In the final part of my paper, I will show that deictic shifts are not necessarily limited to one or two subtle objective or subjective intrusions. Some documents display more elaborate deictic alternations, in which the point of view is shifted multiple times. That such documents exist, testifies to a broader confusion between the two major types of stylization.
References
McIntyre, D. 2006. Point of view in plays. A cognitive stylistic approach to viewpoint in drama and other text-types. Amsterdam. Mitteis, L. & U. Wilcken. 1963. Grundzüge und Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde. Zweiter Band: juristischer teil. Erste hälfte: Grundzüge (von L. Mitteis). Leipzig & Berlin. Palme, B. 2009. The range of documentary texts: Types and categories. In: R.S. Bagnall (ed.), Oxford handbook of papyrology, 358-394. New York. Zubin, D.A. & L.E. Hewitt. 1995. The deictic center: A theory of deixis in narrative. In: D.A. Zubin & L.E. Hewitt (eds.), Deixis in narrative, a Cognitive Science perspective, 129-158. Hillsdale, N.J.
Καὶ τί ἂν εἰπεῖν τις ἔχοι; Expression(s) of Focus in questions in Demosthenes
Nicolas Bertrand and Richard Faure Université Côte d’Azur, CNRS, BCL, France
It is now firmly established that the word order in Ancient Greek (AG) expresses information structure (Bertrand 2010; Dik 1995; Matić 2003). Specifically, two focus positions have been identified in declarative clauses: one immediately before the verb (1), and one at the end of the clause, when the communicative context licences a narrow reading of the focus domain consisting of the verb followed by other focal elements (2).
(1) Non-ratified topics — Focus — Verb — Ratified topics — Other presupposed elements (2) Non-ratified topics — [ Verb — Ratified topics — Focus elements ]Focus domain
However cross-linguistically, the word order in interrogative clauses is often different from the canonical declarative word order, e.g. subjects are postverbal in English. So, what about the word order in AG questions? Since WH-words are narrow focus constituents (Lambrecht and Michaelis 1998; Rochemont 1986), they are expected to be located in one of the two focus positions: Final (in situ) or preverbal. An exhaustive survey of the constituent questions in Demosthenes’ political speeches shows that both strategies are used (3–4):
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(3) In situ: ταῦτα δ’ ἐστὶ τί ; (9.39) NRTop CONJ Verb WHFoc (4) Preverbal: ἀλλὰ Θετταλία πῶς ἔχει; (9.26) CONJ NRTop WHFoc Verb
Nevertheless, we claim that a different analysis of those examples is preferable. First, there are instances where the WH-word is separated from the verb by one or more constituents. Some of them can be explained away, since they fall into a class of postpositive elements, i.e. constituents that form a unit with their prosodic host: clitics, parenthetics, vocatives, or even Ratified Topic (RTop) expressions, which have been shown to be postpositive too (Bertrand 2009) (5).
(5) ἂν δ’ ἐκεῖνα Φίλιππος λάβῃ, τίς αὐτὸν κωλύσει δεῦρο βαδίζειν; (1.25) WHFoc RTop Verb
However, we also found elements between the WH-word and the verb which cannot be postpositive: non-ratified topics (6) or contrastive (potentially focal) expressions (7).
(6) ἢ πότεροι τοὺς ἱππέας προὔδοσαν […]; (9.56) CONJ WHFoc NRTop Verb
(7) ποῖ γὰρ αὐτὸς τρέψεται μετὰ ταῦτα; (14.31) WHFoc CONJ FocR? Verb Adverbial
Second, the position of clitics in many instances (about one quarter of the corpus) shows that in WH-interrogatives, the WH-word constitutes an independent prosodic domain (Goldstein 2015: 200–14) (8).
(8) (τί)φ (ἐποίησεν =ἄν)φ; (31.09)
Last, the WH-constituent is sometimes split (9):
(9) τίν' ἂν οὗτος ἀξίαν τῶν πεπραγμένων ὑπόσχοι δίκην; (54.22) WHFoc PTC TopR FocR Verb TopR
We argue that there is a dedicated slot at the beginning of the clause for WH- constituents (WHFoc), and that the WH-word rises stepwise to the left periphery: It first stops in the preverbal focus position before moving up to the WH-focus position. Instances like (9) would then be a case of stranding, with parts of the constituent being left at every step: δίκην in its original position, ἀξίαν τῶν πεπραγμένων in FocR, and τίν' in WHFoc. Accordingly, cases like (4) where the WH-word is apparently in the preverbal focus position are amenable to such an analysis, since everything that precedes the WH-word can be viewed as extraclausal (circumstancials, themes, etc.). Even in seemingly unproblematic examples, the position of clitics results from such stranding, as in (10) where εἰπεῖν is stranded in the FocR position.
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(10) ( καὶ= τί =ἂν )φ ( εἰπεῖν =τις ἔχοι; )φ (3.29) CONJ WHFoc PTC FocR PRO Verb
Bertrand, Nicolas (2009), 'Les pronoms postpositifs dans l’ordre des mots en grec: Domaines syntaxiques, domaines pragmatiques', Lalies. Actes des sections de linguistique et de littérature [d’Aussois], 29, 227–252. — (2010), L’ordre des mots chez Homère: Structure informationnelle, localisation et progression du récit, Unpublished PhD dissertation (https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel- 01702387) Dik, Helma J. M. (1995), Word order in ancient Greek: A pragmatic account of word order variation in Herodotus, (Amsterdam studies in classical philology; Amsterdam: J.-C. Gieben). Goldstein, David M. (2015), Classical Greek Syntax: Wackernagel's Law in Herodotus (Brill's Studies in Indo-European Languages & Linguistics; Leiden: E. J. Brill). Lambrecht, Knud and Michaelis, Laura A. (1998), 'Sentence accent in information questions: default and projection', Linguistics and Philosophy, 21 (5), 477–544. Matić, Dejan (2003), 'Topic, focus, and discourse structure: Ancient Greek word order', Studies in Language, 27 (3), 573–633. Rochemont, Michael S (1986), Focus in Generative Grammar (Studies in Generative Linguistic Analysis, Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company).
Anatolian Lexicon in Mycenaean Greek
Michele Bianconi University of Oxford
Mycenaean Greek, just like first-millennium alphabetic Greek, contains a substantial number of lexical items which are not directly inherited, and which are commonly defined as “non-Greek”. Francisco Aura Jorro’s Diccionario Micénico (which does not include the newer data from Thebes, Iklaina and Hagios Vasileios) reports more than fifty items that some scholars identified as borrowings from an Anatolian language (Hittite and Luwian are traditionally used as the main comparanda). Most of these supposed isoglosses are controversial, at least to a certain extent, and a case-by-case approach is needed in order to disentangle borrowings from items inherited from PIE into Greek, or to identify possible independent developments of the two branches. In this paper, I will present the results of a re-examination of the (supposed) Anatolian lexicon in Mycenaean Greek, including onomastic material (e.g. mo-qo-so in KN De 1381, ru-wa-ni-jo in KN X 7706 + 8108, and the anthroponyms in pi-ja°: e.g. pi-ja-ma-so, pi- ja-mu-nu, pi-ja-se-me, pi-ja-si-ro), and some ‘classical’ (e.g. di-pa, ku-wa-no) and less discussed (o-nu in KN Ld 584 +, po-ro-wi-to in PY Fr 1221 +, wo-no-wa-ti-si in PY Vn 48) case studies. The goal is to offer an overall reflection based on a systematic review of the available evidence, which could shed some light on the linguistic interactions in the Aegean and in the Eastern Mediterranean in the Late Bronze Age, and on the degree of language contact which took place between speakers of the earliest form of Greek we possess and the speakers of the second-millennium Indo-European languages of Anatolia.
References AURA JORRO, F. 1995, Diccionario micénico, Madrid : Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Instituto de Filología. EVANGELISTI, E. 1966, Graecia Asianica II, «ASGM» 15-16: 6-8.
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GASBARRA, V. – POZZA, M. 2012, Fenomeni di interferenza greco-anatolica nel II millennio A.C.: l’ittito come mediatore tra mondo indoeuropeo e mondo non indoeuropeo, «AION» 1 (n.s.): 165-214. GARCÍA RAMÓN, J.L. 2011, Mycenaean Onomastics, in Y. Duhoux – A. Morpurgo Davies (edd.) A companion to linear B. Mycenaean Greek texts and their world, Louvain-la-Neuve / Walpole: Peeters: 213-251. HAJNAL, I. forthcoming (2018), Graeco-Anatolian Contacts in the Mycenaean Period, in Fritz, M.A. –Joseph, B.D. – Klein, J.S. (eds.), Comparative Indo-European Linguistics. An International Handbook of Language Comparison and the Reconstruction of Indo-European, Berlin/New York. MELCHERT, H.C. 2008, Greek mólybdos as a loanword from Lydian, in B.J. Collins – M.R. Bachvarova – I.C. Rutherford (edd.) Anatolian Interfaces: Hittite, Greeks and their Neighbours. Proceedings of an International Conference on Cross-Cultural Interaction (September 17-19, 2004, Emory University, Atlanta, GA), Oxford: Oxbow: 153-157. MILANI, C. 2001, Onomastica micenea e onomastica anatolica, in O. Carruba – W. Meid (hrsg.) Anatolisch und Indogermanisch. Anatolico e Indoeuropeo. Akten del Kolloquiums der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft. Pavia, 22.-25. September 1998, Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachen und Literaturen der Universität Innsbruck: 273-290. MORPURGO DAVIES, A. 1986, The linguistic evidence: is there any?, in G. Cadogan (ed.) The end of early Bronze Age in the Aegean, Leiden: Brill: 93-123. NEGRI, M. 1981, Miceneo e lingua omerica, Firenze: La Nuova Italia. OETTINGER, N. 2008, The Seer Mospus (Muksas) as a Historical Figure, in Collins, B.J. – Bachvarova, M.R. – Rutherford, I. (edd.) Anatolian Interfaces. Hittites, Greeks and their Neighbours, Oxford: Oxbow: 63-66. SZEMERÉNYI, O. 1977, Review of: P. Chantraine Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque. Histoire des mots. Tome III: Λ-Π, «GNOMON» 49/1: 1-10 WATKINS, C. 2007, The Golden Bowl: thoughts on the New Sappho and its Asianic Background, «CA» 26/2: 305-324. WIDMER, P. 2006, Mykenisch RU-WA-NI-JO ,Luwier’, «Kadmos» 45: 82-84.
Discourse segmentation in Herodotus and Thucydides: Suggestions from medieval punctuation
Anna Bonifazi Universität zu Köln/University of Cologne
This paper compares punctuation in the OCT editions and in two medieval manuscripts of Herodotus and Thucydides’ Histories. When we read an OCT edition of either historian, we process intuitively not only words but also punctuation markers. We may stop reading when we find a full stop, for example, or we might infer from a comma the boundary of a certain phrase or clause. However, we (and our students) tend to forget that those full stops and commas have not been transmitted directly from antiquity. They represent the result—an interpretive result—of a complex cultural and philological operation where readability, writing rules, syntactic clarity, and the comparison with previous editions (sometimes including pre-print editions) are considered at once. The first part of the paper zooms in on two passages from each historian, and illustrates the differences between the medieval punctuation adopted in Laurentianus A, the
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oldest extant manuscript of Herodotus (dating back to the 10th century CE) as well as in the manuscript β M of Thucydides (British Museum 11727, dating back to the 11th century CE), and the modern punctuation adopted in the two respective OCT editions. The theoretical implication of this part is what we can infer about the different position, size, and the nature of the discourse boundaries being indicated. The practical implication consists in facing possible shifts of meaning and of syntactical arrangement that depend on which segmentation is “read”. The second part complements the analysis by adding input from three related topics: punctuation in antiquity and in early print editions; the macro-segmentation reflected in section and chapter divisions; and, finally, contemporary thoughts about prose colometry, intonational phrases, and discourse acts—all of them actually matching medieval more than modern segmentation strategies. The overall picture is a variety of criteria followed by readers, scribes, teachers, and philologists across centuries. Such a variety questions the idea of “the” right punctuation to be adopted (and published), and, perhaps more remarkably, it questions assessments about the length and shape of periods and sentences. The paper concludes by suggesting how much more reliable than punctuation are the words and their order in guiding us through the articulation of the text, and which linguistic constructions or patterns are likely to indicate a minor or major discourse boundary.
Bonifazi, A. 2016. Particle Use in Herodotus and Thucydides. Volume IV (142.064 words) in Particles in Ancient Greek Discourse. Five Volumes Exploring Particle Use Across Genres, A. Bonifazi, A. Drummen, and M. De Kreij. Washington D.C.: Center for Hellenic Studies. http://chs.harvard.edu/CHS/article/display/6391. Fraenkel, E. 1933. “Kolon und Satz II. Beobachtungen zur Gliederung des Antiken Satzes.” Nachrichten der Göttinger Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse, 319–354. Goldstein, D. M. 2016. Classical Greek Syntax: Wackernagel’s Law in Herodotus. Leiden. Habinek, T. N. 1985. The Colometry of Latin Prose. University of California Publications. Classical Studies 25. Berkeley. Hemmendinger, B. 1955. Essai sur l’histoire du texte de Thucydide. Collection d’études anciennes. Paris. ———------. 1981. Les manuscrits d’Hérodote et la critique verbale. Pubblicazioni dell’Istituto di filologia classica e medievale 72. Genoa. Parkes, M. B. 1992. Pause and Effect. An Introduction to the History of Punctuation in the West. Aldershot. Scheppers, F. 2011. The Colon Hypothesis: word order, discourse segmentation and discourse coherence in Ancient Greek. Brussels: Vubpress.
Exclamative nominatives and nominatives pro vocatives in Ancient Greek: a possible distinction?
Giulia Bucci “La Sapienza”, University of Rome
The absolute uses of the nominative case, namely its secondary extrasyntactical functions, consist in lists, quotations, anacolutha and exclamations.
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In this contribution we are interested in exclamations, in particular those expressing evaluations, generally referred to a first (Ὦ πόλλ’ἐγὼ μοχθηρός ‘oh unhappy me!’ S. Ph., 254) or a third person (κατέκτανεν ᾦ ἐνὶ οὶκῳ, σχέτλιος ‘he killed him in his house, how mad!’ Od., XXI, 27-28). Between the examples collected by grammarians, however, there are sentences with a so-called ‘exclamative nominative’ in contexts referred to a second person too, without any distinction (Δημοβόρος βασιλεύς, ἐπεὶ οὐτιδανοῖσιν ἀνάσσεις ‘People-devouring king, since you rule over nobodies’ Il., 1, 231). We wonder if, in these latter circumstances, it is possible to effectively distinguish between an exclamation or a real case of nominative pro vocative. Firstly, we will then try to define the concepts of neutralization and substitution in order to apply them to the categories of nominative and vocative cases. We are going to show how the phenomenon of nominative pro vocative does not correspond to a neutralization, neither in terms of markedness nor if we intend neutralization as the total lack of syntactic relevance of the feature (case) value within a given context (Baerman, Brown, Corbett 2005: 30). The use of a nominative instead of a vocative is not a systematic phenomenon and it does not imply the neutralization of the distinction between the two cases. It only implies the expression of the feature value in an unexpected way. The real neutralization of the case value, instead, is observable within the secondary uses of the nominative. Our first aim is to demonstrate how the main contact point between nominative and vocative has to be seen not in all the absolute uses of the nominative, for the extrasyntactical feature in common with the vocative, but rather it originates in those exclamative contexts where the line between neutralization and substitution is quite fine. It is possible to prove this with couple of sentences where the same terms occur in similar contexts, both in the nominative and vocative: a) Τὶ δ’ ὦ τάλας, σε τοῦδ’ ἔχει πλέκους χρέος; ‘Why needest thou that wicker, thou poor wretch’ (Aristoph., Acharn., 454). b) Μὴ σκῶπτέ μ’ ὦ τάλαν, ἀλλʹἕπου δεῦρ’ ὡς ἐμέ ‘Stop making fun of me, you wretched man! […]’ (Aristoph. Eccl., 1005). In order to investigate the problem, we made a systematic analysis on Aristophanes’ comedies, by collecting and classifying all the exclamations and addresses in the nominative and vocative, excluding ambiguous forms, in three groups. Examples like (a) and (b) can be put in a particular area -that we defined phatic- expressive one- where there is a contact with a second person as well as the expression of an emotion or a feeling towards the interlocutor. Nominative and vocative forms alternate indistinctly within this area, starting from where the phenomenon of nominative pro vocative should have occurred in all its typologies.
Essential bibliography: Baerman, M., Brown, D., Corbett, G. G. The Syntax Morphology Interface. A Study of Syncretism, Cambridge University Press, 2005. Belardi W. L’opposizione privativa. Appendice: le occlusive del coreano in “Quaderni della sezione linguistica degli annali”, VII, Napoli, 1970. Belardi W. Linguistica e poetica di Roman Jakobson, in Linguistica generale, filologia e critica dell’espressione, Bonacci, Roma, 1990, pp. 357-430. Blake, B. J. Case, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2001.
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Brugmann K., Thumb A. Griechische Grammatik, Lautlehre, Stammbildungs und Flexionslehre, Syntax, München, 1913, IV ed. Calboli, G. La linguistica moderna e il latino. I casi, Bologna, Pàtron, 1972. Cantineau J. Principes de Phonologie, Paris, Klincksieck, 1957 (French transl. of Trubetzkoy, N. S. Grundzüge der Phonologie, 1939). Chantraine, P. Grammaire homérique, Tome II, Syntaxe, Paris, Klincksieck, 1953. Ciancaglini, C. A. Per una valutazione dei fondamenti teorici della marcatezza, in Cipriano P., Di Giovine P., Mancini M. (eds.) Miscellanea di studi linguistici in onore di Walter Belardi, Il Calamo, Roma, 1994, vol. II, 811-845. Croitor, B., Hill, V. Vocatives, in Dobrovie-Sorin, C. e Giurgea, I. (eds.), A Reference Grammar of Romanian. 1: The noun phrase, John Benjamins Publishing Company, Amsterdam / Philadelphia, 2013, pp. 801-826. D’Avis, F., Meibauer, J. Du Idiot! Din idiot! Pseudo-vocative Cconstructions and Insults in German (and Swedish), in Sonnenhauser, B., Noel Aziz Anna, P. (eds.) Vocative! Addressing Between System and Performance, De Gruyter Mouton, Berlin-Boston, 2013. De Groot, A. W. Classifications of Cases and Uses of Cases, in Halle, M. (a cura di), For Roman Jakobson, Mouton & Co., The Hague, pp. 187-194, 1956. Dickey, E. Greek Forms of Address From Herodotus to Lucian, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1996. Donati, M. Il vocativo nel processo identitario dell’interazione linguistica, Monaco, Lincom Europa, 2013. Dunbar, H. A Complete Concordance to the Comedies and Fragments of Aristophanes, George Olms Verlag, Hildesheim, New York, 1973. Ernout A., Thomas F. Syntaxe latine, 2e éd., Paris, Klincksieck, 1959. Fink, R. O. Person in Nouns: is the Vocative a Case?, in “American Journal of Philology”, 93, n. 1, 1972, pp. 61-68. Gildersleeve, B. Syntax of Classical Greek. From Homer to Demosthenes, Groningen, 1980. Haspelmath, M. Understanding Morphology, Arnold, London, 2002. Hill, V. Vocatives. How Syntax meets with Pragmatics, Brill, Leiden-Boston, 2014. Hoffman, J. B., Szantyr, A. Lateinische Syntax und Stilistik, München, Beck’sche Verlagsbuchandlung, 1965. Jakobson, R. The gender pattern of Russian, in Halle, M., Waugh, L. Russian and Slavic Grammar, Berlin-New York, Mouton, 1984, pp. 141-143. Jakobson, R. Shifters, Verbal Categories, and the Russian Verb (1957), in Selected Writings II, 1971, pp. 130-147. Jakobson, R. Signe zéro (1939), in Selected Writings II, 1971, pp. 211-219. Kiparsky, P. Tense and Mood in Indo-European Syntax, in “Foundation of Language” 4, 1968, pp. 30-57. Kühner, R., Gerth, B. Ausfühurliche Grammatik der griechischen Sprache, vol. II/1, Ahnsche, Hannover-Leipzig, 1898, III ed. Langslow, D. Lectures on Syntax with Special Reference to Greek, Latin and Germanic, Oxford, 2009 (trad. ingl. di Wackernagel J. Vorlesungen über Syntax, mit besonderer Berücksichtigung von Griechisch, Lateinisch und Deutsch, 2 voll., Emil Birkhäuser & Cie., Basel). Lazzeroni, R. Il nominativo esclamativo latino: un εἴδωλον scholae? In “Incontri Linguistici”, 40, 2017, pp. 77-89. Meillet, A., Vendryes, J. Traité de grammaire comparée des langues classiques, Paris, Honoré Champion, 1979, V ed.
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Michaelis, L. Exclamative constructions, in Haspelmath, M., König, E., Oesterreicher, W., and Raible, W. (eds.) Language Typology and Language Universals, Berlin, Mouton de Gruyter, 2001, pp. 1038-1058. Riemann, O. D’après les principes de la Grammaire Historique, Paris, Klincksieck, 1927. Schwyzer, E. Griechische Grammatik. Syntax und syntaktische Stilistik, vol. II, München, Beck, 1950. Serbat, G. Grammaire fondamentale du latine. Tome VI: L’emploi des cas en latin. Vol. 1: Nominatif, Vocatif, Accusatif, Génitif, Datif, Peeters, 1996. Sommerstein, A. H. The Comedies of Aristophanes, I, Acharnians, Warminster, 1980. Sommerstein, A. H. The Comedies of Aristophanes, II, Knights, Warminster, 1981. Sommerstein, A. H. The Comedies of Aristophanes, III. Clouds, Warminster 1982. Sommerstein, A. H. The Comedies of Aristophanes, IV, Wasps, Warminster, 1983. Sommerstein, A. H. The Comedies of Aristophanes, V, Peace, Warminster, 1985. Sommerstein, A. H. The Comedies of Aristophanes, VI, Birds, Warminster 1987. Sommerstein, A. H. The Comedies of Aristophanes, VII, Lysistrata, Warminster, 1990. Sommerstein, A. H. The Comedies of Aristophanes, VIII, Thesmophoriazusae, 1994. Sommerstein, A. H. The Comedies of Aristophanes, IX, Frogs, Warminster, 1996. Sommerstein, A. H. The Comedies of Aristophanes, X, Ecclesiazusae, Warminster, 1998. Sommerstein, A. H. The Comedies of Aristophanes, XI, Wealth, Warminster, 2001. Svennung, J. Anredeformen: vergleichende Forschungen zur indirekten Anrede in der dritten Person und zum Nominativ für den Vokativ, Almqvist & Wiksells Boktryckeri, Uppsala, 1958. Trnka, B. On Some Problems Of Neutralization, in Omagiu lui Iorgu Iordan cu prilejul ímplinirii a 70 de ani, Bucuresti, Editura Academiei Republicii Populare Romine, 1958, pp. 861-876 Vairel, H. The Position of the Vocative in the Latin Case System, in “American Journal of Philology”, CXX, 1981, pp. 438-447. Waugh, L. Marked and Unmarked, in “Semiotica” 1982, 38, pp. 300-318. Zwicky, A. M. Hey, Whatsyourname!, in “Proceedings from the 10th Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society”, X, 1974, pp. 787-801.
Ancient Greek -ln- clusters and 1st Compensatory Lengthening
Francesco Burroni Cornell University
An issue that remains unsettled in the study of Ancient Greek historical phonology is the exact development of intervocalic *-ln- clusters (henceforth simply *-ln- clusters). The majority of scholars (e.g. buck1933:148-9, lejeune1972:153-4, slings1975, rix1992:61, minamimoto2012, beek2013:305-12, batisti2014:256, somewhat more cautiously schwyzer1939:284) maintain that *-ln- sequence yielded a geminate *-ll- (preserved as such in Lesbian, Thessalian and Orchomenian Arcadian) and that *-ll- later simplified to -l- in all but the aforementioned dialects with compensatory lengthening of the preceding vowel (henceforth CL). Since the quality of the long vowel is identical to the one resulting from 1st CL, this change has been considered a special case of 1st CL. This position was championed by ruiperez1972 (ruiperez1972), who, on the basis of the alleged 1st CL behavior of *-ln- clusters, proposed a global reformulation of the 1st CL in terms of generalized total assimilation of the relevant clusters (a situation still preserved in Lesbian, Thessalian, and Orchomenian Arcadian) and a later across-the-board degemination with 1st CL of the preceding vowel.
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Not all scholars, however, have been convinced by this account of the facts: in the literature one can encounter explicitly dissenting voices (e.g. sihler2008:213-4), authors that tacitly assume a different development for this cluster (e.g. willi2012), as well as others that take no explicit stance on the matter but do not include this sequence among 1st CL sequences (e.g. cassio2017). In view of the lack of consensus in the literature regarding the fate of *-ln- clusters and its importance for our understanding of 1st CL as a whole, a new look at this topic is in order. In this talk I survey all of the forms that can be used to establish the fate of *-ln- clusters, paying special attention to cognates forms in other ancient Indo-European languages and epigraphical evidence in the dialects, in line with one of the main themes of this conference. The findings of this survey are that: 1. *-ln- clusters seem to have been targeted by at least one sound change because few traces of them can still be observed (only analogically restored forms, glosses and names, mostly of foreign origin). 2. None of the Ancient Greek forms cited as evidence for a 1st CL from *-ln- unambiguously points to *-ln- in the first place. The cluster is most often circularly reconstructed: alternative phonological preforms are equally possible and usually preferable. 3. There are pan-Greek forms displaying -ll- clusters that point to a preform containing *-ln- on comparative grounds. This suggest that *-ln- simply assimilated to *-ll-. 4. By further enlarging the dossier with forms not cited in the literature, one finds out that there are Ancient Greek forms, especially ‘thematized’ nasal presents with clear cognates in other Indo-European languages, with a geminate -ll- but no CL where -ll- can only go back to *-ln- because simplification of other clusters would not yield the attested outcomes. I conclude that there is no unambiguous evidence for a 1st CL behavior of *-ln- clusters. Moreover, if we assume that *-ln- clusters were eliminated with 1st CL, we are forced to assume that several pan-Greek forms with medial -ll- were either (a) borrowed in all dialects from Lesbian, Thessalian, or Orchomenian Arcadian or (b) that analogy applied vacuously to these forms, i.e. *-ln- assimilated to *-ll-, *-ll- was then analogically restored to *-ln-, but assimilation applied again yielding surface observed -ll-. It can be shown that none of these solutions is really tenable. Thus, for the time being, we should simply assume *-ln- assimilated to *-ll- with no CL. A typologically common sound change that will be motivated on phonetic gestural grounds (as already briefly pointed out by mendez1994).
The Linguistic Landscape of late Roman Sicily: Interferences and Resistances.
Marta Capano Oriental University of Naples
Although Sicily in the late Roman Empire is clearly represented by ancient authors as a multilingual environment (e.g. Expositio totius mundi et gentium, 4th century), the 20th- century scientific debate has proposed two divergent descriptions of the Sicilian linguistic landscape: while some scholars denied a deep latinization under the Roman Empire, the increasing evidence of Latin inscriptions led others to hypothesise the decline of Greek. In the last decades, new approaches to bilingualism and linguistic contact, applied to antiquity,
20 have demonstrated that the presence of a language does not imply the collapse of another one previously attested: many languages frequently coexist for long time. Multilingualism has always characterised Sicily, but during Hellenism all minority languages gradually disappeared, and the diatopic and dialectal variation of Greek converged towards a Doric κοινά. This is the situation the Romans found after the Carthaginian war. My aim is to demonstrate, both by epigraphic evidence and historical sources, that Roman Sicily was fully Greek-Latin bilingual until the end of the 5th century, and that the two languages influenced each other: Latin and Greek epigraphs show similar onomastic material and phonological and morphological features (e.g. drop of final -s and -r), as well as a number of shared set phrases (mostly from Latin). Furthermore, I argue that the persistence of Greek - especially its Doric nuance - was not a fortuitous phenomenon, but a mechanism of "koinaization" due to Sicilian pride: the Romans unified Sicily from an administrative point of view, but this new unification (the first one if we exclude Ducetius’) fostered a nationalistic pride, which built the narration of a (unreal) common "Doric Golden Age" whose language was the κοινά. The resilience of a slightly Doric Greek in Sicily was, in fact, a political reaction to the Romanization of the island and, ultimately, a result of Roman politics.
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY: Adams J.N. 2003 Bilingualism and the Latin Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Aikhenvald A.Y. & Dixon R.M.W. (eds.) 2006 Grammars in Contact: a Cross-Linguistic Typology. Oxford: Oxford University Press. BARTONĚK, A. 1973 Greek Dialects of Archaic Sicily: Their Integration Tendencies. «Graecolatina et Orientalia» V: 71-89 . Campbell, L. 2006 Areal Linguistics: A Closer Scrutiny, in Matras, Y., McMahon, A., Vincent, N. (Eds.) Linguistic Areas. Convergence in Historical and Typological Perspective. Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan. 1-31. Consani 2006 Il greco di Sicilia in età romana: forme di contatto e interferenza. In Bombi et alii (eds.) Studi linguistici in onore di Roberto Gusmani. Alessandria: Edizioni dell’Orso: 467- 481. Fanciullo, F. 2001 On the Origins of Modern Greek in Southern Italy. In Proceedings on the first international conference of Modern Greek Dialects and Linguistic Theory. Patras: University of Patras. Hickey, R.(ed.) 2010 Handbook of Language Contact. Chichester/Malden (MA): Wiley- Blackwell. Hutchinson, G.O. 2013 Greek to Latin: Frameworks and Contexts for Intertextuality. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Korhonen, K. 2011 Language and Identity in the Roman Colonies of Sicily, in Sweetman (ed.) Roman Colonies in the First Century of Their Foundation. McDonald, K. 2015 Oscan in Southern Italy and Sicily: Evaluating Language Contact in a Fragmentary Corpus. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. MULLEN, A. 2015 In both our languages. «Language and Literature» 24/3. PARLANGELI, O. 1959 Contributi allo studio della grecità siciliana in «Kokalos» 5: 211ff. Rochette, B. (2008), Le bilinguisme gréco-latin dans les communités juives d’Italie d’après les inscriptions (IIIe-VIe S.), in Biville, F., Decourt, J.-Cl. et Rougemont, G. (Eds.), Bilinguisme gréco- latin et épigraphie. Actes du colloque organisé à l’Université Lumière-Lyon 2, le 17, 18 et 19 mai 2004, Lyon: Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée-Jean Pouilloux: 273-304.
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Romaine, S. 1995 Bilingualism [2nd edition]. Oxford: Blackwell. ROHLFS, G. 1924 Griechen und Romanen in Unteritalien, «Archivum Romanicum» II/7. ROUGÉ, J. 1969 Expositio totius mundi et gentium. Paris: Collection Sources Chrétiennes. Thomason, S. G. (ed.) 1997, Contact Languages: A Wider Perspective. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamin Publishing Company. Tribulato, O. (ed.) 2008 Language and Linguistic Contact in Sicily. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Willi, A. 2008 Sikelismos. Sprache, Literatur und Gesellschaft im Griechischen Sizilien. Basel.
Measuring ambiguity and the invention of vowel-writing in Greek
Robert Crellin University of Cambridge
As is well known, the Greek alphabet was adapted from the West Semitic (WS) abjad. This abjad is, however, characterised especially early on by an almost complete absence of the denotation of vowel phonemes. Yet on the script’s adaptation for Greek vowel phonemes are consistently represented. Indeed, there are no extant examples of the WS abjad without vowels being used to write Greek (Powell 1991:10). Should the Greek alphabet be seen as a mere refinement of the alphabetic principle, where vowel writing emerges naturally from a Greek speaker hearing and applying the WS abjad to Greek (Jeffery 1961; Faber 1992), or as a radical new development, the creation of one man (Powell 1991:12), whereby ‘for the first time it is possible to puzzle out the sound of written language without being a speaker of that language’ (Powell 1989). The present paper aims to shed light on this question by looking for structural reasons for why there might have been very few, if any, attempts to write Greek without vowels. In an experimental approach, model abjads are created for Greek on the basis of WS models. These abjads are applied to represent various Archaic and Classical Greek texts, including sections of Homer, Tragedy and Classical historians. The level of ambiguity vis-à-vis the Greek alphabet is measured by comparing the number of alphabetic readings for given abjad forms (= types), e.g. the abjad type πλν can be read as πυλῶν, πηλόν, πολύν, πολλῶν, πολλήν, πόλιν, πόλεων, πλήν, πλέον etc. The results are compared with results from the same exercise conducted on fully vocalised and non-vocalised Biblical Hebrew texts, serving as a proxy for NWS dialects in general. Preliminary results (see Table) comparing samples of 9,000 words of Genesis, Judges, Herodotus Book 2, and Xenophon’s Anabasis show that while the mean number of solutions in the vocalised / alphabetic texts for types in the non-vocalised / abjad texts is very similar (1.14 and 1.12 for Genesis and Judges, 1.15 and 1.12 for Herodotus and Xenophon), the standard deviation is higher for Greek (0.52 and 0.46 for Herodotus and Xenophon vs. 0.43 and 0.38 for Genesis and Judges). Indeed for one abjad type in the Greek abjad texts there are as many as 10 solutions in the alphabetic text, and high token-frequency types are among those with many readings. It is argued that an important reason why Greek is never observed written with an abjad because the ambiguity for some types was simply too high. Number of alphabetic readings / vocalisations of abjad / non-vocalised types attested in 9,000 word text samples of Greek and Hebrew
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# of readings Genesis Judges Xenophon Herodotus 1 2140 2430 2320 2101 2 214 220 174 206 3 41 41 34 38 4 7 3 3 16 5 1 1 7 4 6 1 2 7 1 8 9 10 1 1 Total 2404 2695 2540 2368
Faber, Alice. 1992. Phonemic segmentation as epiphenomenon. In Pamela Downing, Susan D. Lima & Michael Noonan (eds.), The Linguistics of Literacy, 111–134. John Benjamins. Jeffery, Lilian H. 1961. The local Scripts of Archaic Greece: a Study of the Origin of the Greek Alphabet and its Development from the eighth to the fifteenth centuries B.C. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Powell, Barry B. 1989. Why was the Greek Alphabet invented? The epigraphical evidence. Classical Antiquity 8(2). 321–350. Powell, Barry B. 1991. Homer and the Origin of the Greek Alphabet. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
From pronoun to discourse marker: the rising of ἀλλά ‘but’ and τοι ‘let me tell you’
Emilio Crespo Universidad Autónoma de Madrid
This study, which is part of a research project on classical Greek discourse markers, has the primary purpose of reconstructing the process by which the old pronouns ἄλλα 'other things' and τοι 'to you' evolved into the coordinating conjunction ἀλλά 'but' and into the discourse marker of appeal τοι '(your) attention!', respectively. My point of departure is that these pronouns did not evolve into discourse markers because of a sudden and direct shift, but rather through an evolution that went through several phases that are not documented. To reconstruct these phases, we will take as a model similar evolutions observed in the usages that some adverbs show (e.g. οὕτως ‘in this way’ or ‘therefore’) and in the differential characteristics of connective particles (which combine with a coordinating conjunction) and coordination conjunctions (which do not combine with another coordinating conjunction). I will be paying attention to developments such as that of the ancient adverb καί ‘also, even’ into the coordinating conjunction ‘and’, that of the adverb νῦν ‘now’ which expanded its meaning into ‘as it is (or was)’, and that of the adverbs πρῶτον μέν... ἔπειτα (δέ)… which can refer either to the order of events in a world or to the order of units within the discourse. By reconstructing the evolution of ἄλλα and τοι we hope to be able to construct a pattern for the grammaticalization of lexical elements into
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discourse markers.
References Traugott, Elizabeth Closs & Dasher, Richard B. (2002), Regularity in Semantic Change, Cambridge Bowern, Claire & Evans, Bethwyn (eds.) (2015), The Routledge Handbook of Historical Linguistics, London – New York
The dialect and geographical origin of the inquirers in the Dodona lead-tablet corpus
Emilio Crespo1 and Georgios K. Giannakis2 1Universitad Autónoma de Madrid 2Aristotle University of Thessaloniki
The recent edition of more than 4200 sheets of lead containing oracular texts brought to light at the Sacred House of Dodona —mainly inquiries addressed to Zeus’ oracle— constitutes an important corpus of sources which increase our knowledge about different aspects of religion and the history of the ancient Greek speaking world from the end of the sixth century BC until the middle of the third century BC, period in which these documents are dated. From the linguistic viewpoint, such lamellae, both those published in 2013 and those edited at previous dates, offer ample evidence illustrating various aspects of the ancient Greek language. In particular, there are numerous data on the geographical origin, the name of the inquirers and the dialect(s) in which they consulted the oracle, either for personal matters or on behalf of an institution or state. The communication has the objective of drawing a map that reflects the area of influence of the sanctuary of Dodona in the different periods for which we have oracular lamellae. To this end, we will base our investigation on a database that includes the date attributed to each inquiry in the editions, the dialect in which each query was written down and the geographical origin of each inquirer, distinguishing the occasional information explicitly provided by the text of the consultations and the conclusions that can be drawn from the analysis of the dialect and the personal name of each inquirer.
References
Δάκαρη, Σ. - Βοκοτοπούλου, Ι. - Χριστίδη, Α.-Φ. 2013. Τα χρηστήρια ελάσματα της Δωδώνης των ανασκσφών Δ. Ευαγγελίδη, Τόμοι Ι-ΙΙ. Επιμέλεια Σωτήρη Τσέλικα, Αθήνα, Βιβλιοθήκη της εν Αθήναις Αρχαιολογικής Εταιρείας αρ. 285, 286. Ελευθεράτου, Σ and Κ. Σουέρεφ (eds.) 2016. Δωδώνη. Το Μαντείο των Ήχων. Κατάλογος, Αθήνα, Εκδόσεις Μουσείου Ακρόπολης. Filos, P. 2018. “The dialectal variety of Epirus”, in Studies in Ancient Greek Dialects. From Central Greece to the Black Sea, ed. by G. K. Giannakis, E. Crespo and P. Filos, Berlin/Boston, De Gruyter, 215-247. Lhôte, É. 2006. Les lamelles oraculaires de Dodone, Genève, Droz. Méndez Dosuna, J. 2008. “Novedades en el oráculo de Dodona. A propósito de una reciente monografía de Éric Lhôte”, Minerva 21, 51-79.
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Méndez Dosuna, J. 2018. “The language of the Dodona oracular tablets: The non-Doric inquiries”, in Studies in Ancient Greek Dialects. From Central Greece to the Black Sea, ed. by G. K. Giannakis, E. Crespo and P. Filos, Berlin/Boston, De Gruyter, 265-296. Tselikas, Sotirios, 2018. “The Doric dialects in the corpus of the oracular tablets from Dodona”, in Studies in Ancient Greek Dialects. From Central Greece to the Black Sea, ed. by G. K. Giannakis, E. Crespo and P. Filos, Berlin/Boston, De Gruyter, 249-263.
Diglossia and language choice in the bilingual (Greek-Latin) wall-inscriptions from Pompeii.
Sandra Cruz Universidad de Salamanca
Bilingualism was a widespread phenomenon in Antiquity. Because of that, it is not difficult to find an ancient city, society or culture that had a mixed population, as is the case of Pompeii. Located in a privileged position in the Vesuvian area and close to the mouth of the river Sarno, this city brought together different cultures and, therefore, languages. During the Roman domination, the supremacy of the Latin language above others was undeniable. Nevertheless, the Greek language played an important role in the education of Roman elites, so it never lost its status as a language of culture. At the same time, Greek was considered the language of slaves and lower classes, used by merchants around the Mediterranean and regarded as lingua franca in the relations with the Eastern part of the Empire. Our main interest in these documents is to study the phenomenon of diglossia or usage of the same language through two different roles or functions, being one of them more prestigious than the other. In this paper, we will discuss some examples from the Pompeian wall-inscriptions that present the Greek language in both the High (H) and the Low (L) levels. The choice of one language or another could be also conditioned by the use of a certain language within a given domain out of tradition or convention. We will provide some examples of specific fields that were commonly written in Greek: the erotic-love inscriptions, including the ones that show the practice of isopsephism (CIL IV 1462, CIL IV 4839, CIL IV 4861, Giordano nº 31), the cult of Isis and other non-roman divinities (CIL IV 4138, CIL IV 4189, CIL IV 5262) and the ἐμνήσθη expressions (CIL IV 4839, CIL IV 4189, CIL IV 6828) among other examples. Since the alternation in use of the Greek and Latin languages and alphabets shown in the wall-inscriptions comes as a result of their improvised nature and unexpected preservation, it is an important aspect when studying these inscriptions. We will try to show how the Greek language plays a crucial role in the Roman world and to explain the relationship between Greek and Latin language in a Roman city like Pompeii. Due to the variety of linguistic levels available in these documents, we can understand better the situation, use and conception of the Greek language in a very specific period and location. The final goal will be to answer some key questions like to what extent was the knowledge of the Greek language spread among the population of Pompeii.
Adams, J. N. Janse, M. Swain, S. (2002) Bilingualism in Ancient Society: Language Contact and the Written Text, Oxford: University Press. Adams, J. N. (2003) Bilingualism and the Latin Language, Cambridge: University Press. Benefiel R. - Keegan P. (2016), Inscriptions in the Private Sphere in the Greco-Roman World, Leiden-Boston: Brill.
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Biville, F. (2003) “Le latin et le grec `vulgaires´ des inscriptions pompéiennes” in H. Solin, M. Leiwo and H. Halla-aho (eds), Latin vulgaire-latin tardif VI. Actes du VIe colloque international sur le latin vulgaire et tardif, Helsinki, 29 août - 2 septembre 2000, 219-35, Hildesheim: Olms-Weidmann. Clackson, J. (2015) Language and Society in the Greek and Roman Worlds, Cambridge: University Press. Kaimio, J. (1979) The Romans and the Greek Language, Helsinki. Mullen, A. (2011) “Latin and other languages: societal and individual bilingualism” in Clackson, J. (ed.) A Companion to the Latin Language, Oxford: Blackwell Publishing. Solin, H. (2012) “On the use of Greek in Campania”, in Leiwo, M. et al., Variation and Change in Greek and Latin, 97-114, Helsinki: Foundation of the Finnish Institute at Athens. Varone, A. (2017) “Amare. Il linguaggio greco dell’amore” in M. Osanna, C. Rescigno, Pompei e i Greci (cat. mostra Pompei 11 apr.-27 nov. 2017), Electa, 201-207, Milan.
Syntax and semantics of Ancient Greek δεῖνα
Pierluigi Cuzzolin University of Bergamo
As well known, the pronoun δεῖνα, whose meaning is ‘such an one, so-and-so, un tel, un tale, der und der’, remains thus far morphologically unclear and etymologically unexplained. The fact that it is always accompanied by the definite article has made scholars think that it could be derived from the wrong division of an unattested and unexpectedly contracted phrase *τάδε *ἔνα > *ταδεενα > *ταδεῖνα, finally reanalyzed as τὰ δεῖνα (Schwyzer 1990: 612). This process is supposed to be parallel to that at the origin of the demonstrative adjective *ἐκε-ενος > ἐκεῖνος. It is also interesting to observe that ἐκεῖνος can be used instead of δεῖνα, even though very infrequently: see Aristophanes, However, a careful attempt at analyzing semantics and syntax of this pronoun is still a desideratum. The fact that this pronoun is frequently described as corresponding to Lat. quidam is only partially correct: whereas “only by quidam is made clear that the speaker is able to identify the referent of the indefinite pronoun” (Bertocchi, Maraldi, Orlandini 2010: 55), this is not always true for δεῖνα, as shown in the two following examples:
1) Aristophanes, Thesm. 619-622 Τίς ἐστ’ ἀνήρ σοι; τὸν ἐμὸν ἄνδρα πυνϑάνει; τὸν δεῖνα γιγνώσκεις, τὸν ἐκ Κοϑωκιδῶν; τὸν δεῖνα; ποῖον; ἐσϑ’ ὁ δεῖν’, ὃς καί ποτε τὸν δεῖνα, τὸν τοῦ δεῖνα – ληρεῖν μοι δοκεῖς
2) Demosthenes, 13, 5 τοὺς στρατηγοὺς κρίνετε, καὶ περίεσϑ’ ὑμῖν ἐκ τῶν πραγμάτων “ὁ δεῖνα τοῦ δεῖνος τὸν δεῖνα εἰσήγγειλεν”, ἄλλο δ’ οὐδέν.
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In these two examples, it is clear that the pronoun itself is not sufficient to establish a relation based on a shared knowledge between the speaker and the hearer. Even in late Greek δεῖνα is attested but its meaning dramatically changes according to patterns of change that are not clear. In this paper I want investigate in detail the semantic and syntactic conditions under which δεῖνα is used and how it could develop its late meaning. Some attempts will be made to possibly envisage the pragmatic and stylistic value associated to it.
References
Bertocchi Alessandra, Maraldi Mirka, Orlandini Anna. 2010. “Quantification”. In: Baldi Philip and Cuzzolin Pierluigi (eds.), New Perspectives on Historical Latin Syntax. Vol. 3: Constituent Syntax: Quantification, Numerals, Possession, Anaphora. Berlin and New York, de Gruyter: 19-174. Schwyzer, Eduard. 1990. Griechische Grammatik. Erster Band. Sechste, unveränderte Auflage. München, Beck.
Accusative of respect in Homeric Greek as evidence for language contact
Paola Dardano Università per Stranieri di Siena
One of the most famous features of Homeric Greek is the use of a construction including an intransitive predicate and a noun in the accusative case that restricts the force of the predicate to a part or attribute of the subject. This accusative is mainly used to express an inalienable possession as is the case with body parts:
ὃ δὲ φρένα τέρπετ᾽ ἀκούων. (Il. 1.474) “and his heart was glad, as he heard”
The accusative of respect may have originated in the double accusative construction of the whole and the part (σχῆμα καθ᾽ ὅλον καὶ μέρος). When the double accusative construction undergoes passivization, the whole (the person) becomes the subject, while the part (the body part) remains in the accusative, producing the accusative of respect. Once the category was established, it was extended beyond the passive construction and it was added also to adjectives. In Homer the double accusative construction of the whole and the part is limited to inalienable possession (mostly body parts):
Τρῶας δ᾽ ἄχος ἔλλαβε θυμόν. (Il. 14.475) “and sorrow seized the hearts of the Trojans”
The fact that passivization is not possible for both accusative arguments shows that they have different behavioral properites: the body-part noun which in the active is in apposition with the accusative person noun remains accusative in the passive instead of continuing to share the case of the (now nominative) person noun. Also in Hittite the accusative of respect arises through the passivization of the double accusative construction and occurs with predicates denoting a state or a change of state (middle verbs, participles and adjectives):
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VBoT 24 III 11-13 11 namma ANA UDUḪI.A ištarna paimi nu=kan kui[š] 12 UDUiyanza IGI[ḪI].A-wa dUTU-i neanza 13 nu=šši=kan SÍGḫuttulli ḫūittiyami “Then I go among the sheep and I pluck a tuft of wool from what sheep is turned with its eyes toward the sun”
The construction with the accusative of respect NOM. šakuwa nai- (middle) ‘to be turned as far as the eyes’ can be compared with the double accusative construction ACC. šakuwa nai- (active) ‘to turn someone, (his) eyes’:
KUB 23.72 rev. 62 [n=an=kan IGI]ḪI.A-ŠU ḪUR.SAG-i le naištani “Do no turn his eyes to the mountain!”
Based on the evidence of Hittite, Luvian and Homeric Greek, the aim of this paper is to suggest that that the accusative of respect was an areal feature of some languages spoken in the area of eastern Anatolia in the second and first millenia B.C.E.
R. Blümel, “Der Ursprung des griechischen Bereichsakkusativs und anderes”, IF 33, 1913-14, 1-96. K. Brugmann, “Der sogenannte Akkusativ der Beziehung im Arischen, Griechischen, Lateinischen, Germanischen”, IF 27, 1910, 121-151. P. Cotticelli-Kurras, “"Schema", Akkusativ der Beziehung oder (sekundäre) Prädikation?”, in: H. Marquardt et al. (eds.), Anatolica et indogermanica. Studia linguistica in honorem Johannis Tischler septuagenarii dedicata, Innsbruck 2016, 27-42. B. Delbrück, Vergleichende Syntax der indogermanischen Sprachen, I. Band, Straßburg 1893. E. A. Hahn, “Partitive Apposition in Homer and the Greek Accusative”, TAPhA 85, 1954, 197- 289. P. Högemann, “Das ionische Griechentum und seine altanatolische Umwelt im Spiegel Homers”, in: M. Witte – St. Alkier (Hrsg.), Die Griechen und der Vordere Orient. Beiträge zum Kultur- und Religionskontakt zwischen Griechenland und dem Vorderen Orient im 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr. (OBO 191), Freiburg (Schweiz)-Göttingen 2003, 1-24. B. Jacquinod, “Analyse syntaxique de la mise au même cas du complément du tout et du complément de la partie en grec ancien”, in: A. Rijksbaron (ed.), In the footsteps of Raphael Kühner. Proceedings of the International Colloquium in Commemoration of the 150th anniversary of the publication of Raphael Kühner’s Ausführliche Grammatik der griechischen Sprache. II. Theil: Syntaxe, Amsterdam 1986, 135-145. B. Jacquinod, Le double accusatif en grec d'Homère à la fin du Ve siècle avant J.-C., Louvain- la-Neuve, 1989. D. Romagno, “The Accusative of Respect in Ancient Greek: Animacy Hierarchy, Semantic Roles and Event Type”, SSL 55/1, 2017, 65-95. C. Rosen, “‘Accusativus graecus’: a relational analysis”, in: R. L. Brown et al. (eds.), Proceedings of the 1976 Mid-America Linguistic Conference, Minneapolis, Minnesota 1977, 285-296. S. G. Thomason – T. Kaufman, Language Contact, Creolization, and Genetic Linguistics, Berkeley 1988.
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C. Watkins, “An Indo-European linguistic area and its characteristics”, in: A. Aikhenvald – R. M. W. Dixon (eds.), Areal Diffusion and Genetic Inheritance. Problems in Comparative Linguistics, Oxford 2001, 44-63.
Grassmann’s Law as “weak phonetic change”
Alessandro De Angelis/Valentina Gasbarra/Marianna Pozza University of Messina/University ”La Sapienza”, Rome/University ”La Sapienza”, Rome
1. According to Ohala (1989; 1993), dissimilation processes, especially involving non- adjacent segments, are highly unnatural, in the sense that the frequently invoked principles of speech production are unable to explain such a type of phonetic change. Rather, it represents the outcome of the listener’s mis-application of corrective processes. Acoustic- perceptual cues of some features (glottalization, pharyngalization, retroflexion, nasalization, aspiration) spread over beyond the immediate “hold” of the segment they are distinctive on. Therefore, the listener can interpret the original presence of one of these features on the segment in which it was distinctive as it were the outcome of an erroneous speaker’s production; consequently, it undoes such a feature through a mechanism of hypercorrection. For example, an original form *phath- could be misinterpreted by the listener as the result of an erroneous speech production, originated by the spread of the second segment [+aspirated] feature (h-) on the first one (*p-). 2. Such an explanation could shed new light on the well-known dissimilation process of Ancient Greek, the so-called Grassmann’s Law (= GL), the phonetic change in virtue of which in an original diaspirate root a (regressive) dissimilation process takes place: τίθησι < *θίθησι, τριχóς < θριχóς (cf. nom. θρίξ), τρέφω < *θρέφω and so on. Greek inscriptions from different dialectal areas show in some cases the preservation of the (presumably) original diaspirate roots (see e.g. Att. hέχει, καθέχει; καταθιθέναι; θρεφθε‚ς etc.); furthermore, diaspirate non original roots are also attested, in which original forms such as *path-/*phat- are both represented as phath- (see e.g. Att. hαρ[ιθμóν; θρέφος; χαλχί[ον] etc.). Such evidence points the speaker’s entropic trend to spread over the laryngeal specifications beyond the affected segment. In contrast with this, dissimilated forms such path- < *phath, with a regular application of GL, represent the listener’s syntropic trend, which aims to (hyper)correct all the diaspirate forms (both the original ones and those “wrongly” produced in the speech). 3. The interplay between the entropic speech production and the syntropic listener’analysis produces a long term syncronic variation between diaspirate and dissimilated forms, until the dissimilated forms imposes the template path- as a rule. The delay with which this type of linguistic change spreads out in the lexicon could be due to the lack of an articulatory basis of the dissimilatory processes, which are rather grounded on the listener’s inability to parse the acoustic signal appropriately. The same motivations could explain the likely retention of the original diaspirate roots in Mycenaean and in Homeric Greek, where both (-)h- and aspirated voiceless obstruents seem not to undergo dissimilation. 4. Lastly, dissimilation as listener’s mis-perception could enlighten the instability in the dissimilation processes in some compounds (e.g. ἐκεχειρία alongside ἐχέθυμος and ἐχέφρων), where GL is anything but systematic. One could bring into play the presence of a morpheme-boundary in these forms between the two [+aspirated] segments as an actual obstacle towards the listener’s effort to (hyper-)correct through a dissimilatory process.
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References Abramson, Arthur S., Whalen, Doug H. 2017, Voice Onset Time (VOT) at 50: Theoretical and practical issues in measuring voicing distinctions, «Journal of Phonetics» 63: 75-86. Albano Leoni, Federico 2001, Il ruolo dell’udito nella comunicazione linguistica. Il caso della prosodia, «Rivista di Linguistica» 13, 1: 45-68. Beekes, Robert, Etymological Dictionary of Greek (Leiden Indo-European Etymological Dictionary), Leiden, Brill, 2009. Belardi, Walter, L’etimologia nella storia della cultura occidentale, 2 voll., Roma, Il Calamo, 2002. Bettarini, Luca 2017, Lingua e testo di Ipponatte (“SYNCRISIS. Biblioteca di studi e ricerche sull’antichità classica”), Pisa, Serra. Bile, Monique 1988, Le dialecte crétois ancien. Étude de la langue des inscriptions. Recueil des inscriptions postérieures aux IC, Paris, École Française d’Athènes. Blevins, Juliette and Garrett, Andrew 1998, The origins of consonant-vowel metathesis, «Language» 74, 3, 508-556. Blümel, Wolfgang 1982, Die aiolischen Dialekte. Phonologie und Morphologie der inschriftlichen Texte aus generativer Sicht, Göttingen, Vandenhœck & Ruprecht. Clackson, James 2002, The writing of χσ and φσ for and y, «Glotta» 78: 22-35. Collinge, Neville E. 1985, The laws of Indo-European, Amsterdam-Philadelphia, Benjamins. De Mauro, Tullio 1994, Intelligenti pauca, in P. Cipriano, P. Di Giovine, M. Mancini (a c. di), Miscellanea di studi linguistici in onore di W. Belardi, vol. 2, Roma, Il Calamo: 865-875. Dubois, Laurent 1988, Recherches sur le dialecte arcadien. I Grammaire. II Corpus dialectal. III Notes – Index – Bibliographie, Louvain-La-Neuve, Peeters. De Decker, Filip 2015, Another attempt at a chronology for Grassmann’s Law in Greek, «Journal of Indo-European Studies» 43, 1-2: 140-177. Garrett, Andrew 2015, Sound change, in C. Bowern and B. Evansin (eds.), The Routledge handbook of historical linguistics, London, Routledge: 227-248. Grassmann, Hermann 1863, Ueber die Aspiraten und ihr gleichzeitiges Vorhandensein im An- und Auslaute der Wurzeln, «Kuhns Zeitschrift» 12: 81-138. Hock, Hans Henrick (19912), Principles of historical linguistics, Berlin-New York, de Gruyter. Hoenigswald, Henry M. 1965, A Property of “Grassmann’s Law” in Indic, «Journal of the American Oriental Society» 85, 159-60. Kiparsky, Paul 1973, On comparative linguistics: the case of Grassmann’s Law, in Th. E. Sebeok (ed.), Current Trends in Linguistics. Vol. 11: Diachronic, Areal, and Typological Linguistics, The Hague-Paris, Mouton: 115-134. Lehmann, Winfred P. 19923, Historical Linguistics, London-New York, Routledge. Lejeune, Michel 1972, Phonétique historique du mycénien et du grec ancien, Paris, Klincksieck. Levine, Saul 1969, Grassmann’s “Law” in the early semitic loan-word χιτών, κιθών, «Studi Micenei ed Egeo-Anatolici» 8: 66-75. Malkiel, Yakov 1983, Multiple versus simple causation in linguistic change, in Id., From particular to general linguistics. Vol. 3, Essays 1965-1978, Amsterdam-Philadelphia, Benjamins: 251-268. McMahon, April M. S. 1994, Understanding language change, Cambridge, CUP. Mendez Dosuna, Julian 1985, Los dialectos dorios del noroeste. Gramatica y estudio dialectal, Salamanca, Ed. Universidad de Salamanca. Miller, D. Gary 1977, Was Grassmann’s Law reordered in Greek ?, «Historische Sprachforschung» 91: 131-158. Ohala, John J. 1981, The listener as a source of sound change, in C. S. Masek, R. A. Hendrick, M. F. Miller (eds.), Papers from the Parasession on Language and Behavior, Chicago, Chicago Linguistic Society: 178-203. Ohala, John J. 1989, Sound change is drawn from a pool of synchronic variation, in L. E. Breivik and E. H. Jahr (eds.), Language change: Contributions to the study of its causes, Berlin, de Gruyter: 173-198. Ohala, John J. 1993, The phonetics of sound change, in Charles Jones (ed.), Historical Linguistics: Problems and Perspectives, London: Longman: 237-278. Ohala, John J. 2003, Phonetics and Historical Phonology, in B. D. Joseph and R. D. Janda (eds.), The Handbook of Historical Linguistics, Malden (MA)/Oxford, Blackwell: 669-686. Pozza, Marianna 1998, La legge di Grassmann riconsiderata alla luce delle nuove acquisizioni dell’indoeuropeistica, tesi di laurea, Roma, Università degli Studi di Roma “La Sapienza”. Ruijgh, Cornelius J. 1967, Études sur la grammaire et le vocabulaire du gréc mycénien, Amsterdam, Hakkert. Rix, Helmut (hg.) 20012 ([19981]), Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben (LIV). Die Wurzeln und ihre Primärstammbildungen. Unter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearbeitet von Martin Kümmel, Thomas Zehnder, Reiner Lipp, Brigitte Schirmer, Wiesbaden, Dr. Ludwig Reichert. Salmons, Joseph 2010, Segmental Phonological Change, in S. Luraghi and V. Bubenik (eds.), Continuum Companion to Historical Linguistics, London-New York, Continuum: 106-116.
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Sanchez Garrido, M. del Carmen (1988), Norma y uso y método generativo: el caso de la ley de Grassmann, «Revista española de lingüística» 18,1: 149-167. Schwyzer, Eduard 1939, Griechische Grammatik auf der Grundlage von Karl Brugmanns Griechischer Grammatik. I Bd. Allgemeiner Teil, Lautlehre, Wortbildung, Flexion, München, Bek’sche. Threatte, Leslie 1980, The grammar of Attic inscriptions. Vol. I. Phonology, Berlin-New York, de Gruyter. Thumb, Albert/Kieckers, Ernst (19322), Handbuch der griechischen Dialekte, Vol. 1, Heidelberg, Winter. Trask, Robert Lawrence 1996, Historical Linguistics, London, Arnold. Wackernagel, Jacob, 1916, Sprachliche Untersuchungen zu Homer, «Glotta» 7, 2-3: 161-319.
The augment in Epic Greek. Filip De Decker Universiteit Gent - FWO Vlaanderen
Greek past tense forms of the indicative (imperfect, aorist and pluperfect) are marked by the addition of a prefix e- to the verbal form. While mandatory in Classical Greek prose, the prefix appeared facultative in earlier Greek poetry and this absence is often explained as a poetic licence and/or a metrical tool. I argue that the use in the oldest Greek literature (Homer, Hesiod, the Homeric Hymns and the fragments of the Epic Cycle) was not random but explainable by morphometric, syntactic and semantic reasons. This prefix gradually evolved into the mandatory marker of past tense and the earlier rules governing the use were no longer understood. As a result, the absence in epic Greek was reinterpreted as a poetic licence and was imitated by later (epic) poets. In this presentation, I focus on the earliest epic texts. First, I treat the transmitted forms and by using metrical rules, bridges and caesurae (such as those posited by Varro, Hermann 1805:692-693, Giseke 1864:128-138, Meyer 1884:980 - see the chapters in Maas 1960, Snell 1982, West 1982 and Oswald 2014) I decide whether the forms are secured by the metre or not. When they are not, I check if their value can be determined by an internal reconstruction (i.e. comparing the insecure forms to the secure forms of the same paradigm and looking at the position in the verse and at the word(s) preceding the verb form, as was done in Taida 2007, 2010 and De Decker 2016, 2017, based on Barrett 1964:361-362). Then, I proceed to the actual analysis of the established. Starting from earlier scholarship on the issue that described the augment as a deictic marker that marked the completion of the action in the presence of the speaker (Platt 1891:227; Bakker 2005:147), I show that and explain why the augment is used/preferred in a) verbal forms that would otherwise be monosyllabic (contrary to Wackernagel 1916 and Strunk 1967, 1987 argued, this rule also applies to long monosyllables); b) similia and gnomic aorists (Platt 1891, Bakker 2005:131-135, Faulkner 2005:68-69); c) speech introductions with an addressee (De Decker 2015); d) actions in the immediate past (Platt 1891; Drewitt 1912a,b; Bakker 2005:114-153); e) in speeches (Koch 1868, Bottin 1969:110-128, Basset 1989); f) when new and/or important information was communicated (Mumm 2004);
and it is avoided in verb forms
a) referring to repeated actions in the past, often with αἰεί; b) with the -σκ-suffix, referring to repeated actions or one action repeated by many (Pagniello 2007); c) occurring in narrative and mythical stories (Koch 1868, Bottin 1969:110-128, Basset 1989); d) describing a remote past, mythical stories or timeless activities (Hoffmann 1967, West 1989); e) describing background actions, especially in subordinate clauses (De Decker 2016:298-299); f) followed by a clitic, such as δέ, γάρ, μέν, τε, ἄρα and ῥα (Drewitt 1912b:104);
31 g) appearing in a series of past tense forms and preceded by an augmented verb form (Kiparsky 1968, Luraghi 2014); h) in negative sentences, especially in narrative passages (Bakker 2005:126, De Decker 2017:144-146); i) in the beginning of a verse or sentence (as had been noted already as early as the Byzantine scholars). An example will make the distinction between foreground and background clear: ὃς τότ' ἐν ἀκροπόλοις ὄρεσιν πολυπιδάκου Ἴδης βουκολέεσκεν βοῦς δέμας ἀθανάτοισιν ἐοικώς. τὸν δὴ ἔπειτα ἰδοῦσα φιλομμειδὴς Ἀφροδίτη ἠράσατ', ἐκπάγλως δὲ κατὰ φρένας ἵμερος εἷλεν. "(Ankhises, who) pastured his cattle on the top of mountains of Ida, rich in fountains, in stature he resembled the gods. Then lovely-smiling Aphrodite saw him, longed deeply for him and a strong desire for him took mercilessly control over her mind." (Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite, HH 5,54-57). This passage taken from the Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite clearly shows the use and absence of the augment: the unaugmented βουκολέεσκεν describes the background and habitual action of Ankhises's being a shepherd: he has always been herding his cattle on the mount Ida; the augmented forms ἠράσατ' and εἷλεν describe something new and unexpected, namely his sudden erotic desires for Aphrodite as soon as he notices her.
References: Bakker, E. 2005. Pointing at the past: from formula to performance in Homeric poetics. Cambridge, MA. Barrett, W. 1964. Euripides Hippolytos. Edited with Introduction and Commentary. Oxford. Bartolotta, A. & Buijs, M. & Kölligan, D. 2017. Modality and Injunctive in Ancient Greek. Presentation during the Conference "Charting the Semantic Space of Ancient Greek Modality", on May 6th, 2017 in Paris. Basset, L. 1989. L'augment et la distinction discours/récit dans l'Iliade et l'Odyssée. In: Casevitz, M. Études homériques. Lyon. 9-16. Bottin, L. 1969. Studio dell’aumento in Omero. Studi Micenei ed Egeo Anatolici 10.69- 145. Chantraine, P. 1948. Grammaire homérique. Paris. Chantraine, P. 1953. Grammaire homérique. Tome II : Syntaxe. Paris. De Decker, F. 2015. The Augment in Homer, with Special Attention to Speech Introductions and Conclusions. JournaLIPP 4. 53-71, accessible online: https://lipp.ub.lmu.de/index.php/lipp/article/view/4841/2723 De Decker, F. 2016. The Augment Use in Iliad 6: an Evidential Marker? Les Études Classiques 84. 259-317. De Decker, F. 2017. Ὅμηρον ἐξ Ὁμήρου σαφηνίζειν: an analysis of the augment use in Iliad 1. Journal of Indo-European Studies 45. 58-171. De Lamberterie, C. 2007. L’augment dans le texte arménien de l’Évangile. Revue des Études arméniennes 30. 31-57. Drewitt, J. 1912a. The Augment in Homer. Classical Quarterly 6. 44-59. Drewitt, J. 1912b. The Augment in Homer (continued). Classical Quarterly 6. 104-120. Drewitt, J. 1913. A Note on The Augment. Classical Philology 8. 349-353. Faulkner, A. 2005. Aphrodite’s Aorists: Attributive Sections in the Homeric Hymns. Glotta 81. 60-79.
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García Ramón, J. 2012. TAM, Augment and Evidentiality in Indo-European. Unpublished Handout from 2012. Giseke, B. 1864. Homerische Forschungen. Leipzig. Hajnal, I. 2016. Induktive versus abduktive Rekonstruktion: das Beispiel des griechischen Augments. Indogermanische Forschungen 121.435-453. Hermann, G. 1805. Orphica. Leipzig. Hoffmann, K. 1967. Der Injunktiv im Veda. Heidelberg. Kiparsky, P. 1968. Tense and Mood in Indo-European Syntax. Foundations of Language 4. 30- 57. Koch, K. 1868. De augmento apud Homerum omisso. Braunschweig. Luraghi, S. 2014. Conjunction Reduction. In: Giannakis, G. The Encyclopaedia of Ancient Greek Language and Linguistics. Leiden. 362-363. Maas, P. 1923. Griechische Metrik. Leipzig. Maas, P. 1960. Greek Metre. Translated by Hugh Lloyd Jones. Oxford. Meyer, G. 1884. Zur Geschichte des griechischen und des lateinischen Hexameters. Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 4. 979-1089. Mumm, P. 2004. Zur Funktion des homerischen Augments. In: Krisch, T. Analecta homini universali dicata. Festschrift für Oswald Panagl. Stuttgart. 148-158. Oswald, S. 2014. Metrical Laws. In: Giannakis, G. (ed). The Encyclopaedia of Ancient Greek Language and Linguistics. Leiden. 419-423. Pagniello, F. 2007. The past-iterative and the augment in Homer. Indogermanische Forschungen 112. 105-123. Pelliccia, H. 1985. The Structure of the Archaic Greek Hymns. PhD Thesis Yale. Platt, A. 1891. The Augment in Homer. Journal of Philology 19. 211-237. Rzach, A. 1876. Der Dialekt des Hesiodos. Leipzig. Snell, B. 1982. Griechische Metrik. Göttingen. Strunk, K. 1967. Wortstruktur und Pronomen im Altpersischen. Kuhns Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Sprachforschung 81. 265-275. Strunk, K. 1987. Ergänzende Beobachtungen zu Wortumfang und Wortform. Kuhns Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Sprachforschung 100. 323-338. Taida, I. 2007. Elision and Augment in the Homeric Hymn to Demeter. Exemplaria Classica 11. 3-12. Taida, I. 2010. Augment in the Homeric Hymn to Hermes. Hermes 138. 250-258. Troxler, H. 1964. Sprache und Wortschatz Hesiods. Zürich. Wackernagel, J. 1892. Über ein Gesetz der indogermanischen Wortstellung. Indogermanische Forschungen 1. 333-437. Wackernagel, J. 1916. Wortumfang und Wortform. Göttingische Gelehrte Nachrichten 1906. 147-184. West, M. 1966. Hesiod. Theogony. Oxford. West, M. 1978. Hesiod. Works and Days. Oxford. West, M. 1982. Greek Meter. Oxford. West, M. 1989. An Unrecognized Injunctive Usage in Greek. Glotta 67. 135-138. West, M. 2003. Greek Epic Fragments from the Seventh to the Fifth Centuries BC. Cambridge, MA. West, M. 2013. The Epic Cycle: a Commentary on the Lost Troy Epics. Oxford. Willi, A. 2007. Of aspects, augments, aorists – or how to say to have killed a dragon. In: George, C. & Nielsen, B. & Ruppel, A. & Tribulato, O. Greek and Latin from an Indo-European Perspective. Cambridge. 34-48.
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Willi, A. 2018. The Origins of the Greek Verb. Cambridge.
Lexical and syntactic constrictions for the derivation of the verbal nouns in – τις / -σις
Jesús de la Villa Universidad Autónoma de Madrid
The traditional description of verbal nouns formed with the suffix -τις / -σις claims that it forms de-verbal formations with the meaning of action (e.g. Schwyzer 1953: 504). However, in some cases, other meanings have been recognized for these formations, as instrument, in examples such as those of (1), and result, in examples such as (2); in this last case, the meaning of the formations seems to overlap with those formed with the suffix –μα, the prototypical form to derive result nouns from verbal stems.
(1) δόσις “gift” < δίδωμι “to give” σίτησις “food” < σιτέω “to feed” πόσις “drink” cf. πίνω “to drink” ἄρυστις “spoon” < ἀρύω “to draw” μάστις “whip” < μάω “to seek, to pursue”
(2) ἄροσις “ground” < ἀρόω “to plough” γύμνωσις “defenceless side of the warrior” < γυμνόω “to strip” περίστασις “surrounding” cf. περιίστημι “to place round” τάξις “order, organization” < τάσσω “to arrange, to put in order” τρῆσις “perforation” cf. τετραίνω “to pierce”
On the basis of these cases, it was suggested that, perhaps originally, the suffix did not form only action nouns, but that it could have other meanings (e.g. Chantraine 1933: 275, Holt 1940). Nevertheless, many of those derived forms are not old formations, but were created all along the history of the Greek language. Therefore, the existence of forms as those of (1) and (2) cannot be explained as an archaism. On the contrary, there must be a historical linguistic procedure that connected the main meaning of action with that of instrument or result. Moreover, there must be a reason why the formations in -τις / -σις can be, apparently, sometimes used for instruments and other times for result. In this paper, I want to explore how the lexical and relational characteristics of the verbal basis from which -τις / -σις nouns are derived condition the cognitive procedures that allow the different metonymic reinterpretation of action nouns. I will argue that in all those cases there is a single procedure by which the action is reinterpreted as the object of the action. The pretended difference between instrument-like formations and result-like formations can be reduced to a single semantic metonymic phenomenon.
References Chantraine, Pierre (1933): La formation des noms en grec ancien. París: Klincksieck. Holt, Jens (1940): Les noms d’action en –σις. Aarhus : Universitetsforlaget. Schwyzer, Eduard (1953): Griechische Grammatik I. Munich : C.H. Beck
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The Greek suffix -ινδα within the Micro-Asiatic multilingual context
Francesco Dedè Università degli Studi di Milano
The Greek suffix -ινδα, which characterises adverbs denoting games (such as βασιλίνδα “king of the castle”, κρυπτίνδα “hide and seek”, on these adverbs see Dedè 2016), has a phonological shape difficult to explain within Greek and Indo-European phonology, as already observed by Pierre Chantraine (1933:277): “l’origine de ces adverbes est claire, mais le suffixe qui s’y trouve impliqué presente une structure singulière. Aucune analyse ne permet d’expliquer le groupe -νδ-”. In the same context Chantraine, also quoting a statement by Herodotus, suggested that the suffix has its ultimate origin in Asia Minor, particularly in Lydia. A fact which deserves consideration, although it is in itself not enough to demonstrate the Asiatic origin of the suffix, is the presence in the area of several place names ending in -ινδα (e.g. Πιγίνδα in Caria, Σίνδα in Pisidia). Another element, which encourages to elaborate on this perspective is the hypothesis – in our view correct – recently put forth by Paola Dardano (2011), according to which the suffix -ίδᾱς, which in the Homeric poems forms patronymics and is later refunctionalised as a suffix for deriving proper names, would have entered Greek via the Lydian language. In my talk I will take into account and discuss the hypothesis of a Micro-Asiatic origin of the suffix -ινδα, evaluating its position within the context of linguistic contact between Greek and the languages of Asia Minor.
References Chantraine 1933 = P. Chantraine, Notes sur les adverbes en -ινδην, -ινδα, -ινδον désignant des jeux, «Révue des Études Grecques» 46 (1933), pp. 277-283. Dardano 2011 = P. Dardano, I patronimici in -ίδᾱς del greco antico tra conservazione e innovazione, «Res Antiquae» 8 (2011), pp. 41-62. Dedè 2016 = F. Dedè, Ludonimia e classi lessicali: lo statuto degli avverbi di gioco in -ινδα del greco, in F. Dedè (ed.), Categorie grammaticali e classi di parole. Statuto e riflessi metalinguistici, Roma, Il Calamo 2016, pp. 139-156.
Verba rogandi in the Greek documentary papyri of the Roman and Byzantine periods
Giuseppina di Bartolo University of Cologne
I present a study of the verba rogandi (i.e. ἀξιόω, δέομαι, ἐρωτάω and παρακαλέω) based on the Greek documentary papyri of the Roman and Byzantine Periods (1st c.– 8th c. AD) with two goals:
(i) to document the syntactic patterns found in the documentary texts; (ii) to examine the pairing of these verbs in request formulaic expressions and their usage in relation to specific sociolinguistic situations.
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The documentary papyri belong to the most relevant and copious sources for the study of the ancient everyday language. They contain several constructions different from those of the literary language and allow us to detect some tendencies of the Greek language that would become standard many centuries later. One of these concerns the construction of the verba rogandi with completive clauses introduced by a conjunction in place of an infinitival or participial construction, foreshadowing the disappearance of non-finite complementation in later Greek (Horrocks, 2007). Taking into consideration the evidence from the documentary texts of the Roman and Byzantine periods, I will firstly illustrate the complementation patterns of each relevant verb: they occur with a subordinate construction introduced by the declarative, final and consecutive conjunctions ὅτι, ἵνα, ὅπως and ὥστε respectively (e.g. P. Oxy. IV 744, private letter, 1st c. BC, l. 13: ἐρωτῶ σε οὖν ἵνα μὴ ἀγωνιάσῃς - I urge you therefore not to worry), and in the paratactical use with the imperative (e.g. P.Oxy. XXXIV 2731, private letter, 4th/5th c. AD, l. 17-19: π[αρα]κα̣λῶ δέ, ἀντιγράψατέ μοι ὑπὲρ τῆς ὑμῶ[ν] ὑγιείας - I implore you, write back to me about your health). Secondly, I will specifically analyse the case of the verb ἐρωτάω, whose syntax can be explained not only as an effect of the general tendency mentioned above, but also as a consequence of semantic extension. In this respect, I will discuss Dickey’s (2010) thesis about the Latin influence on the semantic and syntax of ἐρωτάω, when used alone and when paired with the verb παρακαλέω (i.e. ἐρωτάω καὶ παρακαλέω). On the one hand, the pairing of ἐρωτάω and παρακαλέω could be explained as a result of the influence of the correspondent Latin formula rogo atque oro, as Dickey argued. On the other hand, the pairing of these two verbs could be explained as an instance of the more general phenomenon in the papyri to build formulaic expressions by combining two verba rogandi (e.g. ἀξιόω καὶ δέομαι, δέομαι καὶ παρακαλέω) in order to emphasize the tone of a request. This phenomenon can be also observed in relation to the verba iubendi (i.e. βούλομαι καὶ κελεύω, ἐντέλλομαι καὶ ἐπιτρέπω). Furthermore, the use of these formulas in the papyri is related to specific sociolinguistic contexts: they are found only in private letters and in petitions. Finally, I will explore the hypothesis that these formulas in the context of private letters behave like directive expressions, in other words they occur as fixed expressions in paratactic structures to introduce a request (cf. Leiwo, 2010 and for Latin Risselada, 1993).
Selected References Cristofaro S. (1996), Aspetti sintattici e semantici delle frasi completive in greco antico, Firenze. Dickey E. (2010), “Latin Influence and Greek Request Formulae”, The Language of the Papyri, ed. by T.V. Evans and D.D. Obbink, Oxford, 208-220. Horrocks G. (2007), “Syntax: from Classical Greek to the Koine”, A History of Ancient Greek from the Beginnings to Late Antiquity, ed. by A. Christidis et al., Cambridge, 618- 631. Leiwo M. (2010), “Imperatives and Other Directives”, The Language of the Papyri, ed. by T.V. Evans and D.D. Obbink, Oxford, 97-119. Mayser E. (1934), Grammatik der griechischen Papyri aus der Ptolemäerzeit II.3, Berlin – Leipzig. Palme B. (2009), “The Range of Documentary Texts: Types and Categories”, The Oxford Handbook of Papyrology, ed. by R. Bagnall, Oxford, 149-169. Risselada R. (1993), Imperatives and other Directive Expressions in Latin, Amsterdam.
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Contrastive study of praedicativa in Greek and Latin
Mercedes Díaz de Cerio Díez University of Santiago de Compostela
The traditional description of the Greek praedicativum has focused largely on the frequent —albeit extremely specific— type of adjective which modifies the subject of an intransitive verb. Both the highly inflectional character of Ancient Greek and the sensitive-to- morphology approach of descriptive grammars (Kühner-Gerth 1966: 273-6; Schwyzer- Debrunner 1966: 26-7, 178-9; Goodwin 1965: 201) have thus led to the praedicativum being addressed mainly as the mere non-syntagmatic counterpart of the attributive adjective. Recent typological studies, however, have sought to downplay significantly the importance of agreement as a main feature here, and to highlight instead the syntactic phenomenon of secondary predication as the core of the praedicativum (also labelled depictive), cf. Denizot (2014: 132). Henceforth, the parts of speech liable to function as depictive broadly include, in addition to the well-known qualifying adjectives of physical or mental state, a semantically varied range of adjectives, participles, pronouns in their adjectival use (quantifiers, ordinals, emphatic pronouns), preposition phrases, nouns, and even free-from-agreement forms like noun phrases such as genitives of description (Pinskter 1998: 143-6). As a result, the traditional semantic characterization of the praedicativum as expressing a transient property which temporally overlaps with the event is to some extent challenged. This controversial issue is seen particularly well both in temporal adjectives (as ἑσπέριος or vespertinus) and in participles, which, in as far as they are endowed with tense and aspect, may have a temporal reference which does not overlap with the temporal interval of the main predication (Geuder 2002:182-91, Himmelmann & Schultze-Berndt 2005: 40-2). On the other hand, optional depictives (He left angry) are often compared with a broad range of adverbials, which are also participant-oriented adjuncts (He left angry/angrily). The distribution of the two constructions has been seen as a typological criterion (He walked at evening // ἑσπέριος / vespertinus). On this note, even if a broad use of praedicativum has been deemed a common trait of both Classical languages, it has been claimed (Kühner-Gerth 1966: 273) that its use in Greek is far more frequent than in Latin. Thus, a corpus-based contribution to the contact between both languages will be conducted here, focussing on the use of depictives (including the much discussed ‘obligatory’ depictives or complementatives: He looked angry, He called him ‘coward’; cf. van der Auwera & Malchukov 2005: 406-10, Pinkster 2015: 30). Attention will be paid primarily to the use of co-predicative participles, as far as such use reflects major differences in tense and aspect parameters between the two languages. Findings from this contrastive analysis will be expressed not only in terms of frequency rates but also as contrastive semantic maps. The original Greek depictives in the Greek Pseudo-Aristotle’s On the Cosmos (ca. II a.D.) will be traced through its translation into Latin by the Pseudo-Apuleius (ca. II a.D.); conversely, the reflection of the original Latin depictives in the Res Gestae Divi Augusti (ca. I a.D.) will also be examined in its Greek translation as preserved in the Ancyranum inscription. The notorious diachronic and stylistic differences between these two texts will serve to enrich the analysis.
References Denizot, C. 2014: “Predicative Constituents” in G. K. Giannakis ed.), Encyclopedia of Ancient Language and Linguistics, 3, Leiden – Boston: 130-3.
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Geuder, W. (2002): Oriented Adverbs , Issues in the Lexical Semantics of Event Adverbs (Ph. D. Universität Tübingen), Konstanz. Goodwin, W.W. (1965): Greek Grammar, New York. Himmelmann, N. P. & E. Schultze-Berndt (2005), “Issues in the syntax and semantics of participant-oriented adjuncts: an introduction”, N. P. Himmelmann and E. Schultze-Berndt (eds.), Secondary Predication and Adverbial Modification, Oxford – New York: 1-67. Kühner, R. & B. Gerth, 1966: Ausführliche Grammatik der Griechischen Sprache, Darmstadt (third edition). Nichols, J. (1978): “Secondary Predicates”, Proceedings of the Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, 4(4): 114-127. Pinkster, H. (1990): Latin Syntax and Semantics, London–New York. Pinkster, H. (2015): The Oxford Latin Syntax, Oxford. Schwyzer E. & A. Debrunner 1966: Griechische Grammatik, München (third edition). van der Auwera J. & A. Malchukov (2005), “A semantic map for depictive adjectivals”, N. P. Himmelmann and E. Schultze-Berndt (eds.), Secondary Predication and Adverbial Modification, Oxford – New York: 393-421.
Etas in Archaic Attica? The pre-Euclidean use of
Natalia Elvira Astoreca Jesus College, University of Cambridge
It is generally assumed that the epichoric Attic script lacks graphemes for the long vowels, thus using epsilon and omicron to write their short, long-open and long-closed allophones respectively. This situation didn’t change until the Ionic script was ultimately adopted in Athens after Euclides’ reform in 403/2 BCE, when both eta and omega were finally introduced. This model of explanation, however, overlooks a few instances where we might recognise the letter eta in archaic inscriptions from Attica. The earliest examples might be an ostrakon from the Sanctuary of Zeus in Mount Hymettos with the dedication ΣΗΜΙΟΙ ΔΙ (Langdon 1976, no.2) and three other inscriptions in this corpus where the grapheme
38 that include these and other examples of possible etas –rendered by the aforementioned grapheme or a different allograph for eta– that appear in Attica before the Euclidean script reform. Thus we can assess whether the previous explanations given to the inscriptions of Mt. Hymettos are plausible and clarify the reasons behind this grapholinguistic phenomenon.
References Bartoněk, A. (1966) Development of the long-vowel system in ancient Greek dialects. Spisy University J.E. Purkyně v Brně, Filosofická fakulta 106. Praha. Csapo, E., Johnston, A.W. and Geagan, D. (2000) “The Iron Age Inscriptions”. In Kommos IV. The Greek Sanctuary, part 1, ed. by Joseph W. Shaw and Maria C. Shaw, 101–134. Princeton. D’Angour, A.J. (1999) “Archinus, Eucleides and the Reform of the Athenian Alphabet”. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 43, 109–130. Guarducci, M. (1995) Epigrafia greca. Vol.1 Caratteri e storia della disciplina.La scrittura Greca dalle origini all’età imperiale. Roma. Immerwahr, H.R. (1990) Attic Script. A survey. Oxford. Jeffery, L.H. and Johnston, A.W. (1990) The local scripts of archaic Greece: a study of the origin of the Greek alphabet and its development from the eighth to the fifth centuries B.C. Revised ed. Oxford. Kenzelmann Pfyffer, A., Theurillat, T. and Verdan, S. (2005) “Graffiti d’époque géométrique provenant du sactuaire d’Apollon Daphnéphoros à Erétrie”. Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 151, 51–83. Langdon, M.K. (1976) A Sanctuary of Zeus on Mount Hymettos. Hesperia: Supplement XVI. Threatte, L. (1980) The Gammar of Attic Inscriptions. Vol.I Phonology. Berlin. Young, R.S. (1940) ”Excavation on Mt. Hymettos, 1939”. American Journal of Archaeology 44, 1-9.
A corpus-based approach to language contact: Greek and Latin in late antiquity
Chiara Fedriani & Maria Napoli Univeristy of Genoa; Università degli studi del Piemonte Orientale
The aim of this talk is to examine different contact phenomena between Greek and Latin as evidenced from an annotated corpus, named Textual bilingualism in Latin, which includes Late Latin literary texts (from the 3rd to the 7th century AD) containing different cases of switches into Greek. This corpus, which has been specifically created by our research group for the study of Greek-Latin contact, is already available online as a new tool for historical sociolinguistics focusing on bilingualism in the ancient Mediterranean world and on historical code-switching. In the first part, we will discuss our methodology for the linguistic analysis of language contact between Greek and Latin, which implies a systematic assessment of the quality of data at our disposal and of the specific characteristics of language contact as attested in ancient texts. To get at the heart of the specific nature of language contact in our corpus, we will discuss the individual features of written code-switching as distinct from conversational code-switching. As is known, written code-switching has to be considered as a special instance of language mixing: since it does not provide uncontroversial direct representations of speech, its study requires a number of methodological cautions (cf.
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Adams, Janse & Swain 2002 for important remarks on written code- switching). In particular, it needs to be described and analyzed within the larger scenario of the literacy practices of which it is a part, also including graphical and philological issues. Moreover, we will deal with the characteristics of what we have recognized as two distinct products of language contact, namely code-switching and single-word switches. In our approach, code-switching refers to cases of switching from Latin to Greek in the form of a sentence, whereas single-word switches correspond to the use of single Greek words into Latin texts. Obviously, this approach to ancient data requires some methodological caution about the distinction between the notion of switch itself and the notion of loanword, an issue which has received much attention with a focus on Latin borrowings in Greek (cf. Dickey 2012, forthcoming). Although a significant body of research has been carried out on the use of Greek in Latin texts (e.g., Biville 2008, Rochette 2010 among many others), corpus-driven data and methodological reflections have something new to bring to the field and can contribute a perspective that is lacking in studies of Greek-Latin contact. In the second part, we will illustrate the development of the multi-layered tagset specific to contact phenomena between Greek and Latin worked out for our corpus. Drawing on a case study on forms, functions and textual distribution of Greek in our literary texts, we will show how this tool can be used for various types of qualitative and quantitative research on contact phenomena in the past. The originality of this research lies on the development of a new resource for historical sociolinguistics which permits a corpus-based methodology on a wide selection of ancient texts, also promoting networking between scholars interested in language contact between Greek and Latin.
References Adams J. N., Janse M. & Swain S. (eds.) 2002. Bilingualism in ancient society: language contact and the written text. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Biville F. 2008. Situations et documents bilingues dans le monde gréco-romain. In: F. Biville, J.C. Decourt and G. Rougemont (éds.), Bilingualisme gréco-latin et épigraphie, 35-53. Lyon: Maison de L’Orient. Dickey E. (2012) Latin loanwords in Greek: a preliminary analysis. In: M. Leiwo, H. Halla-aho & M. Vierros (eds.), Variation and Change in Greek and Latin, 57-70. Helsinki: Papers and Monographs of the Finnish Institute at Athens, vol. XVII. Dickey E. forthcoming. What is a loanword? The case of Latin borrowings and codeswitches in Ancient Greek. In “Lingue e Linguaggio” 2018/1. Rochette B. 2010. Greek and Latin bilingualism. In Bakker E.J. (ed.), A companion to the Ancient Greek language, 281-293. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Anatolian Languages Moulding Greek Some Intriguing Cases of Heteroclisis in Hipponax’ Fragments
Clara Felisari Trinity College Dublin
The question of the influence of Anatolian languages on Ancient Greek has been widely debated in the field of Indo-European linguistics, with scholars such as Beekes, Janse, and Melchert. In particular, the Ionian cities on the coast of Asia Minor constitute the ideal melting pot of Greek and Anatolian languages, as shown e.g. by Cassio, Smyth, and
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Woodard. An optimal case-study of this linguistic interaction is found in ancient Greek literature, namely in the language of the iambographer Hipponax, which has been deeply analysed from this perspective by scholars such as Degani, Kearns, Masson, Rapallo, Tedeschi, and more recently Dale and Hawkins. However, these works have never adequately addressed the morphological issue of heteroclisis. For this reason, my paper gives attention to the phenomenon of heteroclisis in Hipponax’ fragments as a result of Lydian and Lycian influence on Greek morphology. Specifically, I will be looking at some cases of heteroclitic endings which appear in Hipponax’ lines. Scholarship on Greek heteroclisis focuses on analogical changes limited to Greek paradigms, as shown by the studies of Coker and Stump. However, the heteroclitic forms exhibited in the fragments of the Ephesian iambographer are not explicable within the Greek morphological system. The majority are nouns which switch from feminine forms in the singular to neuter forms in the plural. In order to explain the exceptionality of this phenomenon, I will employ a twofold approach: 1) analysing the phonological developments in Lydian and Lycian languages through which a three-gender system (masculine, feminine, and neuter) collapses into a two-gender system (animate and inanimate), and the feminine gender fades by merger; 2) investigating the etymology of the heteroclitic words. Respectively, I argue that 1) the resulting uncharacterized ending of feminine nouns blends with the ending of neuter plural nouns, and that 2) most of the examples of heteroclitic plural are Lydian borrowings which entered the Greek lexicon. Furthermore, I will introduce evidence of collective plural in Lycian and pluralia tantum in Lydian in order to corroborate my thesis. In conclusion, this paper, by closely examining the morphology of both Anatolian languages and Hipponax’ fragments, shows that the heteroclitic forms in Hipponax’ lines have their explanation outside Greek morphology, and sheds new light on the wide-open debate of the influence of the languages of Asia Minor on Greek language and culture.
References: Beekes, R. S. P. 2003, “Luwians and Lydians,” Kadmos 42: 4-7. — 2010, Etymological Dictionary of Greek (2 vols.), Leiden - Boston. Coker, A. 2009, “Analogical change and grammatical gender in ancient Greek,” Journal of Greek Linguistics 9: 34-55 Collins, B. J., Bachvarova, M. R., and Rutherford, I. C. 2008 (eds.), Anatolian Interfaces: Hittite, Greeks and their Neighbours, Oxford. Degani, E. 1991, Hipponax: Testimonia et Fragmenta, Stutgart - Leipzig. — 1995/96, “La lingua dei barbari nella letteratura greca arcaica: esotismi Ipponattei,” Studi orientali e linguistici 6: 157-164. Garçía Ramón, J. L. 1991, “Reconstrucció indoeuropea y anomalies morfologiques en grec antic II,” in Treballs en honor de Virgilio Bejarano, Barcelona: 513-522. Hawkins, S. 2010, “Greek and the Languages of Asia Minor to the Classical Period,” in E. J. Bakker (ed.), A Companion to the Ancient Greek Language, Chichester - Malden: 213-227. — 2013, Studies in the Language of Hipponax, Bremen. Heine, B., and Kuteva T. 2005, Language Contact and Grammatical Change, Cambridge. Janse, M. 2001, “Morphological Borrowing in Asia Minor,” in Y. Aggouraki, et al. (eds.), Proceedings of the 4th International Conference of Greek linguistics, Thessaloniki: 473-479. Karatsareas, P. 2009, “The loss of grammatical gender in Cappadocian Greek,” Transactions of the Philological Society 107.2: 196-230 — 2011, “Neuter Heteroclisis in Asia Minor Greek: Origin and Development,” Neoelliniki Dialektologia 6: 111-135.
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Kearns, J. M. 1994, “A Greek Genitive from Lydia,” Glotta 72: 5-14. Melchert, H. C. 1992, “Relative chronology and Anatolian: the vowel system,” in R. Beekes, A. Lubotsky, J. Weitenberg, et al. (eds.), Rekonstruktion und relative Chronologie. Akten der VIII. Fachtagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, Innsbruck: 41–53. — 1994, “The feminine gender in Anatolian,” in G. Dunkel, G. Meyer, S. Scarlata, et al. (eds.), Früh- , Mittel-, Spätindogermanisch, Wiesbaden: 231–244 — 2004, A Dictionary of the Lycian Language, Ann Arbor. Myers-Scotton, C. 2002, Contact Linguistics: Bilingual Encounters and Grammatical Outcomes, Oxford. Rapallo, U. 1976, “Influssi anatolici sulla grammatica di Ipponatte,” Studi italiani di filologia classica 48, Firenze: 200-243. Rizza, A. 2001, “Ipponatte e i Lidii: note sul framm. 7 Degani,” Syngraphe 3: 7-14. Stump, G. T. 2006, “Heteroclisis and Paradigm Linkage,” Language 82.2: 279-322. Tedeschi, G. 1978, “Lingue e culture in contatto: il problema della lingua in Ipponatte,” Incontri Linguistici 4, Pisa: 225-233. — 1981, “I prestiti linguistici nei frammenti ipponattei e il problema dell’interferenza culturale ad Efeso,” Quaderni di filologia classica 3, Trieste: 35-48. Watkins, C. 2000, Indo-European and Indo-Europeans. The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language (4th, revised edition). Boston. Woodard, R. D. 2008 (ed.), The Ancient Languages of Asia Minor, New York.
Phrasal verbs in a corpus of post-classical Greek letters from Egypt
Victoria Beatrix Fendel Lady Margaret Hall, University of Oxford
Phrasal verbs are a cross-linguistic phenomenon. They consist of a simple verb like ‘to go’ and a particle or adverb that contributes to the meaning as ‘up’ in ‘to go up’. Phrasal verbs may be intransitive as ‘to go up’ or transitive like ‘to look something up’. Alternatively, a simple verb can be modified by prefixing a particle. Classical and post-classical Greek, unlike English, prefer this option. For instance, ἀνέρχομαι ‘to go up’ consists of a particle ἀν(α)- and the simple verb ἔρχομαι. However, in post-classical Greek letters from Egypt, several phrasal-verb constructions appear. An example is αἴρω ἔξω (P. Lond. 6 1914) for expected ἐξαίρω. Given the linguistic situation in Egypt, these phrasal-verb constructions may have resulted from language contact with Egyptian (Coptic). Coptic, unlike Greek, operated exclusively with phrasal verbs rather than compound verbs. However, the issue is actually more complicated. In the post-classical period, the prefix of many compound verbs seems to have lost its semantic significance. As a result, double compounds such as συνκατέρχομαι ‘to accompany’ were created. In these, only the first prefix (here συν-) contributed to the meaning whereas the second prefix (here κατ-) was semantically bleached. Hence, in order to explain the phrasal-verb structures in post-classical Greek texts, we must consider at least four factors: (1) external factors, i.e. language contact with Egyptian (Coptic), (2) internal diachronic developments (similar to English, cf. Hiltunen 1983), (3) internal synchronic variation, i.e. register-related variation (cf. Biber and Conrad 2009), and (4) the possibility that the phrasal verb and the corresponding compound verb developed a nuanced meaning and were thus not interchangeable (cf. Storrer 2007). I will seek to shed light on the reasons for the appearance of phrasal-verb patterns in Greek starting from instances in a corpus of post-classical Greek texts from Egypt.
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The corpus consists of all private letters that belong to bilingual papyrus archives dating from the fourth to mid-seventh centuries. The phrasal-verb patterns that appear in this corpus will then be checked against classical and post-classical literary sources as well as post-classical documentary sources to test whether the use of phrasal verbs was limited to Egypt or represents a more widespread development in later Greek.
Biber, D., and Conrad, S. (2009). Register, genre, style. Cambridge. Hiltunen, R. (1983). The decline of the prefixes and the beginnings of the English phrasal verb: the evidence from some Old and Early Middle English texts. Turku. Layton, B. (2011). A Coptic grammar: Sahidic dialect. Porta linguarum orientalium N. S. 20, 3rd edition. Wiesbaden. Storrer, A. (2007). ‘Corpus based investigations on German support verb constructions’, in Fellbaum, C. (ed.). Idioms and collocations: Corpus-based linguistic and lexicographic studies. Research in corpus and discourse. London, 164–187. Thim, S. (2012). Phrasal verbs: The English verb-particle construction and its history. Topics in English Linguistics 78. Berlin. Wild, K. (2011). ‘Phrasal verbs: ‘a process of the common, relatively uneducated, mind’?’, English Today 27/4: 53–57.
Analyse linguistique du "Bronze d'Idalion". Observations phonétiques et morphologiques.
Elisa Ferrer Universidad Nacional de Córdoba - Argentina
L'unité linguistique du monde hellénique est une abstraction, dans le sens où 'il n'y a pas un seul système qu'on puisse appeler «le grec», mais une série de variantes locales, parfois avec des différences très prononcées. Cette "abstraction" n'est pas, cependant, une création moderne, car les Grecs eux-mêmes ont reconnu cette unité en lui attribuant un nom unique: ἑλληνίζειν (τῇ φωνῇ) est de "parler grec", et les dialectes doivent avoir été mutuellement intelligibles (par opposition à βάρβαρος). Pour la connaissance de la diversité dialectale, le grec du premier millénaire avant JC c'est dans une situation particulière (pas très commune dans les langues anciennes) pour plusieurs raisons. Il a un usage très répandu de l'écriture, ce qui permet d'avoir des documents épigraphiques locaux de pratiquement toute son extension géographique. Bien sûr, la répartition est irrégulière, et il y a des écarts très importants surtout lorsqu'on considère le facteur historique: dans de nombreuses régions l'adoption de l'écriture était tardive, à une époque où le dialecte local commençait à laisser sa place au κοινή, de sorte que dans les textes le dialecte local est souvent vu avec des éléments incorporés de ce dernier. En outre, on doit toujours à l'esprit que toute langue écrite a un certain degré de fossilisation par rapport à la langue parlée. Certains dialectes, ou du moins certaines caractéristiques identifiées avec des groupes dialectaux, se sont cristallisés en tant que langues littéraires de genres spécifiques. Ces "dialectes littéraires" ne sont pas identiques à ceux historiques, et dans certains cas (comme le "dorique" des choeurs tragiques) ils atteignent à peine quelques particularités, mais indiquent une conscience de la différence dialectale, une connaissance des formes
43 spécifiques dans le reste du monde hellénique, et ils ont exercé une influence permanente sur la façon d'étudier et de comprendre la dialectologie grecque. Le résultat est que nous avons une multitude de particularités locaux attestés dans les documents de la plupart des villes de langue grecque. Le présent travail vise à mettre en évidence les caractéristiques dialectales qui se distinguent dans la plus ancienne et la plus importante des inscriptions chypriotes, connue sous le nom de "Bronze d'Idalion". Il s'agit d'une plaque opisthographe en bronze, composée de trente et une lignes écrites dans le syllabaire chypriote. Il est daté de 475 av. J.C. et a été trouvé dans un sanctuaire d'Athéna à Idalion, près de Nicosie. Dans l'analyse de l'inscription nous nous occuperons tout d'abord de l'explication des signes dans lesquels le document est écri (on doit se rappeler que le chypriote était le seul dialecte non écrit en alphabet grec), et nous spécifierons ensuite des différentes caractéristiques, phonétiques et morphologiques, qui caractérisent ce dialecte.
Bibliographie BUCK, C.D. (1955) The Greek Dialects. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. CHADWICK, J. (1987) El enigma micénico. El desciframiento de la escritura Lineal B (Versión castellana de Enrique Tierno Galván – Título original: The Decipherment of Lineal B, Cambridge 1958) Madrid: Taurus. COLVIN, S. (2014) A Brief History of Ancient Greek. UK: Blackwell. COLVIN, S. (2007) A Historical Greek reader: Mycenaean to the Koiné. New York: Oxford University Press. DUHOUX, Y. (1983) Introduction aux dialectes grecs anciens: problèmes et méthodes, recueil de textes traduits. Louvain/Paris: Peeters. EGETMEYER, M. (2010) Le dialecte grec ancien de Chypre. Tome II: Répertoire des inscriptions en syllabaire chypro-grec, Berlin: De Gruyter. HORROCKS, G., Greek. (2010) A History of the Language and its Speakers. Second Edition. Malden & Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. JEFFERY L.H. (1961) The local scripts of Archaic Greece. A study of the origin of the Greek alphabet and its development from the eighth to the fifth centuries B.C. Oxford: Oxford University Press. MILLER, D.G. (2010) Ancient Greek Dialects and Early Authors. Introduction to the Dialect Mixture in Homer, with Notes on Lyric and Herodotus. Boston & Berlin: De Gruyter. OSBORNE, R. (Ed.) (2000) Classical Greece. New York: Oxford University Press. PALMER, L.R. (1996) The Greek Language. London: University of Oklahoma Press. RAMÍREZ TREJO, A.E. (2005) Manual de Dialectología Griega. México: UNAM. RODRÍGUEZ ADRADOS, F. (1993) La democracia ateniense. Madrid: Alianza Universidad. VAN EFFENTERRE, H. et RUZÉ, F. (1994) Nomima (vol. I). Roma: École française de Rome.
ὦτα ἀπιστότερα ὀφθαλμῶν? Intonation Units and discourse coherence in the Gyges-episode (Hdt. 1.8-13) and beyond
Cassandra Freiberg Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin
This poster presents first results of my corpus research on Intonation Units (IUs) in Hdt. 1.6-94. It will give an overview over (1) what recurrent IU-types in my corpus are, (2) how they enter into coherence relations with other IUs on a local and more global level of
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discourse structure, (3) how an IU-based framework for discourse coherence may enhance our understanding of individual passages of Ancient Greek texts as well as more specific linguistic phenomena. – The third point will by illustrated by a case study on the famous Gyges-episode (Hdt. 1.8-13), which has figured prominently in the relevant literature since Dover 1960.
References Editions, commentaries, translations Godley Godley, A. D. (1920–1925): Herodotus. With an English Translation by A. D. Godley. 4 vols. Heinemann, London & Putnam’s Sons, New York. Hude Hude, C. (1927): Herodoti historiae. 2 vols. 3rd ed. Clarendon, Oxford. Legrand Legrand Legrand, Ph.-E. (1932–1954): Hérodote. Histoires. 11 vols. Belles Lettres, Paris. Macaulay/Lateiner Lateiner, D. (2004): The Histories. Herodotus. With an Introduction and Notes by Donald Lateiner. Translated by G. C. Macaulay and Revised throughout by Donald Lateiner. Barnes & Noble Classics, New York. Rosén Rosén Rosén, H. (1987/1997): Herodotus. Historiae. 2 vols. Teubner, Stuttgart–Leipzig. Stein Stein, H. (1962[1901]): Herodotos, erklärt von Heinrich Stein. Erster Band: Buch I, mit einer Einleitung über Leben, Werk und Dialekt Herodots und einer Karte. 6th ed. Weidmannsche Verlagsbuchhandlung, Berlin. van Herwerden van Herwerden, H. (1884–1888): ΗΡΟΔΟΤΟΥ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑΙ. Praesertim in usum scholarum recognovit et brevi annotatione instruxit Henricus van Herwerden. Kemink & fil., Traiecti ad Rhenum[Utrecht]. Wilson Wilson, N. G. (2015): Herodoti historiae. 2 vols. Clarendon, Oxford.
General linguistic literature Chafe, W. L. (1994): Discourse, consciousness, and time: Hengeveld, K. & Mackenzie, J. L. (2008): Functional The flow and displacement of conscious experience in Discourse Grammar: A typologically-based theory of speaking and writing. University of Chicago Press, Chicago. language structure. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Dik, S. C. et al. (1981): On the typology of Focus Höhle, T. N. (1992): Über Verum-Fokus im Deutschen. In: Phenomena. In: Hoekstra, T., van der Hulst, H. & Moortgat, Jacobs, J. (ed.): Informationsstruktur und Grammatik. M. (eds.): Perspectives on Functional Grammar. Foris, (Linguistische Berichte. Sonderheft 4/1991–92). Dordrecht–Cinnaminson, 41–74. Westdeutscher Verlag, Opladen, 112–141. Dik, S. C. (1997a): The Theory of Functional Grammar: Part I: Lambrecht, K. (1994): Information structure and sentence The Structure of the Clause. 2nd rev. ed. by K. Hengeveld. form: Topic, focus and the mental representation of Mouton–de Gruyter, Berlin–New York. discourse referents. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Dik, S. C. (1997b): The Theory of Functional Grammar: Part Matić, D. (2003b): Topics, Presuppositions, and Theticity: II: Complex and Derived Constructions. Ed. by K. Hengeveld. An Empirical Study of Verb-Subject Clauses in Albanian, Mouton–de Gruyter, Berlin–New York. Greek, and Serbo-Croat. Dissertation. Universität zu Köln, Féry, C. (2013): Focus as Prosodic Alignment. Natural Köln. Language & Linguistic Theory 31, 683–734.
Literature on word order and discourse structure in Ancient Greek central to the present approach Allan, R. J. (2006): Herodotus’ historiën als sprekend Bertrand, N. (2010): L’ordre des mots chez Homère: leesboek: Herodotus tussen oraliteit en geletterdheid. structure informationelle, localisation et progression du Lampas 39, 19–32. récit. Thèse de doctorat. Paris-Sorbonne, Paris. Allan, R. J. (2014a): Changing the Topic: Topic Position in Dik, H. (1995): Word Order in Ancient Greek: A Pragmatic Ancient Greek Word Order. Mnemosyne 67 (2), 181–213. Account of Word Order Variation in Herodotus. Gieben, Allan, R. J. (2014b): Oral Aspects of Herodotus’ Style: A Amsterdam. Linguistic Approach. Paper presented at the conference Dover, K. J. (1960): Greek Word Order. Cambridge “Herodotus and the rise of Greek narrative prose”, University Press, Cambridge. Cologne, November 28th 2014. Fraenkel, E. (1933): Kolon und Satz. Beobachtungen zur Allan, R. J. (2016): Herodotus’ style als ‘Sprache der Gliederung des antiken Satzes II. In: Nachrichten von der Nähe’: Paper presented at the conference “Language in Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen. Style”, Oxford, 18th-20th May 2016. Philosophisch-historische Klasse 1933 (3), 319–354. Bakker, E. J. (1997): Poetry in speech: Orality and Goldstein, D. M. (2010): Wackernagel’s Law in Fifth Homeric discourse. Cornell University Press, Ithaca– Century Greek. PhD Dissertation. University of Berkeley, London. California. Bertrand, N. (2009): Les pronoms postpositifs dans Goldstein, D. M. (2016): Classical Greek Syntax: Wacker- l’ordre des mots en grec: domaines syntaxiques, nagel’s Law in Herodotus. Brill, Leiden–Boston. domaines pragmatiques. Lalies 29, 227–252.
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Matić, D. (2003a): Topic, focus, and discourse structure: Slings, S. R. (1992): Written and spoken language: an Ancient Greek word order. Studies in Language 27, 573– exercise in the pragmatics of the Greek sentence. 633. Classical Philology 87, 95–109. Scheppers, F. (2011): The colon hypothesis: Word order, Slings, S. R. (2002): Oral Strategies in the Language of discourse segmentation and discourse coherence in Herodotus. In: Bakker, E. J., de Jong, I. J. F. & van Wees, H. Ancient Greek. VUBPRESS, Brussels. (eds.): Brill’s Companion to Herodotus. Brill, Leiden, 53–77.
Additional literature consulted for the discussion of the Gyges-episode Aerts, W. J. (1965): Periphrastica: An Investigation into the Use of εἶναι and ἔχειν as Auxiliaries or Pseudo- Auxiliaries in Greek from Homer up to the Present Day. Hakkert, Amsterdam. Bentein, K. (2013): Prog Imperfective Drift in Ancient Greek? Reconsidering EIMI ‘Be’ with Present Participle. Transactions of the Philological Society 111 (1), 67–107. Bonifazi, A., Drummen, A. & Kreij, M. de (2016): Particles in Ancient Greek Discourse: Five Volumes Exploring Particle Use Across Genres. Center for Hellenic Studies, Washington, DC. https://chs.harvard.edu/CHS/article/display/6220 (last access: 2018-01-29). Fraser, B. (2001[2003]): The clause start in Ancient Greek: focus and the second position. Glotta 77, 138– 177. Krisch, T. (1990): Das Wackernagelsche Gesetz aus heutiger Sicht. In: Eichner, H. & Rix, H. (eds.): Sprachwissenschaft und Philologie: Jacob Wackernagel und die Indogermanistik heute. Kolloquium der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft vom 13. bis 15. Oktober 1988 in Basel. Reichert, Wiesbaden, 64– 81. Luraghi, S. (1990): Osservazioni sulla Legge die Wackernagel e la posizione del verbo nelle lingue indoeuropee. In: Conte, M.-E., Giacalone Ramat, A. & Ramat, P. (eds.): Dimensioni della linguistica. Angeli, Milano, 31–60. Luraghi, S. (2013): Clitics. In: Luraghi, S. & Parodi, C. (eds.): Bloomsbury Companion to Syntax. Continuum, London, 165–193. Marshall, M. H. B. (1987): Verbs, Nouns, And Postpositives in Attic Prose. Scottish Academic Press, Edinburgh. Ruijgh, C. J. (1990): La place des enclitiques dans l’ordre des mots chez Homère d’après la loi de Wackernagel. In: Eichner, H. & Rix, H. (eds.): Sprachwissenschaft und Philologie: Jacob Wackernagel und die Indogermanistik heute. Kolloquium der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft vom 13. bis 15. Oktober 1988 in Basel. Reichert, Wiesbaden, 213
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Evidence for Linguistic Atticism in the Papyrus Fragments of Achilles’ Tatius
Sonja Gammage University of KwaZulu-Natal
Achilles Tatius’ novel, Leucippe and Clitophon, (2nd century AD) is the best preserved of the five fully extant Ancient Greek novels. His work survives in the form of 12 complete and 13 partial medieval manuscripts dating from the 12th to 16th centuries (Vilborg 1955: xviii). In addition, 7 papyrus fragments containing portions of the text have been identified, the longest of which covers the last 9 chapters of book 3, a total of 218 lines (Willis 1990: 74-76). These fragments date from the 2nd to 4th centuries AD and are therefore an invaluable source of evidence for the accuracy of the later manuscripts. The information they present is especially important in any linguistic analysis of his work, as it can reveal if and how the manuscript scribes may have edited his language based on their own practices and personal bias. Achilles Tatius’ novel has previously been described as using “Atticist” language (Sexauer 1899: 76-77; Vilborg 1962: 13-16; Silk 2009: 22). The practice of Atticism, in which Hellenistic and Roman-era authors made use of older Attic dialectal features, is well attested, although the examination of its practice in individual authors is rarer (Kim 2014; Horrocks 2014: 173). In this paper, presenting some of the findings of my doctoral thesis, I will consider what the papyrus fragments of Achilles’ text reveal about his use of Atticist grammatical forms. My thesis examined examples of phonological, morphological and lexical Atticism in the whole of Achilles’ text based primarily on Ebbe Vilborg’s (1955) edition (which was derived from the manuscripts and papyrus fragments known to him at the time). In this paper, I will take those of the Atticist tokens which I have identified that occur in the papyrus fragments and compare them with their corresponding representations in the manuscripts. It will be seen that many, although not all, of the Atticist forms found in the manuscripts are already present in the papyrus fragments and that there is a great deal of consistency between the earlier and later sources with respect to these examples. Similarly, Koine forms that could have been, but are not Atticised in the manuscripts, are normally not Atticised in the papyrus fragments either. This suggests little evidence of scribal error or bias having corrupted the manuscripts. Significantly, there already seems to be evidence of the inconsistent application of Atticist forms which I identified in Achilles’ text as a whole. This paper will show that the papyrus fragments of Achilles’ text, though covering a small portion of the total work, provide some evidence for the reliability of the later manuscripts and the confidence with which they can be used to assess Achilles’ language.
References HORROCKS, G. C. (2014). Greek: A History of the Language and its Speakers (Second edition; Paperback ed.). Chichester: John Wiley and Sons Ltd.
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KIM, L. (2014). The Literary Heritage as Language: Atticism and the Second Sophistic. In E. Bakker (Ed.), A Companion to the Ancient Greek Language (Paperback ed., pp. 468-482). Oxford: Wiley Blackwell. SEXAUER, H. (1899). Der Sprachgebrauch des Romanschriftstellers Achilles Tatius. Heidelberg: Karlsruhe. SILK, M. (2009). The Invention of Greek: Macedonians, Poets and Others. In A. Georgakopoulou & M. Silk (Eds.), Standard Languages and Language Standards: Greek, Past and Present, (pp. 3-32). Farnham: Ashgate. VILBORG, E. (1955). Achilles Tatius: Leucippe and Clitophon (Edition). Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell. VILBORG, E. (1962). Achilles Tatius: Leucippe and Clitophon (Commentary). Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell. WILLIS, W. H. (1990). The Robinson-Cologne Papyrus of Achilles Tatius. Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies, 31(1), 73-102.
Forbidden language and the rise of linguistic taboos in Ancient Greek
Georgios K. Giannakis Aristotle University of Thessaloniki
Linguistic taboos are part of the metaphorical usage of language and constitute a mechanism whereby the speakers avoid certain linguistic features and references out of fear lest their usage may cause some harm to the user. Such language use is driven by social, religious and cultural beliefs and attitudes which prescribe the avoidance of direct reference to certain concepts and the employment of indirect ways for their expression. Taboos may also be determined by pragmatic and situational concerns, e.g. age, gender and social position of the collocutors or the specific setting of the utterance. A taboo may be a single word, a concept, a name, an animal, a dietary item, an object or even a thought whose mention is, in the speaker’s cultural and/or personal milieu, believed to cause harm or even death and destruction. Despite the occasional studies on individual semantic areas (e.g. Parker 1983, 328-31 for the general term for taboo in Greek; Havers 1946, Meillet 1958, Bonfante 1939, Watkins 1975 for Indo-European, including Greek), a systematic and full- fledged study of the phenomenon of taboo in Ancient Greek is still a desideratum. The present paper will deal with two such cases of taboos, namely (i) the cardinal points and points of orientation and their various significations and/or symbolic references (e.g. Gk. ἀνατολαί vs. δυσμαί, δεξιός or δεξιτερός vs. σκαιός and λαι(ϝ)ός (→ ἀριστερός/εὐώνυμος), Lat. scaeuus, laeuus, etc., or Hes. Op. 727 μηδ’ ἄντ’ ἠελίου τετραμμένος ὀρθὸς ὀμιχεῖν ‘and do not urinate standing facing the sun’, etc.), and (ii) sacred language and the various ramifications of its usage (e.g. Gk. οὐ θέμις, Hitt. natta ara ‘(it is) not right’, as in Hittite: KUB XXX 10 Ro. 13, ši-ú-ni-mi-ma- mu ku-it šu-up-pí a-da-an-na na-at-ta a-ra na-at Ú-UL ku-uš-ša-an-ka e-du-un ‘but what has been offered (šuppi) to my god
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of taboos is the language of curse. The focus will be Ancient Greek, but within the comparative framework of cognate Indo-European linguistic and cultural traditions, with material drawn mainly from Greek, Italic, Sanskrit and Hittite.
References Bonfante, G. 1939. “Études sur les tabou dans les langues indo-européennes”, Mélanges de linguistique offerts à Charles Bally, Geneva, 195-207. Cohen, Y. 2002. Taboos and the prohibitions in Hittite society. A study of the Hittite expression natta āra (‘not permitted’), Heidelberg. Giannakis, G. K. (in preparation). Indo-European taboos. Havers, W. 1946. Neuere Literatur zum Sprachtabu, Vienna. Meillet, A. 1958 [1906]. “Quelques hypothèses sur des interdictions de vocabulaire dans les langues indo-européennes”, Linguistique historique et linguistique générale, Paris, 280-91. Parker, R. 1983. Miasma. Pollution and purification in early Greek religion, Oxford. Watkins, C. 1975. “La désignation indo-européenne du ‘tabou’”, Langues, discours, société. Pour Émile Benveniste, Paris, 208-14.
Differential agent marking in classical Greek
David Goldstein University of California, Los Angeles
Agents of passive predicates in classical Greek are realized either in the dative case or with a prepositional phrase. Standard doctrine holds that the realization of the agent phrase is conditioned by grammatical aspect (Kühner and Gerth 1898: 422, Schwyzer 1988: 150.2, Smyth 1956: §§1488, 1490, George 2005: 1, 78). Dative agents are licensed by perfect passive predicates, while prepositional phrase agents occur elsewhere:
(1) i. Dative agent with perfect ἡ δὲ ὁδὸς ἡ ἡμερησίη ἀνὰ διηκόσια στάδια συμβέβληταί⸗μοι. ‘A day’s journey has been calculated by me at 200 stades.’ Hdt. 4.101.3 ii. PP-agent with non-perfect γνώμηι μέντοι ἑσσοῦται ὑπὸ σεῦ. ‘In counsel, however, he has been bested by you.’ Hdt. 7.237.1 We have an example of a dative agent with perfect predicate in example (1i). In (1ii), the predicate is a present imperfective and the agent is realized with a prepositional phrase, as expected.
Counterexamples to this generalization run in both directions, however:
(2) i. Dative of agent with non-perfect (present) τότε δὲ ὡς τῷ Κλεομένεϊ ὡδώθη τὸ ἐς τὸν Δημάρητον πρῆγμα, αὐτίκα
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παραλαβὼν Λευτυχίδεα ἤιε ἐπὶ τοὺς Αἰγινήτας. ‘Then, once the affair with Demaratos was successfully concluded by Kleomenes, he along with Leutykhides straightaway advanced the Aigenetans.’ Hdt. 6.73.1 ii. PP-agent with perfect ἐξεληλαμένος τε ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς... ‘And having been banished by my father...’ Hdt. 1.35.3
In (2i), the dative phrase τῷ Κλεομένεϊ occurs with a past perfective (i.e., aorist) verb. In (2ii), the perfect participle ἐξεληλαμένος occurs with a prepositional phrase agent ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς. Although the literature is unanimous in the view that aspect plays a fundamental role in the realization of passive agents, the role of other factors has received only minimal investigation. George (2005), for instance, argues that agent marking is governed by the animacy hierarchy and the morphology of the passive predicate. By contrast, I argue that the following prominence scales play a crucial role in the realization of agent phrases:
(3) Prominence scales i. Aspect Perfect » perfective » imperfective ii. Definiteness Pronoun » proper name » definite NP » indefinite specific NP » indefinite non- specific NP iii. Animacy Human » animate » inanimate
The following three properties strongly favor dative agents: perfect passive predicate; enclitic pronominal agent; and inanimate subject. By contrast, prepositional phrase agents preponderate among non-perfect predicates; non- pronominal agents; and sentient (i.e., human and animate) subjects. I motivate this distribution of agent markers on the basis of insights from the study of differential object marking (DOM). A prominent analysis of DOM is that objects that are prominent on scales such as those in example (3) are more likely to be subject to differential object marking (see, e.g., Aissen 2003). Applying this insight to differential agent marking, we expect agents to be high on the scales in example (3) and subject patients to be lower. In such contexts, passive agents are predominantly marked with the dative. When this association between semantic role and referential prominence is violated, however, prepositional phrase agents are preferred (cf. Haspelmath 2018). To evaluate the role of the factors in (3), I fit a logistic regression model to a sample of 500 examples of passive predicates with overt agents from Herodotus’ Histories. Regression modeling reveals that the model proposed here is empirically more adequate than the traditional one.
References
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Aissen, Judith (2003). “Different object marking. Iconicity vs. economy.” Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 21: 435–483. George, Coulter H. (2005). Expressions of agency in ancient Greek. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Haspelmath, Martin (Feb. 2018). “Role-reference associations and the explanation of argument coding splits.” MS., http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/004047. Kühner, Raphael and Bernhard Gerth (1898). Ausführliche Grammatik der griechischen Sprache. Satzlehre. 3rd ed. Vol. 1. Hanover: Hahn. Schwyzer, Eduard (1988). Griechische Grammatik. Syntax und syntaktische Stilistik. 5th ed. Vol. 2. München: C. H. Beck. Smyth, Herbert Weir (1956). Greek grammar. 2nd ed. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Langue grecque et réalités romaines : l’exemple de la transposition de quaestor et de ses dérivés
Grégory Ioannidopoulos Université de Liège
Les travaux de M. Mentz, D. Magie et H. J. Mason ont imposé une typologie tripartite dans le domaine du lexique institutionnel gréco-latin (1). Face à une réalité romaine, les hellénophones auraient pu librement choisir de l’exprimer par l’équivalence (comparatio), la traduction (interpretatio) ou la transcription (transcriptio). Dans ce cadre, l’exemple devenu canonique était quaestor, qui aurait pu indifféremment être transposé par ταμίας, ζητητής ou κουαίστωρ. Le but de cette intervention est de questionner le modèle général proposé par les trois lexicographes en approfondissant l’étude de la transposition en grec de quaestor et de ses dérivés. Pour ce faire, il convient de replacer chaque texte et chaque auteur dans le contexte qui était le leur : les témoignages épigraphiques grecs de la questure s’étendent sur 500 ans ; plus de sept siècles séparent Polybe et Jean le Lydien. La dimension diachronique du problème se double également d’une réflexion sur les sources et leur nature : quelle influence les pratiques de chancellerie romaines, telles qu’elles se sont développées à l’époque républicaine, ont-elles eue sur la langue des inscriptions grecques mentionnant la questure ? Pour quelles raisons les différents auteurs hellénophones ayant évoqué la magistrature ont-ils mis en œuvre tel ou tel procédé de transposition ? De la sorte, nous espérons pouvoir illustrer l’influence qu’a pu avoir la langue latine à l’occasion du processus d’appréhension des realia romains par le monde grec. Et dans ce cadre, de mettre également en lumière les variations linguistiques propres à chaque auteur concerné par l’étude.
(1) MENTZ, De magistratuum Romanorum Graecis appellationibus, Iéna, 1894 ; MAGIE, De Romanorum iuris publici sacrique uocabulis sollemnibus in Graecum sermone conuersis, Leipzig, 1905 ; MASON, Greek Terms for Roman Institutions. A Lexicon and Analysis, Toronto, 1974.
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Greek loanwords in post-Biblical Hebrew/Aramaic: some case studies from the midrash Genesis Rabbah
Christina Katsikadeli University of Salzburg Department of Linguistics & Austrian Academy of Sciences, ACDH
Greek loanwords, which total over two thousand items stemming from various dialects, make up the largest group of non-native words in the totality of the Hebrew/Aramaic lexicon (in Mishnaic Hebrew, Jewish Palestinian Aramaic and Jewish Babylonian Aramaic). The transliterations of Greek words in the Rabbinic literature (mishnah, targums, talmuds, midrash) contained in the monumental work by Krauss (Lehnwörter 1898-1899), in Lieberman’s and Sperber’s important contributions (Sperber 1984, 1986, 2012), in the more recent Aramaic dictionaries by Sokoloff (2002a, 2002b, 2003, 2014) and the specialized work on Greek loanwords by Shoval-Dudai (2015) do not only constitute evidence for cultural and linguistic contact between Hebrew/Aramaic and Greek, but also make up most important secondary evidence of Hellenistic Greek. The present study concerns the Greek loanwords in Genesis Rabbah (GenR), a text from Judaism’s classical period, which is the earliest rabbinic commentary on the Book of Genesis and was compiled during the 5th c. CE in Roman Palestine. Except for the last parashiot (chapters), it is structured as an (almost) continuous commentary. GenR is an exegetical midrash; it contains short explanations of words and sentences, often in Aramaic, but also highly difficile and subtle aggadic (narrative) explanations and interpretations of the Biblical text. GenR displays the rabbinic-Jewish worldview and maps out numerous rabbinic theological concepts, e.g. creation, Torah, Israel, the nations, Messiah. GenR also marks an important starting point in terms of its historical relationship with its Roman imperial context. More than other early rabbinic genres, GenR is characterized by its frequent use of Greek loanwords (about 400 types in total) and of concepts and metaphors from the Graeco-Roman culture. Moreover, GenR is the first work of rabbinic midrash that post-dates the Christianization of the Roman Empire. The paper will present some case studies of Greek loanwords in Genesis Rabbah, the study of which still remains a desideratum, especially due to the interdisciplinary character of the research (cf. Sperber 2012: 55). In most of the relevant glossaries and the scholarly literature, the corresponding Greek form of a Hebrew/Aramaic lexeme is just cited from the major Greek dictionaries (LSJ, Lampe), without further consideration of Hellenistic, Early Byzantine and Modern Greek sources, and recent publications in Greek linguistics. The investigation will focus on hapax legomena and problematic cases of alleged Greek loanwords, which examine each attestation of the respective lexeme in its context and offer an up-to-date linguistic analysis, concerning the origin, the morphophonology as well as detailed fine grained semantics. Furthermore, the investigation will pursue –where possible – comparisons with the Greek loaned vocabulary in Syriac Aramaic and Coptic sources, in order to present the findings in their Eastern Mediterranean context.
Selected bibliography:
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Bubenik Vit 2010: “Hellenistic Koine in Contact with Latin and Semitic Languages during the Roman Period”, In: Studies in Greek Linguistics 30, 32-54. Bubenik, Vit 1989, Hellenistic and Roman Greece as a sociolinguistic area, Amsterdam- Philadelphia. Butts, Aaron Michael 2016, Language Change in the Wake of the Empire. Syriac in Its Greco-Roman Context, Winona Lake, Indiana. Clackson, James 2015. Language and Society in the Greek and Roman Worlds, Cambridge. Dalman, Gustav 1905 [1989]. Grammatik des jüdisch-palästinischen Aramäisch. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Gribetz, S.K, D.M & Grossberg, M. Himmelfarb, P. Schäfer (eds). 2016. Genesis Rabbah in Text and Context. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck. Grossman, Eitan / Haspelmath, Martin / T. Sebastian Richter (eds.) 2015. Egyptian-Coptic linguistics in typological perspective. Typological Studies in Language. Berlin etc. Heijmans, Shai. 2013. Greek and Latin loanwords in Mishnaic Hebrew. Lexicon and phonology [in Heb.]. Tel Aviv University PhD thesis. Katsikadeli C. 2017. „Inwieweit ist Wortbildung entlehnbar? Bemerkungen zu den nachklassischen griechischen Komposita, in: Gieseke-Golembowski, F. / Schaaff, K. (Hrsgg.): Wörter bilden – Akten des Jenaer Mai-Kolloquiums 2015 im Gedenken an Bernd Barschel. (SHVS 9) Hamburg: Baar Verlag, 55-73. Katsikadeli C. & I. Fykias 2017. “Etymology and Language Contact: Remarks on Greek Loanwords in Late Antiquity.”, in: Ch. Tzitzilis & G. Papanastasiou (eds.): Greek Etymology, Thessaloniki: Institute of Modern Greek Studies (Manolis Triantafillidis Foundation), 495-512 (Greek Language: Synchrony and Diachrony, vol. 1) Krauss, Samuel. 1898. Griechische und lateinische Lehnwörter im Talmud, Midrasch und Targum, vol. 1: Grammatik. Berlin: Calvary. Kriaras, E. 2001, 2003, Dictionary of Medieval Vulgar Greek Literature (1100-1669), from A - παραθήκη. Thessaloniki: KEG Krivoruchko, Julia. 2012. “Greek loanwords in rabbinic literature. Reflections on current research methodology”. In: Greek scripture and the rabbis, ed. by Timothy Michael Law and Alison Salvesen, Leuven – Paris – Walpole, MA, 193-216. Lampe, G.W.H. 1969. A Patristic Greek Lexicon. Oxford. Clarendon Press. Lieberman, S. 1965. Greek in Jewish Palestine. New York: The Jewish Theological Seminary of America. LSJ = Liddell, H. and R. Scott 1996. A Greek-English Lexicon, rev. H. Stuart Jones and R. Mc Kenzie. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Shoval-Dudai, Nurit. 2015. The integration of Greek and Latin loanwords in post-biblical Hebrew, in: Scripta Classica Israelica, vol. 34, 215–225. Shoval-Dudai, Nurit (fc.) A Glossary of Greek and Latin Loanwords in Classical Hebrew (in Hebrew). Academy of the Hebrew language. Sokoloff, Michael 22002a. A Dictionary of Jewish Palestinian Aramaic of the Byzantine Period. Ramat Gan. Sokoloff, Michael 2002b, A Dictionary of Jewish Babylonian Aramaic of the Talmudic and the Geonic periods. Ramat Gan. Sokoloff, Michael 22012. A Syriac Lexicon: A translation of the Latin, Correction, Expansion and Update of C. Brockelmann’s Lexicon Syriacum, 2nd. Corrected printing, Winona Lake, Indiana. Sokoloff 2014, A Dictionary of Christian Palestinian Aramaic, Louvain.
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Sperber, Daniel 1984, A Dictionary of Greek and Latin Legal terms in Rabbinic Literature, Jerusalem. Sperber, Daniel 2012, Greek in Talmudic Palestine, Ramat Gan. Trapp, Erich et al. 2001-2017. Lexikon zur Byzantinischen Gräzität besonders des 9.-12. Jahrhunderts. Wien: Verlag der ÖA
Explorations in automatically parsing Ancient Greek papyrological and literary texts
Alek Keersmaekers & Toon Van Hal KU Leuven
Due to the free constituent order and the highly inflected nature of Ancient Greek, current progress in automatically analyzing Ancient Greeks texts has been limited so far (see Lee et al. 2011, Mambrini and Passarotti 2012 for previous approaches), despite the presence of three extensive dependency treebanks (the Ancient Greek Dependency Treebanks (AGDT) of Perseus, the PROIEL treebanks and the Sematia project; see Robie 2017 for a short presentation and further references). This paper will discuss the results of our endeavors to make further progress in this respect. In order to come to better results, we have proceeded in a five-fold way. • While the AGDT and Sematia treebanks on the one hand and the PROIEL treebanks on the other hand make use of deviating annotation styles, we automatically converted them to a common format in order that both could be used as training data. We also examined which annotation style is easier to learn for an automatic parsing system. • These treebanks, in particular the AGDT project, result from the voluntary work of many individuals, which inevitably lead to a number of incoherent annotations. In order to come to more coherent training data, a number of adjustments are proposed. The paper will present both a set of structural and punctual corrections, which might be considered to be adopted in a new release of the treebanks, and a set of ‘temporary’ manipulations, i.e. changes in the syntactic structure that would make it easier for an automatic system to learn and parse Ancient Greek dependencies. • In addition, we have attempted to enlarge the training data by adding a set of manually annotated texts (both papyri and literary texts). • While previous approaches use ‘gold’ (viz. manually annotated) morphology and lemma information for their test data, we examined whether similar results were attainable when this information is automatically determined. We also tested and compared several syntactic parsing methods. • We manually annotated a small test corpus, consisting of both non-literary (documentary papyri) and literary texts, and compared syntactic parsing accuracy for the different types of texts.
In sum, this paper will discuss to what extent the modifications and increase of the training data impact on the quality of the results of the test data; to what extent the annotation format influences parsing accuracy; which parsing methods
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turn out to be most suitable to analyze Ancient Greek; and what types of texts yield the best results.
References Lee, John, Jason Naradowsky, and David A. Smith. 2011. “A Discriminative Model for Joint Morphological Disambiguation and Dependency Parsing.” In Proceedings of the 49th Annual Meeting of the Association for Computational Linguistics: Human Language Technologies-Volume 1, 885–894. Association for Computational Linguistics. Mambrini, Francesco, and Marco Carlo Passarotti. 2012. “Will a Parser Overtake Achilles? First Experiments on Parsing the Ancient Greek Dependency Treebank.” In Eleventh International Workshop on Treebanks and Linguistic Theories, 133–144. Edições Colibri. Robie, Jonathan. 2017. “Nine Kinds of Ancient Greek Treebanks.” Open Data for Digital Biblical Humanities (blog), http://jonathanrobie.biblicalhumanities.org/blog/2017/12/20/treebanks-for- ancient-greek/.
Syllabification and Sound Change in Greek Stop+Nasal Clusters
Paul Kiparsky Stanford University
Greek eliminates sequences of oral stops + m differently at each place of articulation. Labials are obligatorily nasalized (1a), and velars and dentals are respectively nasalized and spirantized regularly in morphological paradigms, and sporadically elsewere (1b)-(1c). (1) a. 1. P+m → mm: γεγραμμένος, γέγραμμαι 2. Pm → mm: γράμμα, ὄμμα
b. 1. K+m → Nm: (δε)δεγμένος, πεπλεγμένος, κεκήρυγμαι, κήρυγμα, δόγμα, σμῆγμα 2. Km = Km: κέκμηκα, ἀκμή, ἄκμων, τέκμαρ, τέκμωρ, δοχμή, δόχμη, αὐχμός 3. Doublets: δράγμα ‘handful, sheaf’, δραχμή ‘drachm(a)’ c. 1. T+m → sm: πέπεισμαι, πεπεισμένος, ἔψευσμαι, ἐψευσμένος, ἤνυσμαι
2. Tm = Tm: ἄδμητος, κέδματα, πότμος, ἐφετμή, ἀτμός, πορθμός, ἀριθμός, σταθμός 3. Doublets: Κάδμος, inscr. Κάσσμος; ὀδμή (Hom., Hdt., Pind.), ὀσμή (Attic) ‘odor’
I argue that these are instances of a single phonological change of coda weakening. They are not morphologically conditioned, and (1c) is not analogical, as usually thought. Rather, the syllabifica-tion of muta cum liquida clusters is variably sensitive to morphology, and coda weakening is cate-gorically conditioned by syllable structure. Thus tautomorphemic VKmV escapes coda weakening because it
55 is syllabified as V.KmV (e.g. ké.kmē.ka), while heteromorphemic VK-mV is syllabified as VK.mV and undergoes coda weakening: /pe-plek-ménos/ > pe.pleŋ.ménos. Metrics and morphology support this syllabification. In Attic poetry, stop+liquid and stop+nasal clusters, except -gn-, -gl-, -bl-, but sometimes including mn-, do not make position. It reveals that morphological boundaries induce onset syllabification in proportion to their strength: the sequence V##kmV > V#kmV > Vk+mV shows increasing frequency of onset syllabification. Morphology provides convergent evidence (Steriade 1982). Verbs beginning with single con-sonants and stop+sonorant clusters (except gn-, gl-, bl-, but sometimes including mn-) form their perfect stem by reduplication: gègrafa, kèkmhka. Verbs beginning with other clusters form per-fects with e-: êyeus ai, êgnwka. Reduplicating them would have to violate either the CV- template (*pep.seud-), or the syllable structure constraints. The temporal augment avoids both violations. The reason labials assimilate obligatorily is that *pm-, *phm-, *bm- are not possible onsets. Therefore the labial in VPmV cannot be syllabified as an onset (as V.PmV). It must be syllabified as a coda (VP.mV) regardless of morpheme boundaries. Being always a coda, it always assimilates. On the pattern of the nasal assimilation in /ge-graph-ménos/ > gegrammènoc, /pe-plek-ménos/ > peplegmènos [-ŋ-], we might have expected /pe-peith-ménos/ > *pepeinménos. But *nm is an impermissible cluster in Greek. The closest phonotactically acceptable outcome is pepeisménos, with the apparently unnatural replacement of n by s. I reject the traditional explanation that invokes paradigmatic analogy on the pattern 2.Sg. /pé-peith-sai/ → pèpeissai → pèpeisai, 3.Sg. /pé-peith- tai/ → pèpeistai, 1. Sg. /pé-peith-mai/ > pèpeismai, because there is no analogical basis for n → s in the perfect middle, nor outside paradigms, as in /phan-ma/ φάσμα ‘specter’, /khan-ma/ χάσμα ‘chasm’, /khan-mē/ χάσμη ‘yawning’. Κάσσμος (inscr.), ῥυσμός (Ionic), Ἄσμητος (inscr.), Ἀγαμέσμων (Att.inscr.)
Given the rest of Greek phonotactics, /T+m/ → sm is in fact the optimal repair of the phonotactic violation created at the morpheme boundary. In a robust crosslinguistically widespread pattern that has been explained as avoidance of gestural overlap, Greek allows only ŋn, ŋm, mn, and not *nŋ, *mŋ, *nm. Since the closest replacement *nm is not an acceptable consonant cluster in Greek, it is blocked, and spirantization emerges the next best solution. I demonstrate this by a formal Optimality-theoretic analysis. This case illustrates how a single change can have multiple and indirect manifestations through its interaction with the rest of the constraints of the phonological system. The A → B / C___D schema is a not an appropriate representation of sound change in such cases. We see again that changes don’t wear their identities on their sleeves. When put under the microscope, what looked like analogical changes may turn out to be sound changes, and vice versa.
Infinitives and imperatives in Greek votive and prescriptive texts
Konstantin G. Krasukhin Institute of linguistics, Department of comparative linguistics
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0. Infinitive is a verbal noun meaning the action as an abstract item: a process without any nominative subject. It is derived from several fixed case forms of verbal nous with or without noun suffixes. The most archaic and vary system containing 17 arts is attested in Rig Veda. Dorothy Disterheft (1997) meant that this category is here not formed. But it is not right: several infinitives exist as specific verbal nouns. Most infinitives have suffixes originated from flexion of Locative, Dative, Genitive or Accusative. The locative infinitive describes the existing level: (1) yásya trásanti śávasā saṃcákṣi śátravo bhiyā ́ (RV VI 14, 4) ‘Enemies are trembling from fear at the sight of whose power’ Controversially, the Dative infinitive means the virtual, possible or owing event: (2) r̥bhukṣánam ná vártave (VII 45, 29) ‘One cannot to win a wise man’ The Locative and Dative infinitives can occur in the same pada and form opposition of real and possible event: (3) imá ā ́ yātam índavaḥ sómāso… utá vām uṣáso budhí sākám sūryasyá raśmíbhiḥ sutá mitrāyá váruṇāya pītáye (I 137, 2) ‘Let come drops of Soma, for you both in time of wakening of Dawn, with the rays of sun, pressed (Soma) to Mitra and Varuṇa for drinking’ Cf. (Sgall 1959) 1. The system of Greek infinitives is more compact. It contains two suffixes – en and –men. The first one is connected with the root in weak grade; by athematic verb the suffiх – is added. This suffix is facultative by - . Some researchers compare it with Vedic Dative flexion: ῦ , Cypr. ϝ , Homer. ό = dāvane/́ dāmané (Brugmann 1893). According Delbrück (1892) this affix is an old Locative of –ā-stems. Benveniste (1935) and Aalto (1953) meant, that – was originally an independent particle with hortative meaning. But one can suggest that it is a Dative of laryngeal stems (less probably ― Locative). Its presence corresponds with the character of Greek infinitive, what has ever a modal meaning: debt, possibility, order. 2. The meaning of infinitive in Greek is similar with imperative. It can depend on indicative verb: (4) δῶρον καὶ ἐγώ, τέκνον φίλε, τοῦτο δίδωμι… σῆ ἀλόχῳ φορέειν… (Od. XIV: 125-127) ‘I give a this present, dear child (in order) to bring it to your wife’ Infinitive with the imperative meaning can be also independent: (5) τῷ νῦν μηποτε και σὺ γυναικί περ ἤπιος εἶναι μή οἱ μῦθον ἅπαντα πιφαύσκεμεν ὅν κ᾽ εὒ εἰδῃς ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν φάσθαι, τὸ δὲ κεκρυμμένον εἶναι (Od. XI: 441-443) ‘Don’t be every blunt with your wife; don’t tell her anything, what you know well. But one must be said, other concealed’. Infinitive and imperative can be similar members of sentence: (6) εἰ μέν κεν ἐμὲ κεῖνος ἕλῃ ταναήκει χάλκῳ Τεύχεα συλήσας φερέτω κοιλὰς ἐπὶ νῆμας σῶμα δ᾽ οἴκαδ ἐμὸν δόμεναι… (Il. VII: 77-79) ‘If he’ll kill me with long-spiked copper weapon, let him, taking my armor bring it to the ships; but he must return my body home’.
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The infinitive, however, denotes in this parallel utterances a debt, and imperative ― permission. Another context shows the same difference now more evident: (7) εἰ μέν κεν Μενέλαον Ἀλέξανδρος καταπέφνῃ αὐτὸς ἐπεῖθ Ἑληνην ἐχέτω καὶ κτήματα πάντα ἡμεῖς δ᾽ ἐν νήεσσι νεώμεθα ποντοπροῖσιν εἰ δὲ Ἀλέξανδρον κτείνῃ ξανθὸς Μενέλαος Τρῶας ἐπεῖθ᾽ Ἑλήνην καὶ κτήματα πάντ᾽ ἀποδοῦναι (Il. III: 281-285) ‘If Alexander (Paris) will win and kill Menelaus, let him possess Helena and all the property; if Menelaus will kill Alexander, ― Helena and all the property must be returned’. 3. The structure of conditional sentences in several Greek dialectal votive and law inscriptions is similar: protasis has the predicate in subjunctive, apodosis in imperative or infinitive. In some texts both form are attested, e.g. in Gortyn Laws: (8) ὅς κ᾽ ἐλευθέροι ε δολοι μέλλει ἀνπιμολεῖν, πρὸ δίκας με ἄγεν. αἰ δε κ᾽ ἄγει, καταδικακσάτο το ἐλευθέρο δέκα στατερανς το δολο πέντε, ὅτι αγει, καὶ δικακσάτο λαγἀσαι έν τρισὶ ἀμεραις. αἰ [δέ] κα με λαγάσει καταδικάδδετο το μεν ἐλευθέρο στατερα, το δολο δάρκναν τας αμερας ϝεκαστας, πρίν κα λαγάσει (I 3-10) ‘Whoever is about to bring suit in relation to a free man or a slave, shall not make seizure before the trial. If he make the seizure, (the judge) shall condemn him to a fine of ten staters in the case of a free man, five in case of a slave, because he seizes him, and shall decree that he releases him in three days. But if he does not release him, (the judge) shall condemn him to a fine of a stater in the case of free man, a drachma in case of a slave, for each day until he releases him’. Some researchers mean that the infinitive pro imperativo and imperative itself have the same meaning. Garcia Ramos (2001) considers infinitive as an unmarked form, and imperative as a marked one. The first mode expresses impersonal prescription, the second one personal. I consider infinitive as a marker of general prescription, and imperative as a marker of special prescriptions, following the general one. I.e. infinitive in Greek can denote most strong order. This function can be presented also in other languages (Russian Molčat’ ‘Be silent!’ vs. Molčite! ‘Silent!’) References Aalto 1953 ― Aalto Pentti. Studien zur Geschichte des Infinitives im Griechischen. Helsinki: Acta Antiqua Academiae scientiarum Fennicae, 1953 Benveniste 1935 ― Benveniste Emil. Origines de la formation des noms en indo- européen. Paris : Maisonneuve, 1935 Brugmann 1893 ― Brugmann Karl. Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen. Strasbourg, 1893. Bd. 2 Delbrück 1893 ― Delbrück Bertold. Vergleichende Syntax der indogermanischen Sprachen, Strasbourg, 1893 Disterheft 1997 ― Disterheft Dorothy. The evolution of Indo-European Infinitives // Roger Pearson (ed.) Studies in honor Jaan Puhvel. Washington: Institute of man, 1997 García Ramón 2001 ― García Ramón José Luis. Impératif et infinitif pro imperativo dans les texts grecs dialectaux : les Lois de Gortyne // Verbum, 2001, v. XXIII, № 3 : Les modes dans les dialects grecs anciens Sgall 1959 ― Sgall Petr. Studien zu Infinitiven in RigVeda. Praha: Academia, 1997
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Greek χρόνος and its origin: An old etymological puzzle in Indo- European perspective
Leonid Kulikov Ghent University
The Ancient Greek word for time, χρόνος, is qualified by all etymological dictionaries as etymologically unclear (Chantraine 1968: 1277f.; Beekes 2010: 1651f.). None of the proposed connections (such as the comparison χρόνος ~ χόρτος ‘enclosure, court’, supposedly derived from Proto-Indo-European *ǵher- ‘seize, grasp’; thus, χρόνος ‘time’ is explained as ‘seizer; encompassing time-limit’) appears plausible (see Beekes 2010, ibid.; LIV 177). I argue that this word can be satisfactorily explained on account of comparison with two other words in -όνο-ς, θρ-όνο-ς ‘seat, chair’ and κλ-όνο-ς ‘excitement, throng’ (thus, for instance, Porzig 1942: 346). Assuming that all these words contain the rare nominal suffix -όνο- (accordingly, θρ-όνο-ς is analyzed as a derivative of *θερ- < PIE *dher- ‘fix, hold’ etc.), χρόνος can further be explained as a derivative of the verbal root contained in the present χρῑώ ‘(be)smear, anoint’. This verb, which has no plausible etymology (Beekes (2010: 1651): “a convincing outer- Greek connection does not exist”), can readily be compared with Vedic ghr̥-, pres. jíghar- with very similar meaning, ‘(be)sprinkle, drip’, and likewise etymologically unclear (Mayrhofer 1986-1996: 512f.; LIV 197). The Proto-Indo-European etymon that can underlie both Greek and Old Indo-Aryan formations is reconstructable as *g(w)her-, and χριω̄́ can be analyzed as a -ie/o̯ -present of this root, directly comparable to Vedic ghriyate ‘drips’ (attested in the Yajurveda; see Kulikov 2012: 86-88). The nominal χρόνος can accordingly be explained as a nominal derivative of the root χρ-, thus meaning ‘(be)smearing, anointing’. The origin of the meaning ‘time’ can be accounted for in the context of the common Indo-European metaphorical representation of time either as a wheel (cf. Ved. kālá- ‘time’, probably a derivative of the root *kwel(H)- ‘move (around)’, the same root underlies Gr. κύκλος, Ved. cakrá- ‘wheel’, etc.; Old Church Slavonic vrěmę ‘time’ < *u̯ert-men- ‘turning’), or as river, flow which anoints immovable objects. Cf. the description of Time, deified as a primordial god, in one of the earliest cosmological texts of the Indo-European tradition, the Kālasūkta (Hymn to Time) of the Atharvaveda (c. 1000 BCE), in verse 19.53.2 in the Śaunakīya recension = 11.8.2 + in the Paippalāda): sá imā ́ víśvā bhúvanāniy añján ' kāláḥ sá īyate prathamó nú deváḥ ‘anointing (i.e. flowing around) all these beings, it, that Time, speeds, the primordial god.’ A continuation of the metaphor of a substance flowing around all beings and objects occurs in AV-Śaun. 19.53.4 = AV-Paipp. 11.8.4: sá evá +sán bhúvanāni páriy ait ‘verily, it (= Time), being like that (?), went around beings’. The image of a river of time flowing around the world is not uncommon in Greek mythology, cf. Oceanus (Ὠκεανός), an enormous river encircling the world, described by Homer as ἀψόρροος ‘flowing back into itself, circular’; and the river of oblivion Lethe (Λήθη).
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Accordingly, χρόνος (originally meaning ‘anointing, flowing around’ or the like) can be explained as the stream or river of Time flowing around all beings and objects and thus receives a plausible Indo-European etymology.
References Beekes, Robert. 2010. Etymological dictionary of Greek. With the assistance of Lucien van Beek (Leiden Indo-European etymological dictionary series 10). Leiden: Brill. Chantraine, Pierre. 1968 Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque: Histoire des mots. Paris: Klincksieck. Kulikov, Leonid. 2012. The Vedic -ya-presents: Passives and intransitivity in Old Indo- Aryan (Leiden Studies in Indo-European; 19). Amsterdam: Rodopi. LIV = Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben. Die Wurzeln und ihre Primärstammbildungen. Unter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderen bearbeitet von Martin Kümmel, Thomas Zehnder, …. 2., erw. und verb. Aufl., bearbeitet von Martin Kümmel und Helmut Rix. Wiesbaden: Reichert, 2001. Mayrhofer, Manfred. 1986-1996. Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Altindoarischen. Bd. I- II. Heidelberg: Winter. Porzig, Walter. 1942. Die Namen für Satzinhalte im Griechischen und im Indogermanischen. Berlin: de Gruyter. Greek calques and loanwords in Classical Armenian
Daniel Kölligan University of Cologne, Germany
Despite recent interest in language contact and bi- or multilingualism in ancient societies (cf. e.g. Adams 2003, Adams et al. 2005, Biville 2008, Tribulato 2012), Graeco-Armenian language contact has largely remained out of focus. Beside Greek inscriptions in the area of ancient Armenia (cf. Mahé 1994/1996), direct and indirect loanwords in Armenian provide evidence for contact between these two languages (cf. Brockelmann 1893, Hübschmann 1897: 322-391, Thumb 1900, Olsen 1999: 921-930). The paper will discuss the influence of Greek on Classical Armenian on the lexical and phrasemic level outside the works of the socalled “hellenizing school” of translations of Classical Greek grammar (Dionysios Thrax), philosophy (Aristotle, Porphyrios etc.) and patristics (treated in Muradyan 2012): A number of direct Greek loanwords betray various diachronic stages (and maybe diatopic differences) of Greek phonology, e.g. akowmit < ἀκοίμητος with /i/ ~ η, but kêt with /e/ ~ κῆτος, while others entered Armenian via Iranian (Parthian) mediation, e.g. drak‘mê taken directly from Greek δραχμή vs. dram < from Manichaean Middle Persian drahm (cf. Benveniste 1964, Bolognesi 1960, 1966). Vice versa, Greek probably served as an intermediate donor language for Latin words like Caesar (Arm. kaysr), scutella (skutł, cf. Gk. σκουτέλλιον [PLond. 2.191.10, ii A.D.]) and candela (Arm. kantʻeł, cf. κανδήλη [Ath.]). The study of Greek and Latin loan-words in Armenian may shed light on the internal variation and development of these two languages. Beside loanwords, it was especially in the ecclesiastic language that calques were formed in Armenian, e.g. vičak ‘inheritance, share’ and ‘clergyʼ after the model of Greek κλῆρος ‘inheritance, share; priest/clergyʼ, but cf. also an-as-own ‘animal’, derived from as-em ‘say, speak’, i.e. ‘not speaking’, which may be built after
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Greek ἄλογον ‘animal (*not-speaking/without reason)’ (cf. τὰ ἄλογα ‘animals’ Democr. 164), usually ‘horse’ in later Greek. Similar to the phonological features, the semantics of loanwords may be useful in narrowing down the diachrony of semantic change in the donor language. Finally, the paper will look at possible evidence for Greek influence on Armenian beyond the lexical level, especially in terms of morphosyntax and phraseology (cf. e.g. Topchyan 1999 on possible Greek syntactic features in Movsês Xorenacʻi).
References Adams, James N. (2003). Bilingualism and the Latin Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Adams, James N., Mark Janse, and Simon Swain. (2005). Bilingualism in Ancient Society. Language Contact and the Written Word. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Benveniste, Émile. (1964). “Éléments parthes en Arménien.” REArm, 1, 1-39. Biville, Frédérique, ed. (2008). Bilinguisme Gréco-Latin et Épigraphie. Lyon: Université Lumière Lyon 2. Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée. Bolognesi, Giancarlo. (1960). Le fonti dialettali degli imprestiti iranici in armeno. Milano: Vita e pensiero. Bolognesi, Giancarlo. (1966). “La tradizione culturale Armena nelle sue relazioni col mondo Persiano e col mondo Greco-Romano.” In La Persia e il mondo greco-romano (pp. 567-603). Roma: Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei. Brockelmann, Carl. 1893. ‘Die griechischen Fremdwörter im Armenischen’. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 47: 1–42. Hübschmann, Heinrich. (1897). Armenische Etymologie. 4., unveränd. Nachdr. Hildesheim 1992. Leipzig: Olms. Mahé, Jean-Pierre. (1994). “Moïse de Khorène et les inscriptions grecques d'Armawir.” Topoi : Orient-Occident, 4, 567-586. Mahé, Jean.-Pierre. (1996). “Le site arménien d'Armawir: d'Ourartou à l'époque hellénistique.” Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles- Lettres, 140(4), 1279-1314. Muradyan, Gohar. (2012). Grecisms in ancient Armenian. Leuven: Peeters. Olsen, Birgit Anette. (1999). The noun in Biblical Armenian : origin and word formation ; with special emphasis on the Indo-European heritage. Berlin ; New York: De Gruyter. Thumb, Albert. (1900). “Die griechischen Lehnwörter im Armenischen. Beiträge zur Geschichte der Κοινή und des Mittelgriechischen.”, Byzantinische Zeitschrift 9(2), 388-452. Topchyan, Aram. (2001). “Les hellénismes dans l’Histoire de Moise de Khorène”. In Slovo Vol. 26-27. Actes du Sixième Colloque international de Linguistique arménienne. INALCO - Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres - 5-9 juillet 1999, ed. by Anaid Donabédian and Agnès Ouzounian, 73–82. Paris. Tribulato, Olga, ed. (2012). Language and Linguistic Contact in Ancient Sicily. Cambridge Classical Studies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
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The Variation of Classical Greek Wishes: a Functional Discourse Grammar and Common Ground Approach
Ezra la Roi Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam
Realizable Classical Greek wishes (optative mood) display important yet unexplained variation with several particles. On the one hand, they combine with ἦ and ἄρα which specify a subjective semantics. On the other hand, they can but need not be marked by εἴθε and εἰ γάρ in contrast to obligatorily marked unrealizable (‘counterfactual’) wishes (secondary indicative). To explain this variation, I introduce a layered approach with Functional Discourse Grammar (FDG, Hengeveld and Mackenzie 2008,) and subsequently relate the cupitive optative’s values to Common Ground knowledge (cf. Allan and Van Gils forthc). I believe that examining this variation will significantly improve our understanding of wish illocutions. The cupitive optative, as I argue, has a semantic value and a pragmatic illocutionary value. Realizable wishes are usually characterized as a weaker form of the imperative and in all its values as deontic (Crespo 1992, 282 and Crespo et al. 2003, 293-297), even though deontic is primarily a semantic label. I will suggest that wishes are better interpreted as semantically epistemic, because they express an epistemically realizable state of affairs (Schwyzer and Debrunner 1950, 321 and Revuelta Puigdollers 2005). Using FDG I will distinguish an epistemic semantic core for the cupitive optative, which, unlike a deontic approach, can explain its occurrence with the particles ἦ and ἄρα. These particles modify or, in FDG terms, scope over the optative’s epistemic value. The alleged ‘deontic’ value of realizable wishes results from the affinity of their illocutionary value with both expressive and directive speech acts (Risselada 1993, 37-45 and Denizot 2011, 93). Their main illocutionary value is expressive to the degree that realizable wishes express the speaker’s psychological commitment to the occurrence of a realizable state of affairs. Thus, they only have an implicit directive side-effect in that addressees may interpret wishes as a directive if the utterer has some type of power over them. This description better explains the pragmatic functions of wishes and their frequent co-occurrence with expressive discourse acts such as νὴ Δία. Although Schwyzer and Debrunner 1950, 321 claim that the cupitive optative only rarely occurs without εἴθε and εἰ γάρ, the cupitive optative with εἴθ(ε) actually occurs 5 times less often than the cupitive optative on its own in Aristophanes and Euripides and εἰ γάρ even 10 times less often. I will argue that εἴθ(ε) codes a contextually necessary pragmatic value: the speaker’s current psychological commitment to the wish. That commitment has not been sufficiently established in the interlocutors’ Common Ground, which contains ‘the sum of [interlocutors’] mutual, common, or joint knowledge, beliefs, and suppositions’ (Clark 1996, 96). Speakers use the optative without εἴθε (and possibly εἰ γάρ) when their interlocutor(s) can be assumed to know their psychological commitment. They add εἴθε (or possibly εἰ γάρ) when their current psychological commitment cannot be assumed to be known, for example when the speaker changed his mind or the addressee was absent when the speaker expressed his psychological commitment.
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Allan, R.J. 2015. Classifying the Ancient Greek Particles. Particle Meaning, Diachrony and the Layered Structure of Discourse. Allan, R.J. and L.W. Van Gils. Forthc. Adversative Particles in Greek and Latin: A Comparison. Clark, H. 1996. Using Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Crespo, E., L. Conti and H. Maquieira. 2003. Syntaxis del Griego Clásico. Madrid: Gredos. Crespo, E. 1992. Syntaxis y Semántica de las Formas Modales en Griego Clásico, Revista Española de Lingüística 22/2, 277-307. Denizot, C. 2011. Donner des Ordres en Grec Ancien. Rouen, Publications des universités de Rouen et du Havre. Hengeveld, K. & J.L. Mackenzie. 2008. Functional Discourse Grammar. A typologically based theory of language structure. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Revuelta Puigdollers, A. 2005. Modo y Modalidad en Griego Antiguo. La Negacion. In M. Dolores Jiménez López (ed.) Sintaxis Griega, 1-27. Risselada, R. 1993. Imperatives and Other Directive Expressions in Latin: a study in the Pragmatics of a Dead Language. Amsterdam: Gieben. Schwyzer, Ed. & A. Debrunner. 1950. Griechische Grammatik. 2. Band, Munich: Verlag C.H. Beck.
Degrés et nuances de l'acquiescement dans les dialogues de Platon
Frédéric Lambert CLLE ERSSàB, UMR 5263 CNRS, Univ. Bordeaux Montaigne, F-33607 Pessac, France
Dans le domaine des contacts de langues, il y a très peu de chance que l'anglais parlé aux Etats-Unis ait influencé la langue grecque de l'époque classique. Si l'étymologie de l'expression OK, apparue semble-t-il vers 1839-1840, comme abréviation de "Oll Korrect", déformation graphique de "all right", est exacte22, elle rend absolument impossible un emprunt par l'un quelconque des dialectes du grec ancien. Mais deux points méritent d'attirer notre attention. Le premier c'est la généralisation de l'emprunt de cette expression à un très grand nombre de langues modernes, surtout après la seconde guerre mondiale. Cela suggère que OK joue un rôle essentiel dans l'échange linguistique et que ce rôle est difficilement comblé par les ressources propres des différentes langues. Le second point consiste dans le fait (qui peut être une explication du premier) que OK renvoie à une grande variété d'expression de l'accord, au sens pragmatique d'un des buts poursuivis par toute conversation humaine. A défaut de s'interroger sur la présence de OK dans les textes grecs de l'Antiquité, on peut donc étudier les différents procédés qui lui correspondent. De ce point de vue, certains dialogues de Platon constituent un corpus particulièrement pertinent car les locuteurs qui mènent la discussion, comme le Socrate du Gorgias, non seulement requièrent, et parfois avec insistance, l'accord de l'interlocuteur, mais ils l'obtiennent le plus souvent (même si parfois c'est au prix d'une certaine résistance). Je n'ai pas l'impression que cette exigence d'accord et son corollaire, c'est-à-dire un certain confinement du rôle de l'interlocuteur à exprimer,
22 Cf. le DHLF d'A. Rey, article O.K.
63 d'une façon qui peut paraître monotone et artificielle, son accord, ait beaucoup attiré l'œil des commentateurs ni des études linguistiques23. Or les formulations de l'accord sont moins monotones qu'il ne semble, surtout du fait qu'elles varient en degré, depuis un apparent assentiment total (ναί, πάνυ γε, par exemple), jusqu'au constat de l'apparence (φαίνεται), ou le refus de s'engager (ἔστω). Il est notable que la vigilance des traducteurs s'est parfois laissée prendre par l'apparente monotonie de ces accords répétitifs et qu'ils ne rendent pas toujours toutes les nuances de ces "accords" qui n'en sont pas toujours. Ce n'est d'ailleurs pas parce que l'interlocuteur de Socrate ou d'un autre meneur de jeu exprime son accord total qu'il n'y a pas à l'occasion une position d'attente: l'accord consiste alors à une forme de trêve invitant l'auteur du raisonnement principal à poursuivre. Cette étonnante ambigüité de l'accord et la diversité des nuances à la fois sémantique et pragmatique qui le caractérise se retrouve en fait dans les usages de la simple expression OK. En ce sens, s'interroger sur cette diversité est une question de linguistique générale. Notre étude s'appuiera principalement sur les dialogues les plus "dialogués" de l'œuvre de Platon et notre objectif consistera à établir une typologie des expressions de l'accord, tant sur le plan des formes employées que sur celui des valeurs à la fois sémantiques et pragmatiques (en contexte).
Références Brémond, Capucine (2004) "La petite marque bon, l'indice d'un accord en cours de négociation", Travaux de linguistique (Gent), 48, 14 p, 7-19 Condon Sherri L. (2001) "Discourse ok revisited: Default organization in verbal interaction", Journal of Pragmatics 33, 491-513 Cossutta, F. et Narcy, M. (2001), La forme dialogue chez Platon, Evolution et réceptions, Grenoble, Jérôme Millon Gill, Christopher (2002), "Dialectic and the Dialogue Form", in Annas Julia and Rowe Christopher, New Perspectives on Plato, Modern and Ancient, Center for Hellenic Studies Trusteees for Harvard University, 145-171, Cambridge, Harvard University Press Sicking, CMJ (1997), "Particles in questions in Plato", in Rijksbaron Albert, New approaches to Greek particles, Gieben, Amsterdam 157-174 Thomsen C. (2002), « Oui : il y a oui et oui – marqueurs de la syntaxe conversationnelle », in Andersen, Hanne Leth & Nølke, Henning (éds), Macro- syntaxe et macro-sémantique. Actes du colloque international d’Århus, 17-19 mai 2001, Berne, Peter Lang, pp. 189-206. Wakker, G. (1997), "Emphasis and affirmation", in Rijksbaron Albert, New approaches to Greek particles, Gieben, Amsterdam 209-231
23 C'est ainsi que Sicking (1997) étudie les particules dans les questions chez Platon sans s'intéresser aux "plates" réponses.
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Oblique optative and inferential evidentiality in Homer
Antonio Lillo University of Murcia
The oblique optative is a modal use that resists a simple explanation, since the only clear rule is that it is the formal sing that the cause depends on a past tense main verb (Goodwin 1889: 5; Rijksbaron 2006: 53), although this rule has some exceptions. This has also been defined as a “chameleon” mode, since it is devoid of the modality expressed by other uses of the optative, so it would be a use almost entirely “démodalisé” (Duhoux 2000: 231). Willmott (2007:163) considers the optative as an “intrinsically timeless” mode, allowing it to be used in a variety of contexts. Chantraine (1963: 223) points out that this optative expresses “plus ou moins vaguement un procès qui peut se réaliser ou que l’on souhaite”, with which we would be before a syncretic use of the two realizations of the state of affairs presented by the optative as desirable and possible. Moreover, the use of oblique optative in classical era is broader than in Homer, so this leads us to think of a process of grammaticalization, with the loss of the referential use of the optative, that would have a grammatical function in certain contexts. In this paper we focus on the study of a series of texts of the Homeric corpus in which, following Van der Auwera & Plungian (1998: 85), it is possible to propose for these oblique optatives the overlap between the epistemic necessity modality, since the optative would present an assertion based on the non-absolute certainty of what is said, and the inferential evidentiality, since what is indicated is based on the speaker’s evaluation of previous information. Consequently, the oblique optative would not be a mere substitute for other modal uses or a mere mark of subordination, at least in Homer, but rather it would be used as a mark of inferential evidentiality. We consider to what extent it is possible to speak of a consecutio modorum in regard to the use of the oblique optative in Homer.
Chantraine 1963 = P. Chantraine, Grammaire homérique. Tome II. Syntaxe, Paris 1963. Duhoux 2000 = Y. Duhoux, Le verbe grec ancien. Éléments de morphologie et de syntaxe historiques, Louvain-la-Neuve 2000. Goodwin 1889 = W. W. Goodwin, Syntax of the Moods and Tenses of Greek Verb, London 1889. Rijksbaron 2006 = A. Rijksbaron, The Syntax and Semantics of the Verb in Classical Greek. An Introduction, Chicago & London 2006. Van der Auwera & Plungian 1998 = J. Van der Auwera & Vl. Plungian, “Modality's semantic map”, Linguistic Typology 2, 1998, 79-124. Willmott 2007= J. Willmott, The Moods of Homeric Greek, Cambridge 2007.
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Competing verb stems as variables: the case of the perfect stem of γίγνομαι in Attic Greek.
Robert Machado Fitzwilliam College, University of Cambridge
In Classical Attic, we witness the competition between two stems of the perfect of the verb γίγνομαι: γεγον-, inherited from the Indo-European, and a more recently developed γεγενη-.The co-existence of these two stems in our texts has not yet been systematically documented or studied. Both stems are vibrant in Aristophanes, but γεγον- is hugely dominant by the time of Menander. The choice of stems not only in comedy, but in oratory, history and tragedy seems chaotic. Yet, for all its presence in many Attic texts of the fifth and fourth centuries, γεγενη- fails to replace the older stem in the longer term; it is a change in process that seems not to complete. Can we make sense of these data? When and why is one stem chosen over the other? These questions may open up more knowledge about Attic texts, their authors and the dialect more generally. For the first time in this paper, I use statistical and corpus-based methods to answer these questions and combine both the epigraphic and the literary evidence. Gathering statistical data on each stem’s usage in a variety of Attic authors and corpora, I attempt to discern the semantic and syntactic motivations in stem choice. Marrying this statistical analysis to close reading and variational analysis of particular passages which may be stylistically or pragmatically marked (following the methodology of Willi (2003)), I discuss the social identity which was attached to use of one stem or the other. I attempt to answer the question not only of what the rules were for ‘Classical Attic Greek’ but what the patterns of usage of these stems were in different genres and registers and what this reflects about the usage in speech of the period. I proceed then to analyse the diachronic change in stem-usage, revealing a marked contrast between the late fifth and late fourth centuries BC. I argue that the finiteness of the verb form is key to understanding the patterns we see in different texts, but also that the relationship in stem-usage between different genres changes, with similarities between oratory and comedy in the fifth and early fourth centuries, and stark divergences by the end of the fourth. By combining statistical study of corpora with close reading and existing research on the style and sociolinguistics of these texts, I present an overall micro- history of this feature, charting its place in the sociolinguistic landscape over this period of Attic. I argue further that by extending such a quantitative-based methodology to other linguistic phenomena, we may be able to combine these various micro-histories into a more thorough understand`ing of the processes of linguistic change in Classical Attic and perhaps more generally. It will, too, provide us with greater insight into in the broader sociolinguistic landscape of Classical Attic and into the choices individual authors made in our texts, even in prose whose linguistic features remain under-studied. It is an exciting opportunity for scholars of Ancient Greek.
References
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Willi, A. (2003). The languages of Aristophanes : aspects of linguistic variation in Classical Attic Greek. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Expressions of commitment in Greek aggressive magic: a case of transfer of formulae?
Francesca Maltomini, Francesca Murano and Mariarosaria Zinzi Università degli Studi di Firenze
Texts of aggressive magic – i.e. defixiones or curse tablets, intended to influence the actions or the welfare of persons or animals (see Faraone 1991), and prayers for justice (see Versnel 1991), a request of revenge for a manifested guilt – provide a means of binding enemies. These texts are present all over the ancient world and belong to various linguistic traditions – Greek, Latin but also Oscan, Etruscan. The most ancient texts in Greek have been found in Greece or in Greek colonies, mostly in Sicily, and can be dated to the 5th cent. BC.; the most ancient in Latin to the 2nd cent. BC. Defixiones can consist of names only or – as with prayers for justice – of more complex formulae; the most common cursing verb in Greek texts is καταδῶ, with reference to the sympathetic association between physical and linguistic phases of the rite; other verbs belong to different types of association, as καταγράφω, ἀνιερόω, κατατίθημι, παραδίδωμι, etc.: they “shift responsibility for the binding to the divine sphere” (Faraone 1991: 5) by registering the victims before the god(s) (καταγράφω), dedicating (ἀνιερόω) or committing them to the deities (κατατίθημι, παραδίδωμι). The idea of commitment is also expressed in Latin ((de)mando, (com)mando, delego, trado) especially in prayers for justice, where an individual who suffered an injustice and had turned to the authorities in vain, consigns to the god(s) the person believed to be guilty. A survey of DT and DTA, together with a survey of other epigraphic texts (Jordan 1985a, 1985b, 2000; Lazzarini 1994; SEG XXX among others), has shown that verbs of commitment are employed in Greek with a lower frequency than in Italic languages – the other verbs of judicial prayers being ἀνιερόω, ἀνατίθημι, ἀνιαρίζω etc. – and that they are used both in prayers of justice and in defixiones. Our research has shown that the use of these verbs in Greek texts increases starting from the 3rd cent. AD. The documentation suggests that this increase could be due to the model provided by the Latin textuality, where these verbs have a certain frequency. Moreover, we can propose as working hypothesis an Oscan origin of the use of commitment verbs in texts of aggressive magic: the idea of commitment (manafum) is attested in a very early text (dated 4th cent. BC), that could also be interpreted as a prayer for justice. This is in accord with Poccetti (1993), who believes that aggressive magic texts have been inherited by Latin from Oscan, since Latin magic lexicon is traditionally connected to orality (incantare, carmen). Thus, it can be argued that verbs meaning ‘to commit’ in defixiones/prayers for justice would have been “transferred” from Oscan to Latin tradition. With the progressive growth of the Roman empire, their use would have increased in Greek texts too.
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Selected references Adams G.W. 2006. The Social and Cultural Implications of Curse Tablets [Defixiones] in Britain and on the Continent, Studia Humaniora Tartuensia, 7A, no. 5, pp.1-15 [http://www.ut.ee/klassik/sht/2006/adams2.pdf (accessed January 2018)]. Adams J.N. 2003. Bilingualism and the Latin Language, Cambridge, CUP. D’Amore L. 1997. Breve nota ad una defixio greca da Locri Epizefiri, Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, 117, pp. 95-98. DT = Audollent A. 1904. Defixionum Tabellae, Luteciae Parisiorum. DTA = Wünsch R. 1897. Defixionum Tabellas in Attica regione repertas (IG III 3), Berlin. Faraone C. 1991. The agonistic context of Early Greek binding spells, in C. Faraone - D. Obbink (eds.), Magika Hierà: Ancient Greek magic and religion, New York – London, OUP, pp. 3-32. Jordan D. 1985a. A survey of Greek defixiones not included in the Special Corpora, Greek Roman and Byzantine Studies, 26, 2, pp. 151-197. Jordan D. 1985b. Defixiones from a Well near the Southwest Corner of the Athenian Agora, Hesperia, 54, 3, pp. 205-255. Jordan D. 2000. New Greek curse tablets, Greek Roman and Byzantine Studies, 41, pp. 5-46. Lazzarini M.L. 1994. Una nuova defixio greca da Tiriolo, Annali dell’Istituto Orientale di Napoli. Sezione filologico-letteraria, 16, pp. 163-169. Murano F. 2010. Verbi e formule di defissione nelle laminette di maledizione osche, Quaderni del Dipartimento di Linguistica – Università di Firenze, 20, pp. 51-76. Poccetti P. 1993. Aspetti e problemi della diffusione del latino in area italica, in Campanile E. (ed.), Caratteri e diffusione del latino in età arcaica, Pisa, Giardini, pp. 73-96. Poccetti, P. 1998. L’iscrizione osca su lamina plumbea Ve 6: maledizione o preghiera di giustizia? Contributo alla definizione del culto del Fondo Patturelli a Capua”, in I culti della Campania antica. Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi in ricordo di Nazarena Valenza Mele, Roma, Bretschneider, pp. 175-184. Poccetti, P. 2005 [2008]. La maledizione delle attività di parola nei testi magici greci e latini, AION Ling., 27, pp. 339-382. SEG = Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum, Volume XXX (1980). Edited by H.W. Pleket and R.S. Stroud, Leiden, Brill. Versnel H. 1991. Beyond Cursing: The Appeal to Justice in Judicial Prayers, in C. Faraone - D. Obbink (eds.), Magika Hierà: Ancient Greek magic and religion, New York – London, OUP, pp. 60-106.
Spoken Greek in the minutes of the Council of Chalcedon (451 AD)
Tommaso Mari Otto-Friedrich-Universität Bamberg
The Acts of the Council of Chalcedon include lengthy minutes, in which hundreds of clerics and several officials of the Imperial administration of Constantinople speak in
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Greek. These minutes are presented as the verbatim records of conciliar debates: therefore, they are supposed to record the very words used by all attendees at the council. This provides us with unparalleled evidence for the Greek spoken by educated men in the fifth century, and quite possibly in all of antiquity. The accuracy of the records is crucial to establish the reliability of the Acts as evidence for spoken Greek. We do not know all the details of the minute-taking process at Chalcedon. However, by looking at internal hints and at other conciliar Acts in which the minute-taking is described, we can get a good approximation of how records were produced at this Council. An interesting parallel can be found in the minutes of modern deliberative gatherings, where we have a chance to check the accuracy of the minutes against the videos of the debates. If we look at the transcripts of the UK House of Commons, for example, we realize that contemporary stenographers normalize irregular phonology as well as morphology, suppress some typical features of unplanned spoken language (e.g. repetitions and interjections) and fix anacoloutha and broken syntax; sometimes they also make minor alterations to the lexicon. Everything else is recorded faithfully: so these texts are by and large accurate, if polished, records of the syntax and lexicon of unplanned spoken language at the House of Commons. It is exactly syntax and lexicon that I am going to look at in the minutes of the Council of Chalcedon. The linguistic features I have chosen to examine come from the framework of the study of spontaneous spoken language: this has shown that in spontaneous spoken languages sentences are shorter, there is less grammatical subordination and the range of vocabulary is less than in written language. In order to appreciate the features of spoken Greek at the Council of Chalcedon, therefore, I have chosen to consider the statements of the six clerics who delivered both oral and written statements: by comparing their spoken and written production it is possible to work out the differences between the spoken and written language of each of these attendees, and to draw general conclusions. All the samples considered confirm the findings of research on spontaneous spoken language. Modern research has also shown that some constructions occur in spontaneous spoken language but not in written language, and vice-versa. In this respect, I have considered the use of participial constructions as opposed to finite subordinates: I have found that in oral statements fewer participles are used than in written statements. In oral statements we can also find constructions and idioms that are peculiar to individual speakers and are not used in their written texts.
References Millar, F. A Greek Roman Empire. Power and Belief under Theodosius II (408/450) (Berkeley and London 2006). Miller, J. and Weinert, R. Spontaneous Spoken Language. Syntax and Discourse (Oxford 1997). Price, R. ‘Truth, Omission, and Fiction in the Acts of Chalcedon’, in R. Price and M. Whitby (eds.), Chalcedon in Context. Church Councils 400-700 (Liverpool 2009), 92-106. Price, R. and Gaddis, M., The Acts of the Council of Chalcedon, 3 vols. (Liverpool 2005). Schwartz, E. Acta conciliorum oecumenicorum. Tomus II: Concilium Universale Chalcedonense, 4 vols. (Berlin and Leipzig 1933-1937).
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Vatri, A. Orality and Performance in Classical Attic Prose: A Linguistic Approach (Oxford 2017).
Discourse markers and text type: γάρ in narrative vs. γάρ in argument.
Rafael Martínez University of Seville
The paper presents part of a larger study where specific uses of discourse markers are investigated in the different text or sequence types in which they operate. Discourse markers are linguistic expressions that speakers use to represent their own discourse as it unfolds. The structure of discourse, boundaries between its segments, the stance of the speaker, instructions to interlocutors are typical referents of discourse marking expressions. Particles are a nuclear subclass among discourse markers. Traditional works (Denniston 1950) on the particle γάρ have identified an adverbial asseverative or emphatic force and at least two connective functions, namely a causal and an explanatory one. That some of these uses are linked to specific contexts has also been observed and the relation between some uses and the type of speech act where the particle acts is fairly well established. Thus, for instance the assertive or emphatic value is shown to appear in clauses expressing a question, an order, a wish or an oath. There has been, though, one might argue, too much interest in defining relations between sentences, while the functions with reference to larger discourse units has been neglected. In more recent times and within a theoretical frame of Discourse Analysis based on hierarchical structure and relations of dependency, some authors have explained γάρ as a particle introducing subsidiary information (Van Ophuijsen and Sicking 1993), as a push particle (Slings 1997), or a backgrounding device (Luraghi 2011)-, while others, within a less ‘vertical’ perspective, have posed a central value as introducing unframed discourse (de Kreij 2016), or as a marker of discourse discontinuity (Bonifazzi 2016), even embedded narratives, as part of its explanatory use (de Jong 1997). The author focuses here on the ‘subordinating’ function of γάρ. An analysis of the particle use in argumentative vs. narrative sequences shows that the backgrounding function does exist, but is quite more frequent in narrative texts. Leaving aside other aspects of narrativity, such as voice, stance and focalization, what makes a text narrative is the relation of a series of events in the temporal sequence in which they happened. The construction with γάρ typically introduces subsidiary material to that macrostructure. It may be essential to the understanding of the story or plot, by it is secondary from a macrostructural perspective. Argument, on the other hand, is characterised as such by the presence of two acts, one act expressing an opinion and a second act either justifying or challenging that opinion (Van Eemeren & Grootendorst 1984; Hietanen 2007). There, the function of γάρ introducing a justifying act is anything but subsidiary. If the γάρ segment were ommitted, the argumentative sequence would fade away. A fine-grained description of the distribution of the uses of γάρ is drawn from a corpus study of instances found in the text of Thucydides. It partly builds on
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Drummen 2016, but aims at offering a finer-grained account, since it classifies different uses of the particle and refers to text types, not merely to the dialogue / monologue distinction.
References Bonifazzi, A. 2016. Volume IV. Particle Use in Herodotus and Thucydides. In Bonifazi et al. 2016. Bonifazi, A., A. Drummen y M. de Kreij. 2016. Particles in Ancient Greek Discourse: Five Volumes Exploring Particle Use across Genres. Hellenic Studies Series 74. Washington, DC: Center for Hellenic Studies. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn- 3:hul.ebook:CHS_BonifaziA_DrummenA_deKreijM.Particles_in_Ancient_Greek_Disc ourse.2016 de Jong, I.J.F. 1997. “Gar Introducing Embedded Narratives.” In A Rijksbaron (ed.) New Approaches to Greek Particles. Proceedings of the Colloquium Held in Amsterdam, January 4-6, 1996, to Honour C.J. Ruijgh on the Occasion of His Retirement, Amsterdam, 175–85. de Kreij, M. 2016. Volume II. Particle Use in Homer and Pindar. In Bonifazzi et al. 2016. Denniston, J.D. 19502. The Greek Particles. Oxford. Drummen, A. 2016. Volume III. Particle Use in Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides, and Aristophanes. In Bonifazzi et al. 2016. Hietanen, M. 2007. Paul’s Argumentation in Galatians. A Pragma-Dialectical Analysis. London. Luraghi, S. - G. Celano. 2012. “Connectives and Discourse Structure: Between Foreground and Background.” Presentation at the Conference “Discourse Markers in Corpus Languages,” Vitoria-Gasteiz, 28–30 de Noviembre. Van Eemeren, F.H - Grootendorst, R. 1983. Speech Acts in Argumentative Discussions. A Theoretical Model for the Analysis of Discussions Directed towards Solving Conflicts of Opinion. Dordrecht. van Ophuijsen, J. M., and C. M. J. Sicking. 1993. Two Studies in Attic Particle Usage: Lysias and Plato. Leiden.
Reduplicated and Non-reduplicated Imperatives: κλύθι and κλύτε vs κέκλυθι and κέκλυτε
Lucio Melazzo University of Palermo
The most ancient forms of the Greek verb κλύω (< IE *ḱlewe/o-) “hear, perceive, give ear to, attend to, comply with, obey, be called or spoken of” are • the thematic aorist indicative ἔκλυον (with the non-augmented κλύον corresponding to OI aorist injunctive śruvam), attested in the Homeric poems; • the athematic aorist imperative forms κλῦθι and κλῦτε utilized by Homer, Pindar, and the tragedians (both κλῦθι and κλῦτε always occur at the beginning of the hexameter in the Homeric poems instead of κλύθι and κλύτε, and are therefore said
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to exhibit metrical lengthening; moreover, κλύθι corresponds to the OI imperative form śrudhi); • the reduplicated athematic imperative forms κέκλυθι and κέκλυτε employed by Homer and Apollonius Rhodius, and regarded by Chantraine (1999: 540-541) as innovation; • the participle κλύμενος used by Antimachus Colophonius and Theocritus. In view of the time allowed for presentation, my paper will focus on the use of the double couple of imperatives, the non-reduplicated and the reduplicated, in the Homeric poems. Their distribution in the Iliad and the Odyssey is shown in table 1.
Imperatives Occurrences Percentages κλῦθι/κλῦτε 18 34,6% κέκλυθι/κέκλυτε 34 65,4%
Both couples of imperatives might seem interchangeable at first sight. This is not the case, however. Close analysis of the various passages has in fact allowed me to appreciate a subtle difference between them. When compared with κλῦθι and κλῦτε, the reduplicated forms κέκλυθι and κέκλυτε actually convey a particular nuance of meaning, which can be related to an implication of intensity somehow. A fair inference is that this notable difference in meaning arises from the presence vs the absence of reduplication. This presumption made me devote the last part of my presentation to the morphological process of verbal reduplication in general and to the reduplicated aorists in particular.
REFERENCES The literature on the subject is very extensive and consequently the following list must not be regarded as complete. BERTINETTO Pier Marco & LENCI Alessandro, 2012, “Habituality, Pluractionality, and Imperfectivity”, in BINNICK Robert I. (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Tense and Aspect, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 852-880. BOLINGER Dwight, 1972, Degree Words, The Hague: Mouton. BYBEE Joan, PERKINS Revere & PAGLIUCA William, 1994, The Evolution of Grammar: Tense, Aspect and Modality in the Languages of the World, Chicago: University of Chicago Press. CABREDO-HOFHERR Patricia & LACA Brenda (eds), 2012, Verbal Plurality and Distributivity, Berlin: de Gruyter. CHANTRAINE Pierre, 1927, Histoire du parfait grec, Paris: Champion. CHANTRAINE Pierre, 1968-1980, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque. Histoire des mots, Paris: Klincksieck. CUSIC David D., 1981, Verbal Plurality and Aspect. PhD thesis, Stanford University. DI GIOVINE Paolo, 2010, “Declino di una categoria flessionale: l’intensivo in greco antico”, in PUTZU Ignazio et al. (eds), La morfologia del greco tra tipologia e diacronia. Atti del VII Incontro internazionale di linguistica greca, Milano: Franco Angeli, 189-203. DI GIOVINE Paolo, 1990, Studio sul perfetto indoeuropeo, vol. 1, Roma. DI GIOVINE Paolo, 1996, Studio sul perfetto indoeuropeo, vol. 2, Roma.
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DRESSLER Wolfgang, 1968, Studien zur verbalen Pluralität: Iterativum, Distributivum, Durativum, Intensivum in der allgemeinen Grammatik, im Lateinischen und Hethithischen, Wien. DRINKA Bridget, 2003, “The development of the perfect in Indo-European. Stratigraphic evidence of prehistoric areal influence”, in ANDERSEN Henning (ed.), Language Contacts in Prehistory: Studies in Stratigraphy, Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 77-105. GERÖ Eva-Carin & VON STECHOW Arnim, 2003, “Tense in time: the Greek Perfect”, in ECKARD Regine, von HEUSINGER Klaus & SCHWARZE Christoph (eds), Words in Time, Diachronic Semantics from Different Points of View, Berlin/Boston: de Gruyter, 251-294. HASPELMATH Martin, 1992, “From resultative to perfect in Ancient Greek”, in ITURRIOZ LEZA José Luis (ed.), Nuevos estudios sobre construcciones resultativas, special issue of Función, 11-12: 187-224. HAUG Dag, 2004, “Aristotle’s kinesis/energeia-test and the semantics of the Greek perfect”, Linguistics, 42(2), 387-418. HURCH Bernhard (ed.), 2005, Studies on Reduplication, Berlin/New York: de Gruyter. JESPERSEN Otto, [1924] 2007, The Philosophy of Grammar, London/New York: Routledge. KUČERA Henry, 1981, “Aspect, markedness and t0”, in TEDESCHI Philip J. & ZAENEN Annie E. (eds), Tense and Aspect (Syntax and Semantics 14), New York: Academic Press, 177–189. MAGNI Elisabetta, 2010, “L’evoluzione semantico-funzionale dell’elemento -θ- nella morfologia verbale del greco”, in PUTZU Ignazio et al. (eds), La morfologia del greco tra tipologia e diacronia. Atti del VII Incontro internazionale di linguistica greca, Milano: Franco Angeli, 266-285. MAGNI Elisabetta, 2017, “Pluractionality and perfect in Homeric Greek”, in LOGOZZO Felicia & POCCETTI Paolo (eds), Ancient Greek Linguistics. New Approaches, Insights, Perspectives, Berlin/Boston: de Gruyter. MORAVCSICK Edith A., 1978, “Reduplicative Constructions”, in GREENBERG Joseph H. (ed.), Universals of Human Language, vol. 3. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 297-334. NEDJALKOV Vladimir P. & JAXONTOV Sergej Je., 1988, “The typology of resultative constructions”, in NEDJALKOV Vladimir P. (ed.), Typology of Resultative Constructions, Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 3-62. NEWMAN Paul, 2013, Nominal and Verbal Plurality in Chadic, Dordrecht: Foris. RUBINO Carl, 2013, “Reduplication”, in DRYER Matthew S. & HASPELMATH Martin (eds), The World Atlas of Language Structures Online, Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology (http://wals.info/chapter/27). RUIPÉREZ Martín S., 1954, Estructura del sistema de aspectos y tiempos del verbo griego antiguo: análisis funcional sincrónico, Salamanca: Colegio Trilingüe de la Universidad. SAPIR Edward, 1921, Language. An Introduction to the Study of Speech, New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc. SCHAEFER Christiane, 1994, Das Intensivum im Vedischen, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.
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SCHWYZER Eduard & DEBRUNNER Albert, 1950, Griechische Grammatik. Bd. 2. Syntax und syntaktische Stilistik, München: Beck. SCHWYZER Eduard, 1939, Griechische Grammatik. Bd. 1. Allgemeiner Teil, Lautlehre, Wortbildung, Flexion, München: Beck. SHLUINSKY Andrey, 2009, “Individual-level meanings in the semantic domain of pluractionality”, in EPPS Patience & ARKHIPOV Alexandre (eds), New Challenges in Typology: Transcending the Borders and Refining the Distinctions, Berlin/Boston: de Gruyter, 175-197. SICKING Christian M.J. & STORK Peter, 1996, “The synthetic perfect in Classical Greek”, in SICKING Christian M.J. & STORK Peter (eds), Two Studies in the Semantics of the Verb in Classical Greek, Leiden/ New York/Köln: Brill, 119-298. SZEMERÉNYI Oswald J. L., [1990] 1996, Introduction to Indo-European Linguistics, (transl. of Einführung in die vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft, 4. durchgesehene Auflag, by JONES David M. & JONES Irene), Oxford: Clarendon Press. TICHY Eva, 1983, Onomatopoetische Verbalbildungen des Griechischen, Wien: Österrei-chische Akademie der Wissenschaften. TISCHLER Johann, 1976, Zur Reduplikation im Indogermanischen, Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft. VAN DER AUWERA Johan, 2013, “Semantic maps, for synchronic and diachronic typology”, in GIACALONE RAMAT Anna, MAURI Caterina & MOLINELLI Piera (eds), Synchrony and Diachrony: A Dynamic Interface, Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 153-176. WACKERNAGEL Jacob, 1926, Vorlesungen über Syntax mit besonderer Berücksichtigung von Griechisch, Lateinisch und Deutsch, vol. 1, Basel: Birkhäuser. WOOD Esther Jane, 2007, The Semantic Typology of Pluractionality, PhD thesis, University of California, Berkeley. XRAKOVSKIJ Viktor S., 1997, “Semantic types of the plurality of situations and their natural classification”, in XRAKOVSKIJ Viktor S. (ed.), Typology of Iterative Constructions, Münich: Lincom Europa, 3-64. YU Alan C.L., 2003, “Pluractionality in Chechen”, Natural Language Semantics, 11: 289-321.
The Spelling ιου for ου After Coronals in Ancient Boeotian, Tsakonian and Oscan: Vowel Fronting or Consonant Backing?
Julián Méndez Dosuna Departamento de Filología Clásica e Indoeuropeo, Universidad de Salamanca
In ancient Boeotian inscriptions (3rd – 2nd c. BCE), the spelling ιου occurs in place of ου (representing /u(ː)/) after coronals. Similar phenomena are documented in modern Tsakonian and in Oscan inscriptions written in the indigenous alphabet (Campania and Samnium): Boeotian Attic τιούχᾱ ‘luck’ τύχη διουνατόν ‘possible’ δυνατόν ὄνιουμα ‘name’ ὄνομα (dial. ὄνυμα) Λιουκίσκος PN Λυκίσκος (λύκος ‘wolf’)
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Tsakonian Standard Modern Greek ετιού (< Doric τύ) ‘you’ (2sg.) εσύ (< Att.-Ion. σύ) βαθιού ‘deep’ βαθύ νιούττα ‘night’ νύχτα λιούκο ‘wolf’ λύκος Oscan Latin últiumam (< *oltum-) ‘last’ (f.ac.sg.) ultimam Siuttiis (< *suttijo-) (gentilicium) Niumsieís (< *NumVsjo-) PN Numerius
The spellings Tιου for Toυ and Tiu for Tu (where T = any coronal) have been considered to be evidence of a phonetic process of fronting and/or diphthongization of /u(ː)/, purportedly induced by the preceding coronal: e.g. [tu(ː)] > [ty(ː)] > [tju]. In my presentation, I intend to demonstrate that the reconstructed changes are untenable and that the spellings at issue reflect the palatalization (backing) of a coronal before a high back vowel.
BIBLIOGRAPHY Adiego, I.-X. (2015) “Some Remarks on the New Opic (‘Pre-Samnite’) Inscription of Niumsis Tanunis”, ILing. 38, 15-28. Blümel, W. (1982) Die aiolischen Dialekte: Phonologie und Morphologie der inschriftlichen Texte aus generativer Sicht (Göttingen) Buck, C.D. (1955) The Greek dialects. Grammar, Selected Inscriptions, Glossary (Chicago) Giannakis, G. (ed.) (2014) Encyclopedia of Ancient Greek Language and Linguistics I-III (Leiden/ Boston) Hatzidakis, G.Ν. (1907) “Περὶ τοῦ υ ἐν τῇ νεώτερῃ ἑλληνικῇ”, Μεσαιωνικά καὶ Νέα Ἑλληνικά Β´ (Athens) 277-310 [reprint Athens, 1991] Liosis, N. (2014) “Tsakonian”, in Giannakis (ed.), vol. 3, 446-50 Papadamou, E. (2009) Διαχρονική και διατοπική εξέταση της εξέλιξης του υ (M.Phil. Diss. Thessaloniki) Shipp, G. P. (1965) “IOY=Y in Modern Greek”, Glotta 43, 302-16 Tzitzilis, Ch. (2014) “Archaisms in modern dialects”, in G. Giannakis (ed.) vol. 1, 158-71 Zair, N. (2014) “The Treatment(s) of *-u- after a Coronal in Oscan: Dialect Variation and Chronology”, Indo-European Linguistics 2, 112–125
Greek ἐξερρύα, ἀπεσσύα and the Indo-European aorists in -ā
Enrique Nieto Izquierdo Universidad Autónoma de Madrid
Some Ancient Greek Doric dialects attest to intransitive aorists with an -ᾱ ending:
(1) ὡς δ’ ἐξερρύα (= át. ἐξερρύη) συχνὸν ὑγρ̣[ό]ν, καταλύσαντα τὸ σῶμα τὰν κεφαλὰν πάλιν ἐπιθέμεν ἐπὶ τὸν αὐχένα (IG IV2.1.122, Epidaurus, ca 350 ΒC., ll. 3-5) (2) [λ]εγόντω ἐς ὅ κα τὸ ὕδωρ ἐ[γ]ρυᾶι (= át. ἐκρυῇ) (L. 74) (TitCal 79, Kalymnos, ca 300 BC) (3) Μίνδαρος ἀπεσσύα (X.HG I.1.23).
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(4) Hesychius: ἐφθιᾶ· ἀπέθανεν.
According to a prevalent opinion, forms (1-2) are related to lit. (pa)srùvo, preterite in *-āt of present srav-eti (5) (a) Cyrene aor. subj. ἴσαι, μιᾶι. (b) Sicily aor. part. (pass.) παργεναθέντες. (6) (a) Argos perf. ind. ἐπιμεμηνάκαντι. (b) Laconia ῥυάχετος (Ar. Lys. 170). As a conclusion of these data, it has been argued that the intransitive aorists in Doric were originally in -ᾱ and not in -(θ)η-, as in other dialects. In this paper I will try to show that, despite being a widespread opinion, it is highly unlikely that the above forms correspond to an archaism: -ā preterites are in all probability a Greek innovation, which happens to be very limited, and some forms have been conspicuously misinterpreted. I will also propose an alternative morphological explanation that explains satisfactorily the attested evidence. Bibliography Chantraine, P. (1958): Grammaire homérique. I. Phonétique et morphologie, Paris. McCullagh, Matthew (2002): “Greek ἔβλην and the development of the root aorist in Greek”. HS 115: 59-78 Nieto Izquierdo, E. (2009): Gramática de las inscripciones de la Argólide, UCM, Madrid. Peters, M. (1997): “Der armenische Flexionstyp gitem, gita¢i und das ion.-att. Plusquamperfekt”, Sound law and analogy. Papers in honor of Robert S.P. Beekes on the occasion of his 60th birthday, ed. by Alexander Lubotsky, Amsterdam/Atlanta: 209-217. Peters, M. (2001-2): “Eine minoische Etymologie”. Sborník prací filozofické fakulty Brnĕnské univerzity 6-7 (= Festschrift Antonín Bartonĕk): 231-240 Schwyzer, E. (1939): Griechische Grammatik. I. Allgemeiner Teil. Lautlehre. Wortbildung. Flexion, München. Sihler, A. L. (1995): New Comparative Grammar of Greek and Latin, Oxford. 76 Interaction between Greek and Neo-Phrygian in Funerary Epigrams from Eastern Phrygia under the Roman Empire Elisa Nuria Merisio “Sapienza” Università di Roma The Neo-Phrygian language is only known through epigraphic documents dating from the 1st to mid-3rd centuries AD. These inscriptions – their number is small, approximately a hundred – come from an area covering north-eastern Phrygia and the borders with Galatia and Lycaonia. This paper aims at investigating the relationship between the two languages in a few funerary epigrams found in the Amorion area. Special attention will be paid to bilingual inscriptions, which make up about half of Neo-Phrygian attestations known so far. In bilingual documents the Phrygian language is generally confined to curses on tomb violators whereas the remaining part of the inscription is written in Greek. The pervasive presence of imprecations is a distinctive feature of Phrygian funerary inscriptions, which provide several examples in the Greek language too. At first, the verbal structures of such formulas in the two languages will be examined and compared and, subsequently, the function fulfilled by Greek and Neo-Phrygian respectively within the same inscription will be assessed. Generally speaking, the commissioners of funerary epigrams were wealthy people enjoying a high social status who could afford to erect a monument and to have an inscription carved on it. Their choice of a verse composition bore witness to their – real or alleged – Greek paideia. The decision to utilize both languages within the same inscription points to a clear communication strategy and provides an important clue about the social role played by the local language during the period under consideration. Cl. Brixhe, Essai sur le grec anatolien au début de notre ère, Nancy 1987 (II ed.). Cl. Brixhe, «Interaction between Greek and Phrygian under the Roman Empire», in Bilingualism in Ancient Society, ed. J.N. James – M. Janse – S. Swain, Oxford 2002, 246-66. Cl. Brixhe, Th. Drew-Bear, «Huit inscriptions néo-phrygiennes», in R. Gusmani, M. Salvini, P. Vannicelli, Frigi e frigio. Atti del 1° Simposio Internazionale (Roma, 16-17 ottobre 1995), Roma 1997, 71-114. J. Friedrich, Kleinasiatische Sprachdenkmäler, Berlin 1932. O. Haas, Die phrygischen Sprachdenkmäler, Sofia 1966. G. Neumann, Phrygisch und Griechisch, Wien 1988. J.H.M. Strubbe, ΑΡΑΙ ΕΠΙΤΥΜΒΙΟΙ. Imprecations against Desecrators of the Grave in the Greek Epithaps of Asia Minor. A Catalogue, Bonn 1997. Usage of ἀφ’ οὗ ‘after’ in Greek dialectal inscriptions Toru Minamimoto Kyoto University The epigraphic occurrences of the subordinate conjunction ἀφ’ οὗ ‘after’ are not frequent: they fill barely half a page in the collection of attestations by Hermann 77 (1912: 21—22); and only one instance is added by Minamimoto (2017). In contrast to the relatively straightforward usage to express futurity (with the subjunctive accompanied by the modal particle), there appears to be a pattern in the use of this conjunction + aorist indicative: it is used in phrases found in treaties which, with certain degree of variability, share the rough meaning “after this treaty comes into effect.” Actual wordings are ἀφ’ οὗ / τὸ σύββολον ἐ[γ]ένετο “after the agreement is concluded” (FD 3,1 486) and ἀφ’ οὗ Ἀχαιοὶ ἐγένοντο“after they become citizens of the Achaean League” (SGDI 1634). The Arcadian conjunction ἀφῶτε ‘after’ is also used in this context: ἀφῶτε Μαντινῆς ἐγένοντυ οἱ Ἐλισϝάσιοι “after the Helissonians become citizens of Mantineia”. This phraseological match gives additional support to the etymological interpretation proposed by the first editor of the inscription (Te Riele 1987: 178) that the Arcadian form corresponds to ἀφ’ οὗ, rather than the alternative analysis proposed by Dubois (1988: 282), who suggested that ἀφῶτε may be traced back to the old ablative in*-ōd. Also, this phraseology is geographically clustered around Arcadia, and therefore it possibly belonged to bureaucratic stock expressions in treaties in this area, as suggested by Minamimoto (2017: 106—108). References Dubois, Laurent. 1988. À propos d’une nouvelle inscription arcadienne. Bulletin de correspondence hellénique 112 (1): 279—290. FD 3,1 = Émile Bourguet (ed.). 1929. Fouilles de Delphes. Tome III: Épigraphie. Fascicule I: Inscriptions de l’entrée du sanctuaire au trésor des Athéniens. Paris: de Boccard. Hermann, Eduard. 1912. Griechische Forschungen I: Die Nebensätze in den griechischen Dialektinschriften in Vergleich mit den Nebensätzen in der griechischen Literatur und die Gebildetensprache im Griechischen und Deutschen. Leipzig/Berlin: Teubner. Minamimoto, Toru. 2017. Subordinators and supradialectal formulas in the dialectal inscriptions from Mainland Greece (excluding Attica). Los Angeles: University of California, Los Angeles dissertation. SGDI = Hermann Collitz (ed.). 1884—1905. Sammlung der griechischen Dialekt- Inschriften. (4 vols. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Te Riele, Gérard-Jean. 1987. Hélisson entre en sympolitie avec Mantinée: Une nouvelle inscription d’Arcadie. Bulletin de correpondance hellénique 111 (1): 167—190. Remarks on the Greek vocabulary of translation Ján Országh Université de Strasbourg The lexical field of translation in ancient Greek can be divided into two major groups: lexical neologisms and semantic neologisms. Among the formers, a chief position is occupied by the loanword ἑρμηνεύς and its denominative verb ἑρμηνεύω and its compounds. First, I will try to elucidate the etymology of ἑρμηνεύς by arguing that it is a borrowing from a Luwic dialect (Carian or Proto-Carian). Next, I will deal 78 with the semantic development of ἑρμηνεύς/ἑρμηνεύω using the notion of “semantic prototype” and attempting at showing the extension of its meaning from “interpreter of foreign tongues/to express (orally) in another language” towards “to express, expound”. Finally, in the Letter of Aristeas, ἑρμηνεύς/ἑρμηνεύω/ἑρμηνεία are adopted into the vocabulary of written translation. In the second part of the paper, I shall turn my attention to the analysis of semantic neologisms in Greek translation terminology. Among these we encounter, on the one hand, synecdoches both generalizing (μεταφράζω: totum pro parte) and particularizing (μεταγράφω: pars pro toto) and, on the other hand, a metaphor: the transfer metaphor (ἄγω, μεταφέρω) was introduced into the vocabulary of translation by Plato in Critias (cf. 113a) and later spread significantly not only in Greek (cf. also μεταβάλλω, μεταβιβάζω etc.), but was apparently borrowed into Latin, too (cf. transfero), and diffused into European languages therefrom. Ancient Greek and Phrygian. Types of Convergence and Relationship. Oswald Panagl University of Salzburg, Department of Linguistics Ancient Greek authors (e.g. Plato, Cratylus 410) and lexicographers (Hesychius) had already mentioned and dealt with some apparent similarities between their own language and Phrygian lexemes. In modern times, such phenomena were considered in a variety of relevant monographs and articles, which discussed different kinds of coherence, such as genealogical relationship, borrowing processes and areal contacts, cf. i.a. Haas 1966, Neumann 1988, Panagl 2005, Sowa 2008, Zsolt 2015. The thorough investigation of the Greek-Phrygian contacts primarily requires to be methodologically differentiated between three types of isoglosses, which concern: 1) preserved archaisms (verbal augment, PPP -meno-, relative pronoun *yos); 2) shared innovations (agent nouns ending in -tā-, pronoun auto-); 3) identical choice among different possible ‘inherited’ variants (kinship terms, proclitic pronouns). There exist several cases of data displaying similarities, which deserve some further consideration and linguistic interpretation, e.g. terminology of political and military administration (cf. Mycenaean wa-na-ka, ra-wa- ke-ta vs. Old Phrygian lavagtaei vanaktei); lexical phenomena, such as κύκλος vs. Hesych. gloss. κίκλην ‘Ursa major’; ancient testimonies (Herondas, Cicero); attestations of the region Phrygia and Phrygian people(s) (Homer, Euripides, Timotheos); evaluation of shared sporadic types of sound change (syncope, assimilation, epenthesis, anaptyxis). In addition, the etymological interpretation of some Phrygian words may indicate Greek parallels, e.g. 1) Phrygian bekos ‘bread’ in comparison with Greek φώγω ‘to roast’; 2) Phrygian tidegroun ‘innutribile’ as a compound may refer to the Greek prefix δυσ- (*dṷis-) and the verb τρέφω ‘to feed’; 3) Phrygian t(t)etikmenos (PPP) ‘stigmatised’ may belong to Greek στίζω ‘to brand sth., to stigmatise’. The latter type of reduplication reminds of Lat. steti; spopondi; the assimilation st > t(t) can be confirmed by its occurrence in some Anatolian Greek forms such as ἀνέτησεν (instead of ἀνέστησεν) as well as by cases of ‘hypercorrect’ usage, cf. εὐστυχήση (cf. Panagl 2005: 491). 79 The paper intends to highlight these categories of correlation by evaluating the results of the state-of-the-art research and aims at presenting novel proposals. References (selection) Clackson, James 2015. Language and Society in the Greek and Roman Worlds. Cambridge: CUP. Haas, Otto 1966. Die phrygishen Sprachdenkmäler. Sofia. (= BalkE/Linguistique Balkanique). Panagl, Oswald. 2005. Graeco-phrygische Kontaktzonen, in: G. Meiser/O. Hackstein (eds.), Sprachkontakt und Sprachwandel. Akten der XI. Fachtagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, 17.-23. September 2000, Halle an der Saale. Wiesbaden: Reichert. 483-494. Wojciech Sowa 2008. Studien zum Phrygischen. Cuvillier, Göttingen. Zsolt, Simon 2015. Die letzte Zeile der Phrygischen Inschrift von Vezirhan, in: Acta Classica Univ. Scient. Debrecen, 51, 17-33. A usage-based approach to prosody and second argument realization Alberto Pardal Padín Universidad Autónoma de Madrid Despite the lack of native speakers, it is not impossible for linguists to find some sources with which to study the prosodic structure of Ancient Greek. One of them, metrical caesurae, has proven to be a quite fruitful field of research, given the extension of the metrical corpus available. 24 On some previous research (Pardal Padín 2015, 2017: 69-90), it has been found that Ancient Greek shows a clear tendency for verbs to appear along with their second arguments within a single prosodic unit. This propensity is linked both with iconicity of distance (Haiman 1983: 782; Croft 2008; Haspelmath 2008: 2) and frequency of use (specifically, chunking; Bybee 2002: 112). The current work seeks to refine the analysis and show to what extent the specificities of the second argument (case selection, cognate vs. non-cognate object, etc.) play a role in this tendency. Specifically, I will tackle the interaction of usage and verb argument realization through the study of a selection of 5000 dialogic verses from the complete plays by Aeschylus, Sophocles and Euripides. The analysis will pay special attention to the frequency of use of the different argument structure constructions considering both token —the total amount of appearances of a given verb with its second argument— and type —the sum of different verbs that use the same argument structure construction— frequencies (Bybee 2001: 10–13; Jurafsky et al. 2001; Barðdal 2008). The prosodic analysis, on the other hand, will consider whether the verb and its second argument appear within the same prosodic unit as marked by the caesura of the verse. 24 On the prosodic nature of caesurae and it usefulness to divide prosodic elements, see, e.g., Devine & Stephens 1978, Mojena 1992 or Goldstein 2015: 65–67. 80 Finally, the data will be put through a variable rule analysis (VarbRul; Cedergren & Sankoff 1974) 25 in order to determine to what extent each of the different parameters (namely, the two different frequency measures and the second argument characteristics) play a role in keeping the verb and its second argument within the same prosodic contour. The main hypothesis is that frequency plays the main role in the prosodic structuring of Ancient Greek and, accordingly, that highly frequent sequences of verb plus second argument and highly frequent argument structure constructions are more prone to be kept together. Alba, M.C. (2008) "Ratio Frequency: Insights into usage effects on phonological structure from hiatus resolution in New Mexican Spanish", Studies in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics 1 (2), 247–286. Barðdal, J. (2008) Productivity: evidence from case and argument structure in Icelandic, John Benjamins: Amsterdam - Philadelphia. Bybee, J.L. (2001) Phonology and Language Use, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge. Bybee, J.L. (2002) "Sequentiality as the basis of constituent structure", in Givón, T. & Malle, B.F. (eds.), The Evolution of Language out of Pre-Language, John Benjamins: Amsterdam - Philadelphia, 109–134. Cedergren, H.J. & Sankoff, D. (1974) "Variable rules: performance as a statistical reflection of competence", Language 50, 333–355. Croft, W. (2008) "On iconicity of distance", Cognitive Linguistics 19 (1), 49–57. Devine, A.M. & Stephens, L.D. (1978) "The Greek Appositives: Towards a Linguistically Adequate Definition of Caesura and Bridge", Classical Philology 73, 314–328. Goldstein, D. (2015) Classical Greek Syntax: Wackernagel’s Law in Herodotus, Brill: Leiden - Boston. Haiman, J. (1983) "Iconic and Economic Motivation", Language 59 (4), 781–819. Haspelmath, M. (2008) "Frequency vs. iconicity in explaining grammatical asymmetries", Cognitive Linguistics 19 (1), 1–33. Jurafsky, D., Bell, A., Gregory, M., & Raymond, W.D. (2001) "Probabilistic relations between words: evidence from reduction in lexical production", in Frequency and the Emergence of Linguistic Structure, John Benjamins: Amsterdam - Philadelphia, 229–254. Mojena, A. (1992) "The Behavior of Prepositives in Theocritus’ Hexameter", Glotta 70, 55–60. Pardal Padín, A. (2015) "Métrica y orden de palabras en griego antiguo. La cuestión del segundo argumento", Revista de Estudios Clásicos 42, 119-140. Pardal Padín, A. (2017) La interacción entre Fonología y Sintaxis en griego antiguo, PhD Dissertation, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, Madrid. Young, R. & Bayley, R. (1996) "VARBRUL analysis for second language acquisition research", in Bayley, R. & Preston, D.R. (eds.), Second Language Acquisition and Linguistic Variation, John Benjamins: Amsterdam - Philadelphia, 253–306. 25 Even though it is a tool originally designed to study sociolinguistic variation, VarbRul has also been applied, for example, to second language acquisition (Young & Bayley 1996) or external sandhi phenomena (Alba 2008). 81 Supplication and (im)politeness strategies in Euripides: an approach through Qualitative Data Analysis with NVivo Sandra R. Piedrabuena Universidad de Sevilla This paper explores the extent to which the typology of (im)politeness strategies by Brown&Levinson (1987) along with the one by House&Kasper (1981) applies to Classical Greek. The target is two-pronged as I have tried to pin down the linguistic realisations of each strategy as well as its distribution per character type. The method is analogous to the one recently applied by Berger (2017) in Plautus’ salutatio and advice-giving scenes. The corpus includes the following suppliant scenes: E.Heracl.55-287; Supp.110-597; Andr.515-746; Hec.218-443, 726-863 and E.Or.380-724. Suppliants scenes provide interactions in comparable contexts, since they follow a story pattern and since they present a recurring cast of characters (Kopperschmidt 1967) consisting minimally of a suppliant and a supplicandus (Naiden 2006), to which a third character can be added as opponent of the suppliant (e.g. the Heralds in E.Heracl. and E.Supp.). The analysed strategies are downgraders, broadly understood as politeness strategies; and, on the other hand, upgraders, broadly understood as impoliteness strategies (House&Kasper 1981). The former includes hedges (such as committers and downtoners), as well as impersonalisation, understaters, forewarnings, and the expression of reluctance, pessimism (Brown&Levinson 1987: 173ff.), among others. The following subtypes are analysed as upgraders: overstaters, intensifiers, pluscommitters, lexical intensifiers, aggressive interrogatives and personalisation. Each strategy will be explained and exemplified. The analysed strategies and the characters involved are many and so are the intersections between strategies and characters. In order to overcome this difficulty, I have codified my research in Nvivo, a software for QDA (Qualitative Data Analysis). The software provided an accurate counting of words and has automatically generated results about the distribution of strategies among characters. The findings of this research are consequently twofold. From a purely linguistic standpoint, we can specify which of the (im)politeness strategies that feature in the typologies by Brown&Levinson and by House&Kasper can be considered as such in Classical Greek and how they actually work. For instance, impersonalisation through the indefinite pronoun τις does not seem to be as “polite” as impersonalisation through gnomai or general reflections; the expression οὔκ ἀλλῶς λέγω is better interpreted as a downgrader and not as an upgrader, as the bare translation could initially suggest. Finally, there is a number of idioms which seem to have specialised in the expression of irony (Athanasiadou&Colston 2017): ‘οὐκ οἶδ’ ἐγὼ’, ‘ὡς ἔοικέ’, and ‘εἰ βούλῃ or βούλῃ + subj./acI;’ could be explained as downgraders; however, when perused in context, they recurrently express totally the opposite in highly tense and sarcastic interactions (e.g. E.Heracl.257-261; Supp.566-571). From the standpoint of linguistic characterisation, the main finding is that the (im)politeness strategies are not randomly distributed among characters: accepted suppliants do not address upgraders to the supplicandi. On the contrary, 82 rejected suppliants are, as it were, ineffectual, as they address upgraders to the supplicandi even though they are in a disadvantaged position and in need of requesting. In turn, supplicandi barely address downgraders to the suppliants, unless they reject them. As a result, there is always a linguistic characterisation by contrast between the participants. References Athanasiadou, A. & Colston, H. L. Eds. (2017). Irony in Language Use and Communication. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Brown, P. & Levinson, S. (1987 [19781]). Politeness: Some Universals in Language Use. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Berger, Ł. (2017). The old man and Linguistic Politeness in the comedies of Plautus. Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae, 27(3), 249–273. House, J. & Kasper, G. (1981). Politeness markers in English and German. In F. Coulmas (Ed.), Conversational Routine: Explorations in Standardized Communication Situations and Prepatterned Speech (157-185). The Hague-Paris-New York: Mouton (Janua Linguarum. Series Maior). Kopperschmidt, J. (1966). Die Hikesie als dramatische Form. Tübingen (dissertation). Naiden, F. (2006). Ancient supplication. Oxford-New York: Oxford University Press. Non-Greek elements on Linear B Tablets from the RCT at Knossos Rachele Pierini Università di Bologna The tablet deposit of the Room of the Chariot Tablets (RCT) is understood to represent the earliest archive containing Mycenaean Linear B documents at Knossos. The earlier date assignable to this deposit has been demonstrated both on archaeological and palaeographical grounds. Its documents, therefore, appear to reflect a slightly more archaic situation also from a linguistic perspective, if compared to the other (allegedly later) Knossos tablet deposits. These earlier tablets record primarily wheels and chariots, a circumstance which makes these documents extremely interesting from a semantic point of view, given the close connection between these commodities and the Ancient Near East context. Hence, the tablets yielded by the RCT represent a pivotal source for loan words and foreign names as well as for phonetic and morphological features elsewhere unparalleled or scarcely attested. The aim of this paper is to analyze unusual (or unexpected) elements occurring on tablets from the RCT, with the focus on vocabulary items with supposedly non-Indoeuropean roots, and on features (such as endings) that deviate from later attestations preserved either on tablets from other archives or in alphabetic Greek. Although this latter observation does not necessarily imply a foreign origin of any of the specific items involved, nevertheless it highlights a meaningful divergence between RCT documents and other Linear B tablets, ultimately providing further clues to better understanding the very early (documented) phases of the Greek language. 83 Greek and Sabellian contacts visible in numeral systems in Southern Italy Paolo Poccetti Università di Roma ‘Tor Vergata’ – [email protected] A group of tiles belonging to the roof of an archaic palace (6th – 5th century B.C.) recently excavated at an indigenous site in Southern Italy (Torre di Satriano in Lucania) contains the first series of ordinal numerals in Greek. Noteworthy some of these numerals show interesting variants, that can be explained by contact between the Doric speaking area (around Tarentum) and the neighbouring Sabellian languages. The fact that each number had been engraved on each tile before the terracotta had dried suggests that they were intended to show the order in which the tiles were to be put in place during the construction of the roof. This in turn suggests that the workers employed in the construction were indigenous people who had learned Greek (probably in the neighbouring Doric colony of Tarentum) at the same time as they were learning technical aspects of building. References Capozzoli V. 2009, “Le iscrizioni incise sul tetto di prima fase: un esame preliminare”, in Lo spazio del potere. La residenza ad abside e l’episcopio a Torre di Satriano, a cura di M.Osanna, L.Colangelo, G.Carollo, Venosa, Osanna Edizioni, 158-164. Capozzoli V. 2012 “Tetti arcaici in area nord-lucana: un aggiornamento a seguito delle indagini 2009-2010 a Torre di Satriano, in Lo spazio del potere II. Nuove ricerche nell’area dell’anaktoron di Torre di Satriano, Venosa, Osanna Edizioni, 35-60. Participles, syntactic function, and aspect in Gospels Anna Pompei Roma Tre University This proposal aims at analyzing the correspondence between the four gospels in Greek and in Latin (Vulgata), focusing on the realization of Greek participles in Latin. There are various possible solutions: instead of a Greek participle, in Latin there can be another participle, as well as a relative clause, and other structures, such as cum + subjunctive. These different choices are partially due, as well known, to the greater scarcity of participle forms in Latin. However, they are also interesting for the conference theme, as they shed light on some syntactic and semantic features of participles in Ancient Greek. Indeed, the equivalence with relative clauses is only possible in case of nominal and adjectival Greek participles, both attributive and appositive. For these type of Greek participles it is particularly noteworthy the equivalence between the structure article + participle in Greek and free relatives in Latin: 84 (1) καὶ πάντες οἱ ἀκούσαντες ἐθαύμασαν (Luc. 2.18) (2) et omnes qui audierunt mirati sunt On the other hand, other structures, such as cum + subjunctive, exclusively correspond to converbial participles, i.e. participles having an adverbial function: (3) καὶ εύροντες αὐτὸν λέγουσιν αὐτῷ ὅτι πάντες ζητοῦσίν σε. (Marc. 1.37) (4) et cum invenissent eum dixerunt ei: Quia omnes quaerunt te. If a predicative participle just modifies the nominal head, without any adverbial function, only the equivalence with relative clauses – and not with structures like cum + subjunctive – is possible: (5) καὶ ἐθεράπευσεν πολλοὺς κακῶς ἔχοντας ποικίλαις νόσοις (Marc. 1.34) (6) et curavit multos qui vexabantur variis languoribus Besides morphological and syntactic reasons, translation choices seem also to respect the aspectual value of participles. This is particularly clear in some cases where a Greek aorist predicative participle is translated by a participle in Latin, rather than by a structure like cum + subjunctive, that could convey an active past verb form, such as in (4): (7) καὶ συναγαγὼν πάντας τοὺς ἀρχιερεῖς καὶ γραμματεῖς τοῦ λαοῦ ἐπυνθάνετο παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ποῦ ὁ χριστὸς γεννᾶται. (Matth. 2.4) (8) et congregans omnes principes sacerdotum et scribas populi sciscitabatur ab eis ubi Christus nasceretur. The correspondence of συναγαγών with the active present participle congregans seems to suggest that Greek participle does not express any tense, but only the perfective aspect. To sum up, the aim of this proposal is to: (1) analyze all Latin realizations of Greek participles which are present in the four Gospels; (2) classify the different Latin choices taking into account the different syntactic functions; (3) try to evaluate if and how the aspectual value of Greek participles affects the choice among the alternative possible solutions, according to the different syntactic functions. References Graz, L., 1991, “Formes infinitives et participiales en grec: les trois niveaux de détermination de leurs traits sémantiques”, in: Biraud, M., ed., Études de syntaxe du grec classique. Recherches linguistiques et applications didactiques, Nice, Publications de la Faculté des Lettres et Sciences humaines, 85-97. 85 Duhoux, Y., 1992, Le verbe grec ancien: éléments de morphologie et de syntaxe historiques, Louvain-La-Neuve, Peeters. Maiocco, M., 2005, Absolute Participial Constructions. A Contrastive Approach to the Syntax of Greek and Latin, Pisa, Memorie del Laboratorio di Linguistica della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa. Mugler, Ch., 1938, L’évolution des constructions participiales complexes en grec et en latin, Strasbourg, Publications de la Faculté des lettres de l'Université de Strasbourg. Oguse, A., 1962. Recherches sur le participe circonstanciel en grec ancien, Wetteren, Cultura. Nedjalkov, V. P., 1995, “Some typological parameters of converbs”, in M. Haspelmath - E. König, eds., Converbs in Cross-Linguistic Perspective, Berlin, Mouton de Gruyter, 99-136. Pinkster, H., 2015, The Oxford Latin Syntax, I, Oxford, Oxford University Press. Pompei, A., 2012, “Participio greco e converbi”, Archivio Glottologico Italiano, 97/2, 160-204. Rijksbaron, A., 1994, The Syntax and Semantics of the Verb in Classical Greek, II ed., Amsterdam, Gieben. Ruipérez, M.S., 1954, Estructura del sistema de tiempos y aspectos del verbo griego antiguo, Salamanca, C.S.I.C. Touratier, C., 1980, La relative. Essai de theorie syntaxique, Paris, Klincksieck. Villa de la, J., 2002, “The translation of Greek participles in the Vulgata”, in: Sawicki L. - Shalev D.Rosén, H., ed., Donum grammaticum, Studies in Latin and Celtic Linguistics in Honour of Hannah Rosén, Louvain, Peeters, 385-394. Zeegers-Vander Vorst, N., 1991. “Quelques cas de double analyse du participe ”, in: Biraud, M., ed., Études de syntaxe du grec classique. Recherches linguistiques et applications didactiques, Nice, Publications de la Faculté des Lettres et Sciences humaines, 155-170. Counterargumentation in Ancient Greek. Study of ἔμπης and its allophones Elena Redondo-Moyano University of the Basque Country (Spain) Within the category of "adversative", different types of semantic-pragmatic relationships coexist -eliminative, balancing, opposition in general, strong adversative, weak adversative, introducing objection in dialogue.... These are often indicated by different particles in ancient Greek (ἀλλά, δέ, μήν ...). However, ancient grammarians, such as Dionysius Thrax, only mention ὅμως and ἔμπης as adversatives. In this contribution, which is being carried out within a Research Project funded by the Spanish government (PI FFI2015-65541-C3-1-P), the first results of the morphological, semantic, syntactic and pragmatic study of the second of these forms are presented in a corpus that ranges from the first preserved texts to the end of the imperial period (4th century). The compilation, thanks to the TLG, of all the uses of ἔμπης and its allophones (ἔμπᾱς, ἔμπαν and ἔμπᾰ) allows us to discover their dialectal 86 distribution, their frequency of appearance and in what type of texts (verse / prose) they are used. In addition, the systematic study of their uses shows that, together with "adverbial" uses (in current lexicons ἔμπης is considered an adverb), we can find others in which, in combination with different particles or conjunctions (δέ, ἀλλά, περ ...), ἔμπης is used to express counterargumentation, both in parataxis and in hypotaxis. This last meaning allows us (1) to group ἔμπης together with ὅμως, which is also used to indicate counterargumentation, and (2) to include it in the macrogroup of discursive markers. References Adrados, F. R. (1986-) Diccionario griego-español, in: http://dge.cchs.csic.es/lst/lst-int.htm Apolonio Díscolo, (1987) Sintaxis. Madrid: Gredos. 1987. Apollonius Dyscole (1997) De la construction. Paris: Librairie Philosophique J. Vrin. Apollonius Dyscole (2001) Traité des Conjunctions. Paris: Librairie Philosophique J. Vrin. Bailly, A. (1980), Dictionnaire grec français. Paris: Hachette. Beekes, R. (2010) Etymological dictionary of Greek. Leiden [etc.]: Brill. Boisacq, E. (1938) Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue grecque : études dans ses rapports avec les autres langues indo-européennes. Heidelberg: Carl Winter. Bonifazi, A. et al. (2016) Particles in Ancient Greek Discourse: Five Volumes Exploring Particle Use across Genres, Washington, 87 TLG (1972-)Thesaurus Linguae Graecae, in: http://stephanus.tlg.uci.edu The preverb μετα-: a cognitive and constructionist analysis Antonio R. Revuelta Puigdollers Departamento de Filología Clásica, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid Although μετα- is not one of the most frequent preverbs (use of prepositions as verbal prefixes), it represents a non-negligible 0,317% of all words in the Liddell- Scott-Jones Greek-English Dictionary (375 out of 118.102 lemmata). This proportion decreases in Modern Greek where only 0,112% of verbs are prefixed by μετα- in the ΛΚΝ (56 out of 49.626 lemmata). The purpose of this paper is to give a full account of the verbs prefixed by μετα- in Ancient Greek and their diachronic evolution. The main issues discussed will be the following: a) These verbs exhibit a rather restricted and regular number of predicate frames (quantitative and qualitative valency). My purpose in this paper is to formalize those regular predicate frames and to establish the syntactic and semantic connections and derivations among them from a constructionist and cognitive point of view (Goldberg 1995, Talmy 1985): from the most basic spatial ones (‘to change place’) to the more abstract ones (‘to change, to modify’). The preverb has to be understood as a regular means of word formation. b) The paper researches the connection between the preverbial (μετα-) and the prepositional uses (μετά), as described for example in Luraghi (2003). c) The diachronic development from Ancient (satellite-framed) to Modern (mainly verb-framed) Greek constitutes an important factor taken into account and exhibits parallels in other languages (Mateu & Acedo-Matellán 2013, Talmy 1985). d) From a comparative point of view there are clear similarities between the Greek system and those of other languages like German (see the description of um(-) in Dewell 2011). The data are mainly taken from a corpus made up by the following authors (complete works): Aeschylus, Aristophanes, Demosthenes, Euripides, Herodotus, Lysias, Plato, Sophocles, Thucydides and Xenophon. Additional information has been taken from other authors and from the data available in dictionaries (JSJ) and lexical works (e.g. Funck 1876). The final purpose of this paper is to collect and formalize all the information available about μετα- scattered in dictionaries and lexical works and to transfer it from its present place in lexicography to the grammatical component of the linguistic description of Greek. [Font Calibri 12 pt] References Dewell, Robert B. (2011): The Meaning of Particle/Prefix Constructions in German. Benjamins. Funck, Antonius (1876): “De praepositionis μετα in vocabulis compositis usu exemplis maxime Euripideis probato”. Curtius Studien IX, 113-163. Leipzig, Verlag von S. Hirzel. 88 Goldberg, Adele E. (1995): Constructions. A Construction Grammar Approach to Argument Structure. University of Chicago Press. ΛΚΝ = Λεξικό της Kοινής Nεοελληνικής. Ίδρυμα Μανόλη Τριανταφυλλίδη [Ινστιτούτο Νεοελληνικών Σπουδών] Αριστοτέλειο Πανεπιστήμιο Θεσσαλονίκης, 1998. Luraghi, Silvia (2003): On the Meaning of Prepositions and Cases. Benjamins. Mateu, Jaume & Víctor Acedo-Matellán (2013): “Satellite-framed Latin vs. verb- framed Romance: A syntactic approach”. Probus (25) 227-265. Talmy, Leonard (1985): “Lexicalization patterns: Semantic structure in lexical forms”. In Timothy Shopen (ed.), Language typology and syntactic description (3), 57-149. CUP. Zanchi, Chiara (2014): Multiple preverbation in Homeric Greek. MA dissertation, University of Pavia. The augment in Homeric narration: a temporal approach Sira Rodeghiero Università degli Studi di Padova In the last twenty years, the traditional reconstruction of the augment as an original temporal adverb has been questioned. Different reconstructions have been recently proposed (Willi 2018), but the current general trend of research is following Bakker’s suggestion that the Homeric augment, rather than a marker of past, is a deictic element which expresses closeness between narrated events and the actual time of epic performance (Bakker 1999 and 2001). The large acceptance of this interpretation might be favoured by the increasing attention given to synchronic level analysis in Homeric poems. On this line, it has been pointed out that the augment is sensitive to narrative factors as events described by augmented verbs are characterised by greater relevance and vividness than those described by unaugmented forms. Although confirmed by some studies (see Rodeghiero 2017a), Bakker’s approach is not entirely satisfactory in that it does not show concordance with any of the proposed reconstructive theories. In an effort to reconciliate the synchronic observations mentioned above with the diachronic dimension, I investigate here the use of the augment specifically in Homeric narrative sections, assuming the traditional analysis of the augment as an original temporal adverb (see Lazzeroni 1977 and 2017). I hypothesise that the distribution of augmented and unaugmented verbs might be due to different needs or choices in the expression of temporal coordinates, using an approach inspired by a Reichenbachian theoretical framework. In particular, I suggest that in Homer the augment still preserves trace of its early function as temporal adverb and that it is used to stress, or at least to make explicit, the reference time which is implicit in the unaugmented forms. Partially revisiting an idea explored by Kiparsky (1968), I read the lack of the augment in terms of anaphoric links between the events included in the same narrative sequence, where there is no need to make explicit the temporal reference. From this perspective, the distribution of the augment might be interpreted as a strategy to emphasise single events, and/or to mark cohesion and internal hierarchy of episodes and narrative units. 89 My hypothesis is supported by a personal investigation of a selected corpus of songs from the Iliad. It emerges that unaugmented verbs are more often used within narrative units characterised by a high degree of syntactic cohesion which creates anaphoric links across adjacent clauses, while augmented forms are usually preferred at the beginning of narrative units and in sentences characterised by greater syntactic autonomy. Examples will be discussed during the talk. I will then explore the relationship (if any) of these findings with some previous observations on a different syntactic behaviour of augmented and unaugmented verbs in the left periphery of the sentence (Rodeghiero 2017b). I propose that this phenomenon can be interpreted in light of the temporal analysis presented above. In conclusion, the interpretation of the synchronic distribution of the augment in Homer is not necessarily in contrast with the analysis of the augment as a marker of the past. References Bakker, E. (1999). Pointing to the past: verbal augment and temporal deixis in Homer. In J. Kazakis, & A. Rengakos, Euphrosyne. Studies in ancient epic and its legacy in honor of Dimitris N. Maronitis (p. 50-65). Stuttgart: Steiner. Bakker, E. (2001). Similes, augment and the language of immediacy. In J. Watson, Speaking volums: orality and literacy in the Greek and Roman world (p. 1-23). Leiden: Brill. Dahl, E. (2010). Time, tense and aspect in Early Vedic grammar. Exploring inflectional semantics in the Rigveda. Leiden-Boston: Brill. Kiparsky, P. (1968). Tense and Mood in Indo-European Syntax. Foundations of Language, 4, 30-57. Kiparsky, P. (2005). The Vedic injunctive: historical and synchronic implications. In R. Singh & T. Bhattacharya, The yearbook of South Asian languages and linguistics, (p.219-235). New Dehli/Thousand Oaks/London: Sage Publications. Lazzeroni, R. (1977). Fra glottogonia e storia: ingiuntivo, aumento e lingua poetica indoeuropea. SSL, 17, 1-31. Lazzeroni, R. (2017). Divagazioni sull'aumento in Omero. In Marotta, G. & Strik Lievers, F. Strutture linguistiche e dati empirici in diacronia e sincronia. Studi linguistici pisani, 8, 33-56. Rodeghiero, S. (2017a). Forme aumentate e non aumentate in Omero: tempo, testo, sintassi. Padova: PhD dissertation. Rodeghiero, S. (2017b). L’aumento in Omero tra narrazione e sintassi. In F. Logozzo & P. Poccetti, Ancient Greek linguistics: New approaches, insights, perspective (p.625-640). Berlin/Boston: Walter de Gruyter. Reichenbach, H. (1947). The tenses of verbs. Elements of symbolic logic. New York: The MacMillan Company, 287-298. Rose, S. (2013). Augment. In G.K. Giannakis, Encyclopedia of Ancient Greek Language and Linguistics. Brill Online Willi, A. (2018). Origins of the Greek Verb. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 90 Langues en contact à l’époque impériale : le témoignage de Galien de Pergame Nathalie Rousseau Sorbonne Université – Faculté des Lettres, UFR de Grec UMR 8167 Orient et Méditerranée Médecin grec ayant voyagé dans tout l’Empire romain, exerçant son art auprès des empereurs à Rome mais écrivant en grec, Galien de Pergame est à plus d’un titre un témoin important du contact des langues au iie siècle de notre ère. Dans les études sur le bilinguisme, il est ainsi souvent évoqué pour avoir fourni la première attestation d’une distinction entre δίγλωττος « bilingue » et πολύγλωττος « polyglotte ». En effet, formé auprès des meilleurs maîtres au temps de la Seconde Sophistique, Galien, dont les textes couvrent un champ d’études beaucoup plus large que celui de la seule médecine – philosophie, logique, mais aussi philologie ou grammaire – témoigne un profond intérêt pour le lexique, comme l’illustrent les titres de ses traités perdus sur les mots que l’on trouve chez les écrivains attiques (τὰ παρὰ τοῖς Ἀττικοῖς συγγραφεῦσιν ὀνόματα) ou sur les mots courants (τὰ πολιτικὰ ὀνόματα) chez Aristophane ou Eupolis, ou encore son traité sur les Noms médicaux, dont seul le premier livre a été conservé par une traduction arabe. Or bien loin de constituer une distraction d’érudit, cet intérêt pour le vocabulaire s’inscrit dans une réflexion sur la langue de la médecine et sur les conditions de communication qui permettent une transmission adéquate de la science médicale. C’est dans ce cadre que prennent tout leur sens ses nombreuses observations sur la provenance de telle ou telle dénomination (τὸ Ῥωμαϊστὶ καλούμενον […] « ce qui est appelé dans la langue des Romains… », ὃ δὴ οἱ ἐντόπιοι […] καλοῦσιν « que les locaux [en Syrie] appellent… », τοῦτο οἱ Αἰγύπτιοι […] ὀνομάζουσι « les Égyptiens nomment cela… »), l’affirmation polémique où il déclare « avoir collecté un très grand nombre de mots celtes, thraces, mysiens ou phrygiens » (πάμπολλα συναθροίσας ὀνόματα Κελτῶν καὶ Θρᾳκῶν καὶ Μυσῶν καὶ Φρυγῶν : Thrasybulus, 5.867 Kühn) pour confondre ceux qui récusent l’idée d’un lien conventionnel entre nom et chose, ou encore son souci d’épeler avec précision un nom de céréale recueilli auprès des habitants de Thrace et de Macédoine (De alimentorum facultatibus, 6.514 Kühn). L’étendue de l’apport de Galien à la question du contact entre les langues reste cependant encore largement inexplorée. La plupart de ses analyses sont en effet intégrées à des écrits techniques, difficiles d’accès, qui pour une large part n’ont pas encore fait l’objet d’une édition critique, ni d’une traduction dans une langue moderne. Le célèbre passage sur la difficulté d’être réellement bilingue, et a fortiori polyglotte apparaît ainsi au milieu du 2e livre d’un traité portant sur la différenciation des pouls (De pulsuum differentiis, 8.585 Kühn). Cette étude poursuivra un double objectif. Dressant la liste des termes explicitement attribués par Galien à d’autres idiomes, parmi lesquels le latin occupe une large place, elle tentera d’en établir une typologie et d’en dégager les aspects phonétiques et morphologiques dignes d’intérêt ; en même temps, elle s’attachera également à replacer les fines observations de détail comme les considérations générales de Galien sur la diversité des langues et sur la prééminence du grec dans le 91 cadre de sa conception de la langue de la médecine, et dans le contexte souvent polémique de ses propos – à commencer par celui du traité des Différences des pouls –, afin d’en saisir l’exacte portée et de redonner sa juste place au témoignage de Galien sur les langues de son temps. Indications bibliographiques Adams James N., 2003 : Bilingualism and the Latin Language, Cambridge. Adams James N., Janse Mark & Swain Simon, 2002 : Bilingualism in Ancient Society. Language Contact and the Written Text, Oxford. Binder Vera, 2000 : Sprachkontakt und Diglossie. Lateinische Wörter im Griechischen als Quellen für die lateinische Sprachgeschichte und das Vulgärlatein, Hambourg. Biville Frédérique, 1989 : « Grec et latin : contacts linguistiques et création lexicale. Pour une typologie des hellénismes lexicaux du latin », dans Marius Lavency & Dominique Longrée (dir.), Actes du Ve colloque de linguistique latine (Proceedings of the Vth Colloquium on Latin Linguistics), Louvain-la-Neuve / Borzée, 31 mars – 4 avril 1989, Louvain-la-Neuve, p. 20–40. —, 1990-1995 : Les emprunts du latin au grec : approche phonétique, Louvain/Paris, 2 vol. —, 2017 : « Le bilinguisme gréco-latin », Lalies, 37, p. 45–106. Biville Frédérique, Decourt Jean-Claude & Rougemont Georges (dir.), 2008 : Bilinguisme gréco-latin et épigraphie. Actes du colloque organisé à l’Université Lumière – Lyon 2, Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée – Jean Pouilloux […] les 17, 18 et 19 mai 2004, Lyon. Boudon-Millot Véronique, 2008 : « Galien de Pergame témoin de son temps : l’acculturation de la médecine grecque à la société romaine du IIe siècle de notre ère », Semitica & Classica, 1, p. 71–80. Chantraine Pierre, 1937 : « Quelques emprunts du grec au latin », RÉL, 15, p. 88–91. Clackson James, 2015 : Language and Society in the Greek and Roman Worlds, Cambridge. Dubuisson Michel, 1985 : Le latin de Polybe. Les implications historiques d’un cas de bilinguisme, Paris. Fournet Jean-Luc, 2009 : « The multilingual environment of Late Antique Egypt : Greek, Latin, Coptic, and Persian documentation », dans Roger S. Bagnall (dir.), The Oxford Handbook of Papyrology, Oxford, p. 418–451. García Domingo Enrique, 1979 : Latinismos en la Koiné (en los documentos epigráficos desde el 212 a. J.C. hasta el 14 d. J.C.): gramática y léxico griego-latino, latino-griego, Burgos. Gignac Francis T., 1976-1981 : A Grammar of the Greek Papyri of the Roman and Byzantine Periods. I, Phonology. II, Morphology, Milano, 2 vol. Gitton-Ripoll Valérie, 2012 : « Les latinismes dans les textes hippiatriques grecs », dans Frédérique Biville, Marie-Karine Lhommé & Daniel Vallat (dir.), Latin vulgaire – latin tardif IX. Actes du IXe colloque international sur le latin vulgaire et tardif, Lyon, p. 837–850. Hofmann Herbert, 1989 : Die lateinischen Wörter im Griechischen bis 600 n. Chr. [Diss. Erlangen-Nürnberg]. Langslow David R., 2000 : Medical Latin in the Roman Empire, Oxford. Leiwo Martti, 1995 : Neapolitana. A Study of Population and Language in Graeco-Roman Naples, Helsinki. Manetti Daniela, 2003 : « Galeno, la lingua di Ippocrate e il tempo », dans Jonathan Barnes, Jacques Jouanna & al. (dir.), Galien et la philosophie. Huit exposés suivis de discussions, Genève, p. 171–228. Manetti Daniela, 2009 : « Galen and Hippocratic medicine : language and practice », dans Christopher Gill, Tim Whitmarsh & John Wilkins (dir.), Galen and the World of Knowledge, Cambridge/New York, p. 157–174. Mullen Alex, 2013 : Southern Gaul and the Mediterranean. Multilingualism and multiple identities in the Iron Age and Roman periods, Cambridge. 92 Mullen Alex & James Patrick, 2012 : Multilingualism in the Graeco-Roman Worlds, Cambridge. Perilli Lorenzo, 2006 : « Da medico a lessicografo : Galeno e il Glossario ippocratico », dans Carl Werner Müller, Christian Brockmann & Carl Wolfram Brunschön (dir.), Ärzte und ihre Interpreten. Medizinische Fachtexte der Antike als Forschungsgegenstand der Klassischen Philologie. Fachkonferenz zu Ehren von Diethard Nickel, München/Leipzig, p. 165–201. Rochette Bruno, 1997 : Le latin dans le monde grec. Recherches sur la diffusion de la langue et des lettres latines dans les provinces hellénophones de l’Empire romain, Bruxelles. Rousseau Nathalie, 2017 : « Le nom des éléments (στοιχεῖα) : histoire, sens et emplois selon Galien de Pergame », Aitia. Regards sur la culture hellénistique au XXIe siècle, 7–2 [http://journals.openedition.org/aitia/1827]. Rousseau Nathalie, à paraître : « Ὅτι ἀλαζών ἐστι μάρτυς ἡ ἐτυμολογία : Galen on Etymology, Theory and Practice », dans Arnaud Zucker (dir.), Proceedings of the International Conference on Greek Etymology (March 2016, Villa Kérylos, Beaulieu-sur-Mer), Berlin / New York. Schironi Francesca, 2009 : From Alexandria to Babylon. Near Eastern Languages and Hellenistic Erudition in the Oxyrhynchus Glossary (P.Oxy. 1802 + 4812), Berlin / New York. Schlange-Schöningen Heinrich, 2003 : Die römische Gesellschaft bei Galen. Biographie und Sozialgeschichte, Berlin / New York. Skoda Françoise, 2001 : « Galien lexicologue », dans Michel Woronoff, Simone Follet & Jacques Jouanna (dir.), Dieux, héros et médecins grecs. Hommage à Fernand Robert, Besançon, p. 177–195. Skoda Françoise, 2006 : « L’enseignement par Galien des noms et des choses : lexicographie et modernité », dans Jacques Boulogne et Antoine Drizenko (dir.), L’enseignement de la médecine selon Galien, Villeneuve d’Ascq, p. 43–57. Insubordination in Ancient Greek? : The case of ὥστε sentence Emilia Ruiz-Yamuza University of Seville It is a well-known fact (Kühner-Gehrt 1904 (1966): 514) that some ὥστε sentences, in spite of their subordinate marking, are themselves used as main clauses and perform speech acts on their own: 1) Lys. IV.7.4-8.1 νῦν δὲ ὁμολογούμεθα πρὸς παῖδας καὶ αὐλητρίδας καὶ μετ' οἴνου ἐλθόντες. ὥστε πῶς ταῦτ' ἐστὶ πρόνοια; (In point of fact, we admit that we went to see boys and flute-girls and were in liquor: so how is that premeditation?) (Lamb) 2) Th. 6.91.4 καὶ ὃν ἄρτι κίνδυνον ἐκεῖθεν προεῖπον, οὐκ ἂν διὰ μακροῦ ὑμῖν ἐπιπέσοι. ὥστε μὴ περὶ τῆς Σικελίας τις οἰέσθω μόνον βουλεύειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ τῆς Πελοποννήσου, (and the danger which, as I was saying, threatens you from that quarter, will speedily overwhelm you. And therefore remember every one of you that the safety, not of Sicily alone, but of Peloponnesus, is at stake) (Jowett) Two structures, which share the same properties, have not been considered belonging to this group: sentences which realize indirect speech acts (4), and those used to answer questions (5): 3) Lys. XII. 32.4-33.1 νῦν δέ σου τὰ ἔργα φανερὰ γεγένηται οὐχ ὡς ἀνιωμένου ἀλλ' ὡς ἡδομένου τοῖς γιγνομένοις· ὥστε τούσδε ἐκ τῶν ἔργων χρὴ 93 μᾶλλον ἢ ἐκ τῶν λόγων τὴν ψῆφον φέρειν… (But the fact is that your deeds clearly reveal the man who, instead of feeling pain, took pleasure in what was being done; so that this court should take its verdict from your deeds, not from your words) (Lamb) 4) S. OT 1128-1133 {ΟΙ.} Τὸν ἄνδρα τόνδ' οὖν οἶσθα τῇδέ που μαθών; | {ΘΕ.} Τί χρῆμα δρῶντα; ποῖον ἄνδρα καὶ λέγεις;| {ΟΙ.} Τόνδ' ὃς πάρεστιν· ἢ ξυναλλάξας τί πως; |{ΘΕ.} Οὐχ ὥστε γ' εἰπεῖν ἐν τάχει μνήμης ὕπο. ((Oedipus) Are you aware of ever having seen this man in these parts? (Servant) Doing what? What man do you mean? (Oedipus) This man here, have you ever met him before? (Servant) Not so that I could speak at once from memory) (Jebb) The aim of my work is twofold: to offer a fine-grained description of these uses in a corpus, and to test whether all of them can be considered as insubordinate clauses. Following Evans (2007: 366), “insubordination is the conventionalized main clause use of what, on prima facie grounds, appear to be formally subordinate clauses”. Although ellipsis has been considered the main mechanism leading to a former subordinate clause being used independently (Evans 2007), however, in recent literature a range of explanatory hypotheses has been proposed (Cristofaro 2016, Heine 2016, Traugott 2017). My corpus consists on Sophocles’ and Euripides’ tragedies, and a selection from Lysias’, Thucydides’ and Herodotus’ works. As a close revision of the data shows, 1) there is an interesting difference in frequency between authors, which should be explained. 2) The sentences display several functions in interaction: signalling relevant information, expressing evaluative modality, and expressing directives, among others. 3) Ellipsis can’t be proved in all the cases and other hypotheses seem to be fully productive. References Berdolt, W. 1896: Der Folgesatz bei Plato, Erlangen. Crespo Güemes, Emilio, 2011. “Análisis gramatical de ὥστε”, in Mª José García Blanco et al. (eds.), Antidoron, Homenaje a Juan José Moralejo, Santiago de Compostela, 141-152. Cristofaro, Sonia. 2016: “Routes to insubordination: A cross-linguistic perspective”, in Nicholas Evans & Honoré Watanabe (eds.), Insubordination, Amsterdam, 392-422. Disterheft, Dorothy & Carlotta Viti. 2010: “Subordination”, in Silvia Luraghi & Vit Bubenik, (eds.), Continuum Companion to Historical Linguistics, 230-249. London. Evans, Nicholas. 2007: “Insubordination and its uses”, in Irina Nikolaeva, (ed.), Finiteness: Theoretical and Empirical Foundations, 366-431. Oxford. Evans, Nicholas & Honoré Watanabe. 2016: “The dynamics of insubordination: An overview”, in Nicholas Evans & Honoré Watanabe (eds.), Insubordination, Amsterdam, 1-39. García Ramón, José Luis. 1989: “Los modos en las subordinadas consecutivas en griego clásico”. Actas del VII Congreso español de estudios cásicos, Madrid. 155-161. Gildersleeve, Basil. L. 1886: “The consecutive sentence in Greek”, AJPh.161-175. Heine, Bernd, Gunther Kaltenböck, Tania Kuteva, 2016: “On insubordination and cooptation”, in Nicholas Evans & Honoré Watanabe (eds.), Insubordination, Amsterdam, 39-64. Kühner, Raphael & Gehrt, B. 1904: Ausfürliche Grammatik der griechischen Sprache, Hannover (Darmstadt 1966). 94 Ruiz Yamuza, Emilia. 2012: “Los matices de la consecuencia: ejemplificación con οὕτως”, in A. Cabedo, P. Nebot (eds.), Lingüística XL. Madrid, 225-233. Seume, Hermann. 1883: De sententiis consecutivis, Gotinga. Traugott, Elizabeth Closs. 2017: “Insubordination” in the light of the Uniformitarian Principle”, English Language and Linguistics, 21.2, 289-310. The distribution of iotacistic variants inadministrative documents from Karanis: a data-driven study Winnie Smith University of Oxford In a corpus language such as Ancient Greek, variant spellings provide important information on language variation and change. Documentary papyri are abundant sources of orthographic variation (Evans and Obbink 2010: 2), and typically have short transmission chains (Evans 2010:51). Autograph papyri have proved particularly attractive to scholars investigating the correspondence between individuals’ variant orthography and the phonology and syntax of their spoken Greek (e.g. Nachtergaele 2013). However, the majority of documentary papyri are not autograph, but scribally mediated (Palme 2009). Models of variation which make inferences from the writing to the speech of individuals can therefore only cover a small proportion of the surviving material. For example, private letters (autograph or scribal), which are often exploited for linguistic evidence (Evans 2010); average only between 8.8%– 12.8% of total documentary papyri (Bagnall and Cribiore 2008: n.p.; §89-96) in the Roman period. This paper therefore sets out to explore inferences that can be drawn from orthographic variation in scribally mediated documents. It reports the findings of a data-driven study of iotacistic variation in 26 Roman-era administrative documents from Karanis. All contained a contrast between sections drafted by professional scribes (bodies of agreements) and sections written by a party to the agreement, or a proxy acting on their behalf (subscriptions to agreements). Though no meaningful differences in spelling between professional scribes and subscribers was found, the study did identify interesting patterns in the distribution of spelling variants. For example, the study concentrated on three types of graphic interchange: normative spelling variant spelling ι → ε, ει ε → ι, ει ει → ε, ι As expected for the documents in the sample, which spanned the 1st to the late 4th centuries AD, there is bi-directional graphic variation between <ι> ↔<ει>, reflecting the merger of <ι>, <ει> ~ /i/ (Gignac 1976:189). However, the proportional frequency of such variation is low for securely transcribed <ε> (0.02 of c. 1,350 occurrences are 95 variants) and <ι> (4% of c. 1,700 occurrences) whereas it is considerably higher for <ει> (16% of c. 200 occurrrences). This hints at non-phonological factors affecting the visibility of variation. A qualitative examination of the data points to an awareness of taught morphological rules affecting the visibility of variation, particularly: • hypercorrect spellings of <ει> for <ι> in dative endings • alternation between graphically similar <ει> and <ι> sequences across declensions and between noun and verb paradigms • <ε> featuring in memorisable patterns (short function words and augments), which suppresses variation. The paper concludes by suggesting that the patterning as well as the typology of errors could be usefully incorporated into orthographic studies of both autograph and scribally mediated documents. A default assumption that spelling variants reflect low literacy, and are thus closer to speech (Horrocks 2014: 115, Dickey 2009: 151), is a potentially problematic position if it doesn’t include investigation of how variant forms, even if numerous, may reflect trying to implement formally acquired spelling principles. References Bagnall, R., Cribiore, R., & Ahtaridis, E. (2008). Women's letters from ancient Egypt, 300 BC-AD 800 (ACLS Humanities E-book). Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Dickey, E. (2009). The Greek and Latin languages in the papyri. In R. S. Bagnall (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of papyrology (pp. 149-169). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Evans, T. (2010). Identifying the language of the individual in the Zenon archive. In T. Evans, & D. Obbink (Eds.), The Language of the Papyri (pp. 51–70). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Evans, T., & Obbink, D. (2010). Introduction. In T. Evans, & D. Obbink (Eds.), The language of the papyri (pp. 1-12). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Gignac, F. (1976). A Grammar of the Greek Papyri of the Roman and Byzantine Periods: I. Phonology. Milan. Horrocks, G. C. (2014). Greek: a history of the language and its speakers (2nd ed.). Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. Nachtergaele, D. (2013). The Asklepiades and Athenodoros archives: a case study of a linguistic approach to papyrus letters. Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies, 269– 293. Palme, B. (2009). The range of documentary texts: types and categories. In R. S. Bagnall (Ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Papyrology (pp. 358–394). Oxford: Oxford University Press. 96 Early Contact Between Phrygian and Greek Aljoša Šorgo University of Leiden Phrygian is an extinct Indo-European language attested from Central and West Anatolia from the 8th to the 6th century BCE as Old Phrygian, and from the 1st to 3rd century CE as New Phrygian. Before their migration to Anatolia around the turn of the second millennium BCE, the Phrygians lived in the southern Balkans in close proximity to the precursors of later Hellenes and Macedonians. Neumann's Phrygisch und Griechisch (1988) argues extensively for a common Greco-Phrygian branch of Indo-European, and the two languages remained in constant contact with each other after their separation into Proto-Greek and Proto-Phrygian, as evidenced by some early loanwords from Greek into Phrygian (e.g. pant- 'all', vanakt- 'king') The aim of this paper is to examine those features of Phrygian that have parallels in post-Proto-Greek innovations of Greek dialects and could thus have been either areal developments or a result of Greek influence. Particular focus will be given to Lesbian Greek, which shares, among others, these features with Phrygian: a) development of -ts- to -ss- (e.g. Phrygian μροσσας < *mrot-yeh₂-s); b) dissimilation of *-ns to -is̯ (cf. Lesb. acc. pl. -ις and Phr. acc. pl. -is < *-ns); c) use of αἰ for εἰ ‘if’. The development of pre-Phrygian *-Ry-, *-Rs-, and *-sR- clusters also shares similarities with some Greek dialects. Morphological characteristics of Phrygian will likewise be compared to Greek. One widespread post-Proto-Greek change shared with Phrygian is the adoption of the pronominal genitive ending, -οο > -ō in Greek and -ovo in Phrygian (both from *- oso), in the o-declension. The verbal system of Phrygian is currently rather poorly understood, but is also likely to shed some light on early contact between the two languages. References: Beekes, R. S. P. 2010: An Etymological Dictionary of Greek. Brill: Leiden. Brixhe, Claude. 1982: Palatalisations en grec et en phrygien: problemes phonétiques et graphiques. Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris 77: 209-249. Brixhe, Claude. 1983: Epigraphie et grammaire du phrygien: état présent et perspectives. In Vineis (ed.): Le lingue indoeuropee di frammantaria attestazione. Pisa: 109-133. Brixhe, Claude. 2002: Corpus des inscriptions paléo-phrygiennes – Supplément I. Kadmos 41: 1-102. Brixhe, Claude. 2004: Corpus des inscriptions paléo-phrygiennes – Supplément II. Kadmos 43, 1-130. 97 Brixhe, Claude et Lejeune, Michel. 1984: Corpus des inscriptions paléo-phrygiennes. Institut français d’études anatoliennes: Paris. Brixhe, Claude et Vottéro, Guy (eds.). 2006: Peuplements et genèses dialectales dans la Grèce antique. de Boccard: Paris. Buck, Carl Darling. 1955: The Greek Dialects. University of Chicago Press: Chicago. García-Ramon, Jose Luis. 1975: Les origins postmycénniennes du groupe dialectal éolien. Édiciones Universidad de Salamanca: Salamanca. Kortlandt, Frederik. 2016: Phrygian Between Greek and Armenian. Académie Bulgare des sciences linguistique balkanique 55, 2-3: 117-123. Lubotsky, A. et Ligorio, O. 2013: Фригийский язык (»Frigiyskiy yazik«). In Koryakov et Kibrik (eds.): Языки мира: Реликтовые индоевропейские языки Передней и Центральной Азии. Academia: Moscow. 180-195. Miller, D. Gary. 2014: Ancient Greek Dialects and Early Authors. De Gruyter: Boston/Berlin. Neumann, Günter. 1988: Phrygisch und Griechisch. Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften: Vienna. Rix, Helmut. 1992: Historische Grammatik des Griechischen: Laut- und Formenlehre (2e Aufl.). Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft: Darmstadt. Sihler, Andrew. 1995: New Comparative Grammar of Greek and Latin. Scribal awareness of contact-induced phonological features in Greek documentary papyri from Egypt Joanne Stolk University of Oslo / Ghent University After the conquest of Alexander the Great, Greek became the dominant language for culture, trade and administration in Egypt and many Egyptians took the effort to learn the Greek language. As we know from typological studies, the process of learning of a second language often leads to structural interference at the level of phonology and syntax in the target language (Thomason 2001: 75). The production and replication of phonological features is among the most difficult to control for adult-learners due to physiological limitations (Matras 2009: 221-222). A range of contact-induced phonological features can be observed in specific environments in Egyptian Greek (Dahlgren 2017; Vierros 2012). Documents written by Egyptians do not only show contact-induced variation, but also clear attempts to produce standard Greek orthography, morphology and syntax (Evans 2012; Leiwo 98 2003). The resulting impact of the phonological changes on the orthography in historical written documents seems easier to control for the bilingual speaker, but this requires awareness of the differences between the phonological (and orthographical) systems of both languages. In this paper I will explore the awareness of contact-induced phenomena by scribes and their communicative partners. The material is provided by conscious revisions of orthographic features in documentary papyri from Egypt. The differences between scribal corrections of contact-induced orthographic variation and widespread language-internal orthographic variation reveal important differences in awareness of these features and individual attempts to eliminate bilingual interference. Dahlgren, Sonja. 2017. Outcome of long-term language contact Transfer of Egyptian phonological features onto Greek in Graeco-Roman Egypt. Doctoral dissertation, University of Helsinki. Evans, Trevor V. 2012. “Complaints of the natives in a Greek dress: the Zenon Archive and the problem of Egyptian interference.” In Alex Mullen and Patrick James (eds.), Multilingualism in the Graeco-Roman Worlds, 106-123. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Leiwo, Martti. 2003. “Scribes and Language Variation.” In Leena Pietilä-Castrén and Marjaana Vesterinen (eds.), Grapta Poikila I. Papers and Monographs of the Finnish Institute at Athens 8: 1-11. Matras, Yaron. 2009. Language Contact. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Thomason, Sarah Grey. 2001. Language Contact. An Introduction. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press. Vierros, Marja. 2012. Bilingual Notaries in Hellenistic Egypt. A Study of Greek as a Second Language. Brussel: KVAB Press [Collectanea Hellenistica 5]. Naming patterns in theophoric Greek names Araceli Striano Universidad Autónoma de Madrid We know that the proper names are a word class with a special linguistic behaviour and differ from other lexical items in their diachronic development: on the one hand, they are assigned to individuals, that is, they identify individuals, on the other hand, they present peculiarities because of the intentionality of naming itself. There is no need of agreement by the linguistic community (at least in the same measure as in other lexical terms of the vocabulary) in the assignment of proper names. Actually, the parents can choose the names for their children with ‘relative’ freedom. On phonetic grounds, proper names formed in different times can coexist: they can revive as a result of fashion, or they can also be more conservative as their form is fixed and present archaic features which are absent in other lexical items due to the weight of tradition. From a morphological point of view, apart from presenting, for example, short forms (hypocoristic) unknown in other nouns in ancient Greek, onomastic compounds are reversible as contrasted with lexical compounds and sometimes they are not 99 acceptable because they make no sense, they are ‘noms irrationnels’ as Olivier Masson called them. Besides, onomastic fringes do not always coincide in ancient Greece with dialectological borders, in fact we sometimes speak about onomastic areas, onomastic Bund. However, there is a group of personal names which could get closer to the other lexical items: theophoric names formed the largest sub-class of names type in ancient Greece. We will focus on compounds with the name of the different gods or with the generic term for ‘god’, θεός. The important clue in this election leans on the fact that the etymological meaning of these names is somehow heavier, as parents put their children under the god’s protection (the small average of ‘noms irrationnels’ they offer could justify this). There are indeed other interesting issues: - Variety in archaic periods shows different compounds. Some of them can provide us an important attestation of infrequent lexical compounds. - The reversibility of the compounds seems to be justified in lexical grounds: Δεξίθεος and Θεοδέκτης, for example, follow the morphological patterns of the lexical compounds. In addition, there are some remarkable differences between the personal names of the selected corpus: - The naming patterns are different in the compounds which bear theonyms from those formed with θεός. - The diachronic development is not the same in both cases: the θεός compounds are attested in Mycenaean Greek (te-o-do-ra) in contrast with the theonyms compounds which are nearly absent in Mycenaean and Homeric Greek. These theophoric names were translated in Latin (Donadeus, Deusdatus) but they took on new life with a different morphological structure as can be seen in romance medieval examples such as Speraindeo, Deulofeu, etc. An overall study on this type of proper names (with a seemingly more restricted linguistic use) can be useful to reflect on the linguistic data that can be extracted from the onomastics in the set of studies of Greek linguistics. Bibliography Aura Jorro, Francisco, Diccionario griego-micénico (DMic), Madrid 1985, 1993. Bechtel, Friedrich, Die historischen Personennamen des Griechischen bis zur Kaiserzeit. Halle 1917 Becker, Lidia, Hispano-romanisches Namenbuch. Tübingen 2009 Colvin, Stephen, “Names in Hellenistic and Roman Lycia”, The Greco-Roman East. Politics, Culture, Society, 2004, pp.44-84. von Kamptz, Hans, Homerische Personennamen. Jena, 1958 Landau, Oscar, Mykenisch-Griechische Personennamen. Göteborg, 1958. Morpurgo Davies, Anna, “The morphology of Personal names in Mycenaean and Greek: some observations”, Floreant Studia Mycenea, Sigrid Deger-Jalkotzy, Stefan Hiller, Oswald Panagl (eds.) Viena, 1999, pp.389-405. 100 Morpurgo-Davies, Anna, “Greel Personal Names and Linguistic Continuity”, Greek Personal Names. Their Value as Evidence. S. Hornblower & E. Matthews, ed. 2000, pp. 15- 39. Morpurgo-Davies, Anna, “Après Michel Lejeune: l’anthroponymie et l´histoire de la langue grecque”, Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, 145ᵉ année, N. 1, 2001. pp. 157-173. Solin, Heikki, Die griechische Personennamen in Rom. De Gruyter 2003 Databases: Lexicon of Personal Greek Names (LGPN) P.M. Fraser et al. DAMOS (Database of Mycenaean at Oslo), F. Aurora Present counterfactual conditionals and verbal mood in Homer. Roxanne Taylor University of Oxford The verbal mood of present counterfactual conditionals (“if X was happening, Y would now be happening”) in Homer is best viewed as an instance of obligatory irrealis modality. Homeric present counterfactuals differ from those in Classical Greek, showing the optative with ἄν, rather than an imperfect indicative plus ἄν. Present counterfactuals occur in Homer alongside a larger, more intensively studied corpus of past counterfactuals, which show the secondary indicative in the protasis and either the secondary indicative, or more rarely the optative, in the apodosis. Traditional analyses, for example Ruijgh’s, account for the use of mood on the basis of the temporal reference of the conditional, whilst more recently, Willmott has argued that in past counterfactuals, mood choice is motivated by speaker perspective, or epistemic stance.26 In Willmott’s model, neutral-to-positive epistemic stance is mapped to the indicative and neutral-to-negative epistemic stance to the optative.27 I consider the small number (around twenty) of counterfactuals with present time reference. The secondary indicative occurs only once in a borderline case (Od.14.67), and all other examples show the optative in both protasis and apodosis. The optative occurs across the board despite the fact that the majority of examples show speaker attitudes nearer the positive epistemic stance end of the modality continuum: a circumstance which in a past counterfactual we would expect to license the indicative. These examples therefore challenge Willmott’s model, since the optative is in fact being used to encode opposite ends of the modality continuum, dependent on time reference. Time Past Present Mood Optative Secondary Indicative Optative Epistemic Negative Neutral Positive Positive stance 26 C.J. Ruijgh, Le Autour de τε Epique: Études sur la Syntaxe Grecque (Amsterdam: A.M. Hakkert, 1971), §230, and Jo Willmott, The Moods of Homeric Greek (Cambridge: CUP, 2007), 13. 27 Willmott, Moods, 120, 124. 101 To reconcile the divergent uses of the optative in counterfactuals, I firstly consider the possibility that in the apodoses of present counterfactuals, the optative has future, potential, value. This is warranted by temporal progression between the protasis and apodosis. However, such an explanation fails to explain the optative in the protasis, and does not work for all examples. Instead I suggest the optative in present counterfactuals is obligatory. In present counterfactuals, speakers do not have the range of modal expression as in their past counterparts, and no choice of mood. Rather, a situation counterfactual to that obtaining in the present is by default located at the lower end of the modality spectrum. Present counterfactuality thus demands the optative. This is because the reality obtaining in the utterance location at the utterance time is particularly empirically pressing for speakers, and excludes possible counterfactual situations from being valued as realis, even if they are in line with speaker epistemic stance. Anything counterfactual to present reality is automatically assigned irrealis value. This might but need not be considered as an instance of grammaticalization. Given this use of the optative I tentatively suggest an understanding of modality in early Greek which accommodates a wider situational context than just speaker perspective, without returning to ideas of likelihood and reality. Factual happenings in the real world are a determining factor for modality and thus verbal mood. Horrocks, Geoffrey. “On Condition… Aspect and Modality in the History of Greek.” The Cambridge Classical Journal 41 (1996): 153-173 Iatridou, Sabine. “The Grammatical Ingredients of Counterfactuality.” Linguistic Inquiry 31, no.2. (2000):231-270. Lang, Mabel L. “Unreal Conditionals in Homeric Narrative.” Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 30, no. 1 (1989): 5-26. Ruijgh, C.J. Le Autour de τε Epique: Études sur la Syntaxe Grecque . Amsterdam: A.M. Hakkert, 1971. Willmott, Jo. The Moods of Homeric Greek. Cambridge: CUP, 2007. The Greek language through the mirror of translation: the verb γίγνομαι in the New Testament Liana Tronci University for Foreigners of Siena This paper deals with the syntactic and semantic values of the verb γί(γ)νομαι and investigates them by comparing all occurrences of this verb in the New Testament and their translations in the Vulgate. The core idea is that translation is a peculiar case of language contact and that translated texts (an “external” point of view) allow us to find out some properties of the source language (an “internal” point of view) which it would be difficult to describe without this comparative perspective. 102 The verb γί(γ)νομαι occurs 667x in the NT. Besides the configurations in (a) and (b) which are attested since the Classical language, γί(γ)νομαι often occurs in sentences such as (c) and (d), in which the verb is impersonal and governs an accusative + infinitive clause (c) or an apparent coordinate clause (d): (a) καὶ ἐκόπασεν ὁ ἄνεμος, καὶ ἐγένετο γαλήνη μεγάλη. (Mark 4.39) Et cessauit uentus, et facta est tranquillitas magna. (b) τὰ δὲ ἱμάτια αὐτοῦ ἐγένετο λευκὰ ὡς τὸ ϕῶς. (Matthew 17.2) uestimenta autem eius facta sunt alba sicut nix. (c) ’Εγένετο δὲ ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις ταύταις ἐξελθεῖν αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ ὄρος προσεύξασθαι. (Luke 6.12) Factum est autem in illis diebus, exiit in montem orare. (d) Καὶ ἐγένετο ἐν μιᾷ τῶν ἡμερῶν καὶ αὐτὸς ἦν διδάσκων. (Luke 5.17) Et factum est in una dierum, et ipse sedebat docens. This study aims at investigating the following aspects. From an “internal” perspective, the different syntactic configurations of the verb were analysed, paying special attention to types (c)-(d), which are presumably an innovation, because they were not attested in previous texts. In Classical Greek γίγνομαι governs clauses introduced by ὡς and ὥστε but occurrences are rare, according to LSJ. In order to test this and provide evidence for the hypothesis that types (c)-(d) are innovations, the use of γίγνομαι in a selection of Classical texts was analysed. From an “external” perspective, the translations of γί(γ)νομαι in the Vulgate were taken into account. Gr. γί(γ)νομαι mostly corresponds to Lat. fio in the Vulgate, but some cases of lack of correspondence are interesting because they reveal nuances of the Greek verb as well as peculiarities of the source construction, e.g. Mark 4.4: καὶ ἐγένετο ἐν τῷ σπείρειν translated by et dum seminat; Mark 4.10: Καὶ ὅτε ἐγένετο κατὰ μόνας, translated by Et cum esset singularis. This study is corpus-based and adopts a distributional approach to the analysis of data. Besides the NT and the Vulgate, a selection of works by Thucydides, Xenophon, Plato, Eschine, Isocrates and Demosthenes were taken into account for diachronic investigation. All the relevant forms were extracted manually and electronically (e.g. TLG, Perseus 4.0 released on WWW). Results are expected to be useful for both Greek and general linguistics: (a) an analysis of the uses of the verb γί(γ)νομαι in the NT as well as of its diachronic changes; (b) some insights into impersonal constructions. The Perfect of Atelic Verbs in Homeric Greek Lucien van Beek Leiden University Centre for Linguistics There is still no agreement as to what unites the various readings of the Homeric perfect. The main value attributed to it is Stative-Resultative, denoting a state of the subject that presupposes a completed action (τέθνηκε ‘is dead’). When corresponding to a telic predicate, the perfect may also assume Experiential and 103 Habitual readings. Moreover, a ‘presentic’ use of the perfect is traditionally distinguished with sound verbs (βέβρυχε ‘roars’), but also more generally beside atelic verbs (e.g. γηθέω, γέγηθα ‘am glad’). How are these and other functions of the perfect interrelated? Usually, Stative- Resultative is considered the dominant function, inherited from PIE, whereas plain Statives (also called ‘anomalous’ perfects) are explained as secondary developments from this original function (cf. Haug 2004; García Ramón 2006; and recently Allan 2016: 102ff.). The sound verbs are often viewed as secondary intrusions, too. These mainstream views are challenged in various recent publications. Willi (2018: 225-244), in many respects following Berrettoni (1972), argues that the perfect originally referred to persistent situations or to actions that are habitually or generically performed by a subject. He derives both the Stative-Resultative reading and the sound verbs from this perfect of persistent situation. Magni (2017) argues that pluractionality (event plurality) forms the link between sound verbs and other readings like Habitual, Intensive, and Distributive perfect, but she does not explain the link with Stative-Resultative perfects. In this paper I will evaluate these recent proposals against the Homeric evidence. The main question is: how does transforming a given predicate into the perfect stem change its semantics? Following Berrettoni, I claim that the perfect, in opposition to the present and aorist stems, represents an event as non-dynamic. Furthermore, the perfect signals that the subject takes part in the verbal predicate as a participant property (cf. Smith 1997: 107ff.). This claim will be illustrated by reconsidering the perfects of a number of important activity verbs: γέγηθα, δέδορκα, μέμηλα, ἔολπα. My analysis of these verbs partly confirms García Ramón’s (2006) findings, but also deviates in important respects. In the process, I argue against the claim (reiterated by Magni 2017) that the perfect may convey intensive nuances. Furthermore, denoting event plurality (Magni) or habituality (Willi) are not distinctive functions of the perfect generally; they were originally connected with reduplication, before this was generalized as a morphological perfect marker. Finally, I will sketch how the proposed function of the perfect stem may explain the coexistence of Stative-Resultative and Experiential readings (with telic predicates) and Habitual readings (with both telic and atelic predicates). References: Allan, Rutger. 2016. “Tense and Aspect in classical Greek. Two historical developments: augment and perfect”, in: S.E. Runge and C.J. Fresch (eds.), The Greek Verb revisited. A fresh Approach to Biblical Exegesis, Bellingham, 81–121. Berrettoni, Pierangiolo. 1972. “L’uso del perfetto nel greco omerico”. SSL 12:25–170. García Ramón, José-Luís. 2006. “Expresión del estado y tipos de lexema en griego homérico”, in: Emilio Crespo et al. (eds.), Word Classes and Related Topics in Ancient Greek, 193–217. Louvain-la-Neuve: Peeters. Haug, Dag. 2004. “Aristotle’s kinesis/energeia-test and the semantics of the Greek perfect”. Linguistics 42, 387–418. Magni, Elisabetta. 2017. “Pluractionality and Perfect in Homeric Greek”, in: F. Logozzo and P. Poccetti (eds.), Ancient Greek Linguistics. New Approaches, Insights, Perspectives, 325–344. Berlin: de Gruyter. 104 Smith, Carlota S. 1997. The parameter of aspect. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Willi, Andreas. 2018. Origins of the Greek Verb. Cambridge: CUP. Turn-Taking and Discourse Coherence in Ancient Greek: A Conversation Analysis Approach to the Dialogues of Plato Rodrigo Verano Universidad Autónoma de Madrid This paper is part of a wider study focused on the imitation of human conversation to be found in the dialogues of Plato. With a combined methodological framework from Conversation and Discourse Analysis, my objective is approaching these philosophical dialogues —as much as it is possible— as lively portraits of Ancient Greek talk-in-interaction. A number of phenomena related to the completion of conversation as an activity and discourse production in this context, such as ritual phrases, question-reply pairs, repair, reformulation, etc. are within the scope of my research. Objective This paper aims to describe the dynamics of turn-taking in Platonic dialogue, (1) depicting a general overview of turn managing and allocation in those fictive conversations; (2) distinguishing conversational patterns and situations and giving an account of the formal procedures and discourse markers involved. Furthermore, (3) the conclusions drawn from this study will provide material for a critical approach to the works of Plato, by illustrating his technique of dialogue construction. Methodological framework The theoretical background of my methodology is stemmed from Conversation Analysis studies (see Sacks, Schegloff & Jefferson, 1974 for a first approach to turn- taking). Within this framework, turns will be examined in connection with the general structure of talk-in-interaction—the role of adjacency pair constructions and its impact in turn-taking will be particularly considered (see Schegloff 2007; van Emde Boas 2017 for ancient Greek). The study is corpus-based on the so-called mimetic dialogues of Plato (i.e. those composed as records of direct speech). Those including more than two characters will be examined: Laques (6 characters), Gorgias (5), Theaetetus (2+3), Meno (4), Sophist (4), Politicus (4), Philebus (4), Timaeus (4), Critias (4), Theages (3), Hippias minor (3), Cratylus (3). Results This research is currently a work-in-progress, but some of the results obtained so far point at a set of formal strategies repeatedly used by Plato, such as turn-initial markers (Laq.182d. Ἀλλ' ἔστι μέν, ὦ Νικία, χαλεπὸν λέγειν), repetitions and other symmetrical figures (Laq.189b-c. λέγ' οὖν ὅτι σοι φίλον, μηδὲν τὴν ἡμετέραν ἡλικίαν ὑπόλογον ποιούμενος. {ΣΩ.} Οὐ τὰ ὑμέτερα, ὡς ἔοικεν, αἰτιασόμεθα μὴ οὐχ ἕτοιμα 105 εἶναι καὶ συμβουλεύειν καὶ συσκοπεῖν), adressee-oriented elements (such as vocatives), word order patterns, etc. The results of this study will join an existing trend in Classics that seeks to explore the possibilities of Conversation Analysis methodologies within the corpus of ancient Greek literature. Most of the previous work on this topic has focused on tragic poetry; this paper will hopefully contribute to outline a more complete picture of Attic talk-in-interaction from one of its most celebrated imitations in prose. Burnet, J., 1900. Platonis opera, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Drummen, A., 2016. Speaking in Turns. Conversation Analysis. In Bonifazi, Drummen & de Kreij, Particles in Ancient Greek Discourse: Five Volumes Exploring Particle Use across Genres. Hellenic Studies Series 74. Washington, DC: Center for Hellenic Studies. v. III §4. Sacks, H., Schegloff, E.A. & Jefferson, G., 1974. A Simplest Systematics for the Organization of Turn-Taking for Conversation. Language, 50 (4, Part 1), pp. 696–735. Schegloff, E.A., 2007. Sequence Organization in Interaction, Cambridge etc.: University of Cambridge. Schuren, L. 2014. Shared Storytelling in Euripidean Stichomythia. Leiden/Boston, Brill. van Emde Boas, E., 2017. Language and Character in Euripides’ Electra, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Verano, R. 2015. La reformulación discursiva en griego antiguo [doctoral diss.]. Sevilla: Universidad de Sevilla. The Greek suffixes in -θ-, -φ-, -ν-, and -αλ(λ)-: Traces of Non-Greek Origin? Lothar Willms Ruprecht-Karls-Universität Heidelberg, Brown University The nature and extent of Pre-Greek substrate has puzzled scholars for a long time, producing several, often speculative theories, but no convincing answers. ‘Pelasgian’, an IE, non-Greek substrate language (Georgiev 1941, van Windekens 1952, 1960), has been dismissed as untenable (Hester 1964), and even the range of elements in Greek that do not follow the rules that characterize the development from PIE to Greek and might have an IE, non-Greek origin (Strunk 2003) has been restricted by the finding of new phonetic sub-rules in Greek (Hajnal 2005). My paper offers a case study that deals with the substrate problem in a delineated area. I argue that the Greek suffixes -θ-, -φ-, -ν-, and -αλ(λ)-, which all occur with the Greek word family in *koru-, go back to a coalescence and have both a Greek and a non-IE Aegean origin. The former is confirmed by the existence, the latter by the lack of accepted IE etymologies of the nouns in which these suffixes occur. In addition, unlike in previous studies, the different origins can be materialized by identifying the suffixes with existing elements. I shall point to composition, case endings, and analogy as sources of the Greek suffixes. My argument in the case of the non-Greek origin tries a fresh and new, still experimental 106 approach. Correspondences in form and function with Etruscan nominal suffixes give a clue to their non-IE character. Etruscan shows striking resemblances with a language from Lemnos (Lemnian), and this can be understood as an indication that a similar language was originally spoken in the Aegean area (cf. Wallace 2008: 222, Facchetti 2002: 136). θ (< loc. *-dhi, e.g. κόρυ-θι > κόρυθ-ι → κόρυς, -υθος ‘helmet’, lit. ‘thing on the head’, γυργαθός ‘wicker-basket’) and φ (< instr. *-bhi, LB ko-ru-pi → κορυφή, κόρυφος ‘head, summit’) can be derived from PIE case endings. θ can be tracked h further back to compounds with *d eh1- ‘put’ as second element (ἀγαθός), and φ h ultimately to animal name compounds with *b eh2- ‘shine’ as second element (ἔλαφος ‘deer’). Conversely, whereas Etruscan -pi can only claim homophony, but has a contested function, θ features in many place and vessel names of non-Greek origin (Κάρπαθος; λήκυθος). Their local semantic suggests that they were derived from forms that featured a locative suffix similar to Etruscan -θi. The suffix -ν- occurs in nouns of PIE origin (ἀκόνη ‘whetstone, hone’ ← *h2ek -) and foreign provenance (λάγῡνος ‘bottle’) to which the Etruscan suffix -n attests that formed the accusative of pronouns and the archaic genitive of nouns. These forms in -n might have provided the starting point for the completion of a Greek paradigm (acc. ὄρκῡν ‘tunny’ → ὄρκῡνος, ὄρκυς) and the integration of these nouns into Greek. Lastly, the suffix -αλ(λ)- occurs in nouns of both IE (γνάφαλλον ‘flock of wool’) and non-IE origin (ἀρύβαλλος ‘purse’) and finds a phonetic match in the Etruscan and Lemnian second genitive suffix -al. Beekes, Robert S.P. (1993): “The Position of Etruscan”. In: Gerhard Meiser (ed.), Indogermanica et Italica. Festschrift für Helmut Rix zum 65. Geburtstag, Innsbruck, Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität, 46–60. Facchetti, Giulio M. (2002): Appunti di morfologia etrusca. Con un’appendice sulla questione delle affinità genetiche dell’etrusco, Florence, Olschki. Furnée, Edzard J. (1972): Die wichtigsten konsonantischen Erscheinungen des Vorgriechischen. Mit einem Appendix über den Vokalismus, Ianua linguarum: Series practica 150, The Hague, Mouton. Georgiev, Vladimir I. (1941): Vorgriechische Sprachwissenschaft, Sofia, Universitätsdruckerei. Hajnal, Ivo (2005): “Das Frühgriechische zwischen Balkan und Ägäis – Einheit oder Vielfalt?“ In: Gerhard Meiser und Olav Hackstein (eds.), Sprachkontakt und Sprachwandel. Akten der XI. Fachtagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, 17.-23 September 2000, Halle an der Saale. Wiesbaden, Reichert, 185–214. Hester, D.A. (1964): “‘Pelasgian’—A new Indo-European language?” Lingua 13,335– 384. Strunk, Klaus (2003): “‘Vorgriechisches’ / ‘Pelasgisch’: Neue Erwägungen zu einer älteren Substrathypothese.” In: Alfred Bammesberger, Theo Vennemann (eds.), Languages in Prehistoric Europe. Heidelberg, Winter, 85–98. Wallace, Rex E. (2008): Zikh Rasna. A Manual of the Etruscan Language and Inscriptions, Ann Arbor, Beech Stave Press. van Windekens, Albert J. (1952): Le Pélasgique. Essai sur une langue indo-europénne préhellénique, Bibliothèque du Muséon 29, Leuven, Institut Orientaliste. 107 van Windekens, Albert J. (1960): Études pélasgiques, Bibliothèque du Muséon 49, Leuven, Institut Orientaliste. The impact of cartography on cardinal direction terms: evidence from Ancient Greek data Anastasia Yakovleva National Research University “Higher School of Economics”, Moscow, Russia According to an extensive typological study of cardinal direction terms (Brown 1983), these items are supposed to be relatively recent additions to lexicons of the world’s languages. The chief arguments are their etymological transparency in comparison to other spatial terms (such as “right/left”) and the fact that they cannot be reconstructed to Proto-Indo-European. According to Brown, absolute terms can only be helpful for mobile people, whereas languages of the remote past were spoken by small-scale societies. This explanation, however, contradicts the facts that some languages prefer absolute terms for describing small-scale spatial relations and that children tend to interpret ambiguous spatial terms as having geocentric or absolute meanings (Shusterman, Li 2016). I challenge this explanation based on data from Ancient Greek. It is doubtful that absolute landmarks are indispensable to high mobility. People can think and speak about large-scale spatial relations not only in terms of cardinal directions and distances, but they can also represent them as routes to a destination. This strategy (known as hodological) was widespread in Ancient Greek spatial narratives, cf. Xenophon (Anab.6.4.1): ‘this portion of Thrace begins at the mouth of the Euxine and extends as far as Heracleia, being on the right as one sails into the Euxine’. Here we observe a practical orientation strategy typical of the Greek periplus -- instruction for seafarers; it is juxtaposed to cartographic representation of space (Gehrke 1998: 189). Importantly, first maps served only as a supplement to a verbal description (Rood 2012: 133). Hodological descriptions are still widespread in our everyday life: people show a strong preference for describing their apartments using itineraries (Linde, Labov 1975). This strategy is also reflected in grammar; cf. Talmy’s 2000 discussion of “access path” -- the strategy of marking location by directional expressions, specifying how one can reach the Figure’s location if they start from the Ground. Access paths are widely attested in Ancient Greek; I show that in texts from the VIII- III B.C., cardinal direction locatives are used mainly in dynamic constructions (88% of locative contexts), and most of them are marked by the allative preposition pros, e.g., ‘…towards the Bear (in the North)’. I show that cardinal direction terms in Ancient Greek served as extraterrestrial landmarks in hodological narratives, along with other geocentric Grounds: in Od.5.276, e.g., Kalypso advises Odysseus to ‘keep the Bear on the left hand while sailing’, in Od.3.170 we observe the same construction with the island Chios as a landmark. I argue that absolute terms become cognitively salient as directions not with increasing mobility, but with the development of cartography 108 and science, when the two-dimensional, cartographic way of describing large-scale spatial relations gradually replaces hodological descriptions. A similar process takes place in conventional spatial constructions: systems of access path expressions in modern descendants of Latin and Ancient Greek have been considerably reduced in favor of static strategies (Nikitina 2017: 79). These facts can be interpreted as evidence of parallel development and point to a common cognitive base underlying language-specific narrative and morphosyntactic strategies. References: Brown 1983 — C. Brown. Where do cardinal direction terms come from? Anthropological Linguistics. 25, 2. P. 121-161. Gehrke 1998 — H. J. Gehrke. Die Geburt der Erdkunde aus dem Geiste der Geometrie. Überlegungen zur Entstehung und zur Frühgeschichte der wissenschaftlichen Geographie bei den Griechen. // in W. Kullmann, J. Althoff, and M. Asper (eds.) Gattungen wissenschaftlicher Literatur in der Antike. Scripta Oralia 95. Tübingen: Narr. 163–92. Linde, Labov 1975 — C. Linde, W. Labov. Spatial Networks as a Site of Language and Thought. Language 51. P. 924–39. Nikitina 2017 — T. Nikitina. Ablative and allative marking of static locations: A historical perspective. // in S. Luraghi, T. Nikitina, C. Zanchi (eds.) Space in Diachrony, John Benjamins. pp. 67–94. Rood 2012 — T. Rood. Herodotus // in I. J. F. de Jong (ed.) Space in Ancient Greek Literature: Studies in Ancient Greek Narrative, Brill. P. 121–40. Shusterman, Li 2016 — A. Shusterman, P. Li. Frames of reference in spatial language acquisition. Cognitive Psychology. P. 115-161. Talmy 2000 — L. Talmy. Toward a Cognitive Semantics. Vol I & II // Cambridge (Mass): MIT Press, 2000. Sources: Perseus Digital library, URL: http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/ TLG — Thesaurus Linguae Graecae URL: http://stephanus.tlg.uci.edu/abridged.php Schreibregeln in den frühgriechischen Silbenschriften Susanne Zeilfelder & Rosemarie Lühr Sächsische Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig Die Schwierigkeit bei der Deutung mykenischer und kyprischer Texte liegt beim derzeitigen Forschungsstand nur noch selten an Problemen der Zeichendeutung. Vielmehr dreht sich die Diskussion meist um die Lesung von Wörtern in einem Schriftsystem, das nach traditioneller Auffassung als ungeeignet für die Verschriftlichung des clusterreichen Griechischen gilt. Allerdings gibt es mittlerweile neuere methodische Ansätze in der Schriftforschung, die für die Gräzistik nutzbar gemacht werden können. Am vielversprechendsten ist dabei das 109 optimalitätstheoretische Modell, das von einer Ökonomieprämisse ausgeht: Ein Schriftsystem mit maximaler Laut-Zeichen-Relation wäre unökonomisch, wenn aber die Laut-Zeichen-Entsprechung zu gering ist, leidet die Lesbarkeit. Die Schreiber entwickeln daher Schreibregeln, die das System ausbalancieren, und da die Kriterien, auf denen diese Regeln beruhen, universal sind, lässt sich dieses implizite Regelwerk rekonstruieren. Für Silbenschriften ist dieser Ansatz allerdings bislang noch wenig genutzt worden. Dabei bieten Mykenisch und Kyprisch die ideale Untersuchungssituation, da zwei nah verwandte Dialekte, die ein nah verwandtes Schriftsystem benutzen, vor denselben praktischen Problemen stehen, dabei aber durchaus zu unterschiedlichen Lösungen kommen. Das ist auch durchaus theoriekonform, es muss lediglich nachgewiesen werden, dass diese Lösungen jeweils konsequent genutzt werden. Man hat demnach auf der einen Seite den Input einer Sprachäußerung, die verschriftet werden soll, auf der anderen Seite eine Reihe von Lösungsoptionen, deren jeweilige Vor- und Nachteile gegeneinander abgewogen werden müssen. Eine Grundannahme der OT ist nun, dass dieses Abwägen nicht in jedem Einzelfall (und schon gar nicht bewusst) durchgeführt wird, sondern dass durch ein hierarchisch gestaffeltes System von abstrakten Beschränkungen in einem sehr effektiven Filterungsprozess die unerwünschten Kandidaten aussortiert werden. Umgekehrt kann man einem gegebenen Schriftsystem also ansehen, nach welchem Ranking es strukturiert ist. Auf diese Weise lassen sich die von der traditionellen Gräzistik postulierten, mitunter sehr komplizierten Schreibregeln auf ein straffes System von Basisregeln zurückführen, beispielsweise die Regeln für die Schreibung von Konsonantencluster: - Auslautkonsonanten werden nicht geschrieben - Doppelkonsonanz wird nicht geschrieben - vorkonsonantischer silbenschließender Konsonant wird nicht geschrieben. die auf einer Basisregel "Silbenschließender Konsonant wird nicht geschrieben" (*Coda) beruhen. Diese einfache Regel beschreibt also den Unterschied zwischen myk. ka-ke-u khal.keús „Metallarbeiter“ a-mo hár.mos „Rad“ a-pi-do-ra Am.phi.dō.ra mi-ta mín.tha “Minze” i-to-we-sa his.tó.ue.ssa „mit einem Mast versehen“ und e-ri-ke-re-we PN. m. Eri.klé.uês ku-pi-ri-jo kú.pri.jos „zyprisch“ a-da-ra-te-ja PN f. A.drásteia e-ru-to-ro eru.thrós „rot“ Entsprechende Regeln kann man, wie im Vortrag gezeigt werden soll, für das Sonderproblem der s-Cluster oder für die Schreibung von Onsetclustern aufstellen. Der Vergleich der mykenischen Regeln mit denen des Kyprischen zeigt dann, dass dort nicht einfach nur Einzelprobleme anders gelöst werden, sondern das die kyprische Schrift ebenfalls optimalitätstheoretischen Prinzipien folgt, im Falle der Clusterschreibung z.B. einer Regel, die das Parsen von Konsonanten höher rankt als 110 das Parsen von Vokalen. Schließlich erlaubt die Analyse der Schriftregeln auch Rückschlüsse auf die Syllabifizierung der frühgriechischen Dialekte. Für die Philologie des Frühgriechischen bietet das System der Schriftregeln ein Instrumentarium, die den Interpretationsspielraum bei der Lesung von Wörtern deutlich einschränken und die Deutungen damit erheblich erleichtern kann. Lit. Margarita Buzalkovska-Aleksova, 1999: "Some parallel elements in Mycenaean compounds - appellatives and Personal Names", in: Florant Studia Mycenaea. Akten des X. internationalen mykenologischen Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1.-5. Mai 1995, hg. von Sigrid Deger-Jalkotzy, Stefan Hiller, Oswald Panagl, Wien, Band I, 177-184. Consani, Carlo, 2003: Sillabe e sillabari fra competenza fonologica e pratica scrittoria, Alessandria. Coulmas, Florian, 2003: Writing systems. An introduction to their linguistic analysis, Cambridge Dürscheid, Christa, 20124: Einführung in die Schriftlinguistik, 4. Auflage, Göttingen. Heubeck, Alfred, 1966: Aus der Welt der frühgriechischen Lineartafeln, Göttingen. Schwink, Frederick W., 1999: "The efficacy of Linear B as a writing system", in: Florant Studia Mycenaea. Akten des X. internationalen mykenologischen Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1.-5. Mai 1995, hg. von Sigrid Deger-Jalkotzy, Stefan Hiller, Oswald Panagl, Wien, Band II, 549-554. 111