l •. .. c:' c

NOTES ON TSIMSHIAN REDUPLICATION l as a group semantically as well as inflectionally, e.g., cyclical temporal entities such as seasons and seasonal John A. Dunn activities are pluralized by the prefix gYik-. GYik- is also a verbal or adverbial proclitic which means University of Oklahoma "again." Five of these thirteen inflectional classes, however, The Tsimshianist in attempting a pedagogical appli­ are semantically unmarked. These unmarked classes are cation of the analysis of reduplication must ques­ each defined by a different and particular reduplica­ tion anew the Chomskean notions of competence/de­ tive mechanism to express the plural number. Redupli~ scription and explanation. The reduplication data cation is probably the ordinary or unmarked way to in­ are little short of chaotic. There are at least dicate the plural number for the noun and for the verb five regular formal types of reduplication. Each agreement. of these formal types (declension-conjugations) has Reduplication is also used as a derivational device, both inflectional (plural) and derivational (inten­ and as such has multiple semantic function. Leaving sive, iterative, natural species) functions. The aside the semantic intricacies of Tsimshian reduplica­ formal class membership of any particular lexical tion, I will focus this paper on the five reduplicative item is neither absolutely random nor absolutely plural classes, on the morphological and phonological determined. The same is true of the morphophono­ determinants of membership in these classes, on the logical characteristics of syllable peaks in re­ nature of the vowel in the reduplicated affixes, and on duplication. Only in the absence of any pedagogi­ the phonological determinants of such vowels. cal tactic whatsoever, i.e., only in the memoriza­ tion of each reduplication, can one achieve total 1. In describing the five reduplication mechanisms, I sufficiency. Even a set of phonetically motivated use the term "model" to refer to that particular sylla­ probabilistic statements, the tactic with the ble in the singular form that is to be copied. The greatest sufficiency success, leaves much to be term "copy" refers to the reduplicated plural indicat­ desired. ing affix. The term "model release" refers to the first consonant of the model syllable. The term "model Speakers of Coast Tsimshian inflect nouns for number arrest" refers to the first consonant after the model's (singular and plural) and cause each .verb to agree in syllabic peak as long as it is part of the same sylla­ number with its absolutive, i.e., with its intransitive ble, e.g., s~uHnsk~ siks~u?unsk (to teach (loan: from subject or direct object. Nouns and verbs are divided "school"); s~uH- MODEL; sik- COPY; s- MODEL RELEASE; into at least thirteen lexical classes according to how -H- MODEL ARREST). the plural is indicated. Most of these classes (eight) The Appendix lists all of the examples of the redu­ are semantically marked, i.e., they can be characterized plicative plural that occur in Dunn (1978). 1.1 In the first or CVk- class, the model is the first IThe first part of this paper, dealing with reduplica­ syllable of the singular form. A copy of the model tion classes, was read at the American Anthropological release is prefixed to the first syllable with an inter­ Association Meetings in Los Angeles in November of vening vowe1+k. This is the largest and phonologically 1978. I have included it here because several persons most regular of the reduplication classes. CVk- is from the Salish Conference have asked to have a writ­ currently the productive mechanism for plural formation. ten copy and because the second part of this paper, on the nature of the vowel in reduplicated affixes, builds on the first part and was developed out of the 2H represents a falling pitch with a concomitant cen­ discussion of the earlier paper. tralizing glide.

1 2 ( .. '

Most loan words from English belong to this class. rare, naive morphological strategy to sophisticated Younger speakers tend to use this mechanism more exten­ morphological strategy (See Figure 1). The CVk- class sively than older speakers. I 1.2 The second or CV~- class, like the CVk- class, uses large class, small class, the first syllable of the singular as the model. A regular, irregular, :1 copy of the model release is prefixed to the first syl­ simple morphology, complex morphology, lable of the singular form with an intervening vowel+~. productive. not productive. i This reduplicative mechanism may represent a variant of I the CVk-. The k~x alternation is a synchronic feature CVk­ I CVC- CV- -CV of both Nass-Gitksan and Southern Tsimshian phonology. (CV~) II The CVx class is small and contains only words with a uvular' segment (though the uvular is not always in the ~igure 1. The Scaling of Inflection Classes. model itself). on the one hand is regular, common, and productive. In these first two classes the model is the first syl­ The CV-infix class on the other hand is rare and quite lable of the singular form. In the remaining three in­ irregular. The CVk- class e~hibits a reduplication flection classes the model is the principal syllable mechanism that requires no morphological sophistica­ and not necessarily the first syllable of the singular tion on the part of the speaker: one need copy only the form. The principal syllable is the one that carries first sound of the singular form and prefix it with a the word's primary stress. Vk-. The CV-infix class exhibits a reduplication mech­ anism considerably more complex: one must infix the 1.3 In the third or CVC- class copies of the model re­ first sound of the principal syllable between its syl­ lease and arrest are prefixed directly to the principal lable peak and arrest. The CV-infix class is neither I productive nor morphologically transparent. syllable. Thus the copy may occur after other prefixes _I or proclitics in the word. A vowel occurs between the 1.6 Inflection class membership is morphologically and two consonants of the copy. This class, like the first phonologically conditioned, i.e., certain morphologi­ ! class, is large and fairly regular in its phonology. 3 I cal and phonological characteristics of words predis­ 1.4 In the fourth or CV-prefix class a copy of the pose them for one class as opposed to another. Some of model release is prefixed, with a vowel, directly to these predisposing factors are trivial since they are iti the result of the reduplicative mechanism itself, some I the model. This class is smaller than CVk- and CVC­ I are categorial and some are variable. ,I and exhibits greater phonological irregularity. An example of a trivial predisposing factor is the ! fact that no word belonging to the CVC- class can have 1.5 In the fifth or CV-infix class a copy of the model a model with an empty or null arrest. There are others, release is inserted with a vowel between the syllable but they are of no theoretical interest and I will omit peak of the model and the model arrest. ~his.is the further discussion of them. I smallest and most irregular of the redupllcatlon class­ Some categorial or nearly categorial predisposing i es. factors are: ! The five reduplication classes can be ordered along a 1.6.1 When the model release is p, k, or ~ (i.e., non­ three-fold continuum: regular to irregular, common to coronal) and when it is part of a consonant cluster, the word belongs to the CV-prefix class. 'Almost all derivational reduplication is CVC- type. 3 4 1.6.2 When the model release is coronal, specifically 1.6.7 CVk- words tend not to have velar or uvular con­ ~, n or s, and when it is part of a cluster, the word sonants as the model release (X 2 =13.5, p<.OOl). Only is either CVk- or CV~- class. 10% of CVk- class words are velar/uvular initial. Only 21% of velar/uvular initial models occur in CVk- words. 1.6.3 No CVC- class words have model initial clusters. 1.6.8 The distribution of model initial sounds according 1.6.4 All CV~- class words have at least one uvular seg­ to position of articulation is not random in CVC- class ment in the singular form. words (X 2 =19.8, p<.OOl). The variable factors were derived by the use of the 1.6.9 CVC- class words tend not to have alveolar ini­ X2 test for non-random association from the data sum­ tial models (X 2 =10.7, p<.Ol). 27% of CVC- words are marized in Tables 1 and 2. alveolar initial, Le., have alveolar model release. 15% of alveolar initial models occur in CVC- class CVk- CV~- CVC- CV- -CV totals words. lab~a1 7 2 7 5 1 22 13 1.6.10 More velar /uvular .initial models occur in CVC­ alveolar 51 4 11 8 87 2 velar/uvular 9 2 22 8 2 43 class words than is expected by chance (X =15.5, p<.OOl). laryngeal 45% of CVC- class words have velar/uvular initial models. 18 3 7 2 1 31 51% of velar/uvular initial models occur in CVC- words. totals 85 11 49 26 12 183' 1. 6 .11 The distribution of model arrests according to Table 1. Inflection Class Distribution according to position of articulation is probably random in CVk- words. Model Release. i 1.6.12 Models with dental arrest tend to be CVC- class CVk- CV~- CVC- CV- -CV totals reduplications class words begin with a dental (alveolar) consonant. have CVC- copies. 91% of CVC- copies (includes CVk­ 59% of dental initial models occur in CVk- class words. class words) have different position release and arrest. Therefore if the model release is velar/uvular, the

5 6 (..5

,

I word will tend to be CVc- class. But if the model re­ vowel as the singular, the word might have been mis­ lease is not velar/uvular, the word will tend to be analyzed so that the first syllable of the plural was CVk- class. interpreted as the copy. In this manner a CV-prefix I mechanism might have been established. There are other 1.7 Part of the explanation of the current distribution words that might have been similarly misinterpreted: of words in the various inflection classes is most ~ek, ~i~±k bent, certainly to be found in the history of the Tsimshian language and especially in the evolution of its redup­ sa-!', se'sa~ sharp, licative mechanisms. The CV-infix class may represent surviving relics of the oldest type of Tsimshian re­ wa?a, wawe~ dig. I duplication. It is the smallest, most opaque and most irregular of the inflection classes. If the infix 1.7.2 The change from a CV- prefix to a CVC- prefix :1 might be indicated in I class does represent an archaic morphology, it is clear­ ly out of sync with the contemporary Tsimshian prefer­ gYiqa'k, qaygYiqak hip, waist, ence for prepositioning inflectional material. Then the change from CV-infix to CV-prefix makes a logical second ~a?yesk, ~l~a?yesk climb. step in this very tentative reconstruction of the his­ These plurals exhibit an assimilatory syllable strength­ tory of Tsimshian reduplication. A third possible step ening process whereby a non-vowel segment is inserted is the elaboration of the CV-prefix into a number of between the plural affix and the word: allomorphs, e.g., CV- for words with open arrest models, CVx- for words with uvular segments, CVk- for words be­ .•. afgy ..• + .ayfgY .•• , ginning with non-velar sounds, and gVC- for words end­ . . . e/~ . . . + • • • elf~ . • . ing in non-velar sounds. In a fourth hypothetical stage This is a synchronic phenomenon in Tsimshian. This the various allomorphs of the third stage might have type of assimilatory syllable strengthening may have fallen into disuse, with only the CVk- mechanism re­ -I led to another misinterpretation whereby two consonant i maining productive. reduplication arose. I A detailed study of the phonological structure of the I data presented in the appendix makes possible the 1.B The most useful pedagogical treatment of the re­ identification of prototypes for the successive innova­ duplicative plural will be one which integrates redu­ tions hypothesized in the preceding paragraph. plication with the other plural forming strategies. ,IJ The student should first learn the semantically marked 1.7.1 The change from CV-infix to CV-prefix might be plural classes (iteratives, intensives, distributives, indicated in 1\ natural species). Then the reduplication mechanisms plaksk, plf'plaksk exhausted. should be taught as general, semantically unmarked, ways ! to form the plural. The CVk- type should be learned i The -k and -x arrests have a suppressing (lowering and first with the understanding that it is used most fre­ ! backing) effect on preceding vowel. Alternately, their quently for words beginning with non velar/uvular seg­ absence allows the vowel to move forward and up. This ments. Then the CV-!'- type should be learned as a spe­ is a synchronic phenomenon in Tsimshian. In the infix­ cial variant of CVk-. Next the cvc- type should be ing mechanism the copy intervenes between the +back taught with the understanding that it is used most often arrest, allowing the vowel to (re) emerge: for words beginning with a velar/uvular sound. This #pla#fplafksk + plf·plaksk. tactic is revisionistic in that it revives CVC- as a productive mechanism. The student should be aware of the Since the second syllable of the plural has the same fact that the ideal copy syllable involves consonants of

7 8 ... rO) :.) ()

different position of articulation. Throughout this I will discuss each of these possibilities in turn. sequence the student must learn the exceptions as ir­ This discussion will be based on the data from the regular forms. Finally the CV-prefix and CV-infix regular reduplication classes, i.e., 1 (CVk-) and 3 types should be learned, primarily as unusual and ir­ (CVC-) in the appendix. regular forms. 2.1 Of the 85 CVk- words only 25 have the same vowel in 2. The determination of the vowel in the reduplicated the model and copy (discounting differences in length): copy syllables constitutes one of the most intriguing ')ak')ala·ys d ZikdZi·9 tSektSela.sik aspects of Tsimshian morphophonology. There are a ')ak')ala·sk gak~aq tSektSela· number of possible explanantions for copy vowels. The ')ak')amalk nakha·ps tSiktSimho·n vowel might be copied from the model syllable: ')ak')ana·s hakha~ebi·sk ')ak')alx eve + 1 2 3 1 2 3. ')ak')ano·l hakha~epa ')ak')a')tSik I 2 3 hakhaps hakha~gYi·k hakhaks The vowel might be reduplicated and then assimilated to hakhaxbesx hakha~o mookmooksk the other elements .in the copy: ')ak')aytk • hukhuHtk gYikgYiHk. dZikdzi·s Of the 49 CVC- words only 11 have the same vowel in the [afe;t x] V [Sfe;t y] + 1 [afe!t xl 3 1 2 3. model and copy: 3 Sfeat .y . ')adZ')adZiks gas<]awsk lugYisgYiHS The vowel might be copied from a reduced system of affix ')al')algYe~ nasha·tS 1ukolko1 . vowels, i.e., there might be some type of vowel harmony gYisgYi·Hsk hashaHs lu~ep~ep. in reduplicated forms: <]~n<]an ~:Y ilj{y i ')nem Since it will account for only 27% of the data (36/134), ~ fU\ ~i the straightforward copying of model syllable vowels \V ~ ~u appears to have little explanatory value. ~ "1'a I 2.2 It is possible to increase the amount of data ac­ stem vowels affix vowels. counted for by assuming the model vowels are copied and I then some are assimilated to the consonants in the copy. II The vowel in the copy syllable might be epenthetic: The vowel i occurs fryquently (23/36) in copies that begin with d, s, t, t, t S , or d Z, i.e., with coronal, eve + 1 V~ 3 1 2 3. I 2 3 non-lateral, non-nasal segments: An epenthetic vowel might be assimilated to other ele- dikdasx siksku')unsk t SiktS!jU1low dikdu.ik sikswede tSiktSo·xs I ments in the copy: I dikdu·s siksxan tSiktSuHp + 1 [ v~ 3 1 2 3. dZikdzi·s tikta·lsgmtSo·xs sumsikswentkr [ c· V (tfeat afeat xl [Sfe;t y] dZikdZi.~ fSikfSalt' • hktek Sfeat ~] sikseyp t SiktSa')lks dildal siksgWaytk fSiktSimhoon dUdu·ls siksgYet dipdu·Hp. An epenthetic vowel might be weakened or strengthened because of its co-occurrence with other elements in the Three of these words appear in the lists in 2.1 above. copy. The fronting and raising of vowels after coronal

9 10 segments constitutes an assimilation of sorts (high, front _ coronal): Four out of eight words beginning with a b or p have an ~ for the copy vowel, but this is a dissimilatory V + [+hi9h] I [+coronal] __ . phenomenon (+anterior t +back) : -back -lateral -nasal b:i:kbe·d b:i:lba·?lx p:i:kpi?i~osk b:i:sbasa9~· A copy rule along with this assimilation rule will ac­ count for 56 of the 134 data items in 1 and 2 of the 2.3 A reduced affix vowel system or some kind of affix­ appendix, thus raising the sufficiency score to 42%. stem vowel harmony is not a possibility because the The vowel a occurs in most copies (22/25) that begin vowel inventory in the copies is nearly as diverse as with a laryngeal glide. 20 of these occur in the lists that in the models. This fact also excludes as a pos­ in 2.1 above. The other two are ?ak?oks and ?ay?o·y. sibility the reduction of the copied or epenthetic , These latter two both have an 0(·) in the model. The vowels where such reduction would be due to the lack/ Tsimshian 0 is an open 0 and should be considered +low. reduction of stress: . I The fronting of the 0 in these two words is assimila­ I- tory because the glottal stop is both low and -back: i i· :i: ur· u u· i u e e· a a V] + [-back] I [+10W ] __ • o o· a o o· [+low -back a a· a a· a model vowels copy vowels. I This rule only raises the sufficiency score to 43% (581 134) • The major difference between the two vowel systems is Words beginning with an uvular have an a in the copy: that the copy system consists regularly of short vowels only (there is one exception"in the data). The e does <]Clk<]Clq not occur in CVk- or CVc- copies, but it does occur in CJClkCJo·m other reduplication class copies. In any event the e 9 Cln9C1n and a are freely varying allophones. There is no ~alCJawlg straightforward, simple relationship between model and C}Cls<]a.wsk copy vowels, e.g., the model vowel a occurs in words Three of these appear in the lists in 2.1. Of the re­ with the copy vowels i, i, a, a, and a.. The copy vowel maining six, four involve models with 0 and two in­ a occurs in words with the model vowels i·, a, a·, 0, I volve models with a. Only in the latter two is there and 0·. a clear assimilation: I 2.4 If one were to assume that the copy vowel is epen­ V + [+back]/[+b~Ck] ____ . thetic and that it is i (the most frequently occurring +low -h~gh copy vowel), one could account for only 32% (43/134) of I This rule raises the sufficiency score to 45% (60/134). the data. Most words (10/13) beginning with a lateral have an a ! for the copy vowel, but this can hardly be viewed as an 2.5 The data presented in section 2.2 indiCate that I assimilation: the reduplicated affix vowels are in fact epenthetic, i.e., that they depend very little on the nature of the 1ak1a·kws 1ak1u?we1 model vowel, and that they are determined primarily by 1akla1 ~ak~atS the copy release, i.e., the first consonant of the affix. 1ak1a?abl ~ak~gwf.i.n An expanded statement of the release-vowel dependencies 1ak10bit a1 ~ak~pun discussed in section 2.2 will account for 68% (91/134) 1ak1u·t 1u~ap~ap. 11 12 71

of the data: Hooper (1976), has identified a number of possibly uni­ versal strength paramemters whereby human speech sounds i/{d,dz,s,t,t,tS,y,y,kY,gy,kW,gW,w} V + (42/69) , are scaled. I will review here only those of his para­ V + a/{h, ?_}_ (22/25) , meters that I find useful for studying Tsimshian redu­ plication. These are his a, p, n, and w parameters. V + a/D, ~ ,m,n} (14/23) , The a parameter is used to measure a consonant's I V + a/{9 ,q} __ (9/9) , strength in resisting lenition, i.e., voicing and spi­ rantization (Foley 1977:28-32). Labials resist lenition + i/{b,Pl __ (4/8) • I V the best, i.e., are the strongest along the a parameter. Although the sufficiency of such an epenthesis-plus­ Velars resist lenition least well and are thus weakest adjustment tactic is greater than the other possibili­ along this parameter. In Tsimshian the uvular sounds ties (see Table 3), the phonetic motivation for the are more susceptible to lenition than are the velars. copy release/copy vowel associations is hardly apparent. I have taken the liberty of adding them to Foley's a' parameter: suffic1ency expressed as % oT data accounted for uvular velar dental labial

determ1nants: ------~~. a. reduplication of 27 the model vowel The p parameter measures resonance (Foley 1977:35-39, 145) and the tendency to vocalize, i.e., to develop as reduplication w/ 45 a separate syllable. The greater the resonance the assimilation greater the tendency to vocalize. Foley sees vocaliza­ vowel harmony 0 tion as a kind of strengthening. The higher the p parameter value the greater the resonance: epenthet1c i 32 epenthesis w/ stops spirants nasals liquids glides vowels assimilation, 68 weakening, & ------2------4------+· p; strengthening ,I Figure 2 places some of the Tsimshian copy release sounds , iI Table 3. Sufficiency of Possbile Vowel Determinants. in an ap grid: I p 3. In this section of the paper I explore the possibil­ 4 1 ity that reduplication affix vowels can be explained in n m terms of strength harmony, i.e., that weak copy vowels occur with weak copy releases and strong copy vowels 2 11 occur with strong copy releases. In order to discuss '! g d b I this possibility it is necessary· to briefly review some 1 , a i of the developments in phonological theory dealing with 2 strength hierarchies and strength parameters.

3.1 James Foley (1977), working in some of the same Figure 2. ap Grid for some Tsimshian consonants. directions as Theo Vennemann (see e.g., 1972) and Joan

13 14 The g has an exp value of 2; the m and 1 each have an ap syllable peaks in reduplicated affixes value of 7. e a ex o· N L The n parameter (Foley 1977:44-48) indicates the i i u , , tendency for vowels to (among other things) nasalize. 1 1 Since he sees nasalization as strengthening, the higher Ivelar 11 1 2 - - - - the n value the greater the tendency to nasalize and dental 23 3 - 10 - - - 2 - thus the stronger the vowel. The n value scale corre­ (-lateral, sponds to vowel height: the lower the vowel the greater til -nasal) its tendency to nasalize and the higher its n value. +I 2 4 1 1 The w parameter (Foley 1977:44-48) measures a vowel's ~ labial - - - -- til (-nasal) ability to resist elision. Since back vowels undergo ~ 0 elision less frequently than front vowels, back vowels til '1 2 1 - 4 - -- 1 - have the higher w value. Figure 3 shows some Tsimshian ~ - I reduplication copy vowels in the nw 9rid: ~ n 1 - - 1 - - - - - .-I m 1 1 3 1 til - - - - - ! i .... 1 ....+I 1 - 1 - 6 ----- I ~ 6 2 1 - ! .... Y - --- - I w 2 3 - 1 -- - -- a a ? or h -- 1 2 22 ------» W n 2 uvular - - - - - 9 - - - Table 4. Copy release and syllable peak assoc~at~ons. I I Figure 3. nw Grid for some Tsimshian vowels. i The i has an nw value of 2; the ex has an nw value of 5. features low and back in 88% of the data items: 3.2 Table 4 shows the copy release:syllable peak associations found in the data under consideration. It [C{~}]COpy ~ 1 a 2; is primarily from this data summary that the following 1 2 analysis of reduplication affix vowels proceeds . I ? . i a ~ a/{h} ___ ' 88% of the time, i.e., 3.3 This analysis can achieve a greatly improved suf­ ficiency if it posits a progressive and variable as­ similation of epenthetic vowels where that assimilation v copy ~ . [+lOW]-back / [+lOW-back ] ____ , f=.88. is partly in terms of articulatory features and partly in terms of strength parameters. The epenthetic vowel The copy vowel assimilates sonorant glides for the is assimilated in terms of articulatory features to feature high 87% of the time: glides and uvulars; it is assimilated in terms of strength parameters to consonants that agree in height a ~ {i,~}/{w,y} , i.e., and backness, i.e., [+consonantal, aback, ahigh]. If the epenthetic vowel is schwa (a), then the copy Vcopy ~ l+hi9hl/[+sonorant] vowel assimilates nonsonorant glides (? and h) in the +high ____ , f=.87.

16 15. v ~ [+hi9h]/[+consonantal] The rasied copy vowel then fronts after (the -back) y copy ahigh 75% of the time: aback . i + i/y____ , i.e., If the ap is seven, the vowel raises in .2381 of the data examples. If the ap is six, the vowel raises in [ +hr h] -+ .5000 of the data examples. If the ap is five, the g copy t-back]/[+s~norant]+hlgh raising frequency is .5625. With an ap of four the -back ____ , f=.75. raising is .6842. Finally with an ap of three the vowel raises 87.5% of the time. The lower the ap strength of For the remaining copy releases (segments that are the release, the more likely is the epenthetic vowel to +consonantal, ahigh, aback) the affinity between copy lose n strength: release and peak is not to be found in conventional features but rather in similarities in strength. Table Vcopy + [In]I[+c~nsonantall ____ ' f=. 8750 (ap3) , 5 shows the ap and nw values of affix associated re­ ahlgh . .6842(ap4) , leases and peaks and the frequency (derived from Table aback .5626 (ap5) , 4) of each association: <8ap .5000(ap6), .2381 (ap7) , nw .0000 (ap>7) . 2 (i) 4(a,0) 3(i,u) other(~,~) "Reduced," Le., raised, copy vowels may be fronted if ap the ap value of the preceding release is less than seven: \ 3 (velar) .6875 .1875 .1250 .0000 i -+ i, i.e., \ copy 4 (dental, .1 -lateral, .6053 .0789 .2632 .0526 V] + [-back]. i -nasal) [+high copy 5 (labial, I .2500 .1250 I -nasal) .5000 .1250 This vowel fronting, loss of w value, has a frequency of 5 ('It ) .2500 .1250 .5000 .1250 .5000 if the ap of the release is six, .2500 when ap is I five, .6053 with 4ap, and .6875 with 3ap, i.e., the low­ II (n) .5000 .0000 .5000 .0000 6 er the ap strength, the more likely is the raised epen­ :\ 7 (m) .0000 .3333 .6667 .0000 thetic vowel to lose w strength: I! I i 7 (1 ) .0000 .1429 .8571 .0000 I [IV] -+ [lw]/[<7ap] __ , f=.6875 (ap3), i .6053 (ap4), Table 5. Strength Associations. n copy .2500 (ap5) , I The epenthetic vowel e{n2) is raised, i.e., reduced .5000 (ap6) , in n value if the preceding release is +consonantal, .0000 (ap>6) . \ ahigh, aback and has an ap value of less than eight: 3.4 The analysis in 3.3 proposes a number of natural e + {i,i}/{velar,dental,labial,} , i.e., (phonetically motivated) explanations for the realiza­ nasal, lateral tion of vowels in reduplication copy syllables. This

18 17 analysis is far more sufficient than any of the other APPENDIX possibilities discussed in section 2. Unfortunately it i is not the kind of analysis that can provide the student 1. first inflection class (CVk-) I of the language with sufficient competence. There is so much "play" in this analysis that it will be of ?ala.ys, ?ak?ala'Ys, lazy little help in predicting the plural form of any newly ?al&·skw, ?ak?ala'skw, weak encountered lexical item, that is to say, it claims that there is a great deal more room for variation than has ?amalk, ?ak?amalk, scab actually been observed. Nevertheless it appears to be ?ana·s, ?ak?ana·s, skin the only useful alternative to a burdensome, unstruc­ tured exercise in memorization. The teaching applica­ ?ano·l, ?ak?ano·l, allow tion of this analysis will involve setting up the most ?ap, hakhaps, bee frequently occurring variants as normal or rule gov­ erned. The other variants must then be learned as ex­ ?a~bes~, hakha~bes~, saw (tool) ceptions.. A knowledge of the principles of assimilation ?aytk, ?ak?aytk, call by name and strength harmony might be useful but also dangerous as they could easily lead·to an unacceptably large num­ be.d, bikbe·d, bed ber of overgeneralization errors. das~, dikdas~, squirrel da~~, dakda~~, hammer

du.~k, dikdu·~k, basket i du·s, dikdu·s, cat I dZi.s, dZikdzi·s, weir i dZi·~~ dZikdZi.~, dolphin I gWida·tS , gukgWid&·tS , jacket ! gWisnaba?ala, gukgWisnaba?ala, button blanket ~a.~, ~ak~&q, black bass I go·m, gakgo·m, ashes ha·ps, hakha'ps, cover ha~abi·sk, hakha~bi·sk, knife

ha~epa, hakha~epa, knife

ha~gYi·k, hakha~gYi'k, shore halo, hakhalo, cloth huHtk, hukhuHtk, call la·kws, lakl&'kws, light 19 ~The ~ represents a high, back, unrounded glide.

20 .-, ( /' '.

la', lakla" trout tSaskW, tSaktSaskw, louse la?ab~, lakl'?ab~, twinkle tSaliosik, tSaktSaliosik, canyon libetS", laklobitS", kidney tSali o, tSaktSali o, basket luot, lakluot, wedge tSilina?a, tSiktSi~ina?a, apron lu?w~, laklu?wel, drip tSmhoon, tSiktSimhoon, grey cod • ~aHtS, ~ak~'tS, scraper tSmmu o, tSiktSmmow, ear • • ~a~s, ~ik~a~s, claw tSoo~s, tSiktSoo~s, shoe ~gWfion, ~k~gWtiona, steep valley fSUHp, tSiktSUHp, tail ~pun, ~ak~pun, whale waon, wikwion, tooth ~uoHnti, ~ik~uHnti, ~ wey, wikwey, find ma~i~k, makmao~i~k, tell woyt, wikwo?yt, invite mihooks, mikmihooks, fragrant yiWlmx,, . yikyiWlmx,, . advise mioHlk, makmioHlk, dance yeoy, yikyeoy, fat i moolks~, mukmoolsk, sour yetSk, yikyetSk, animal naluH~k, naknaluo~k, nest I ye~~, yikye~~, spit ! ~~ana9V' v~ik~ina99' barrel YUOs ' yikyuost, basket -I t 1 9~6msk, nika?Ql6msk, sacred yuota, yikyuota, man Pi?i~osk, pikpi?i~osk, a square of dried seaweed yuotk, yikyuotk, carry around the neck i 5 I se?m~, sakse?m~, butter clam ?al~, ?ak?al~,, ?al?a~,'I ~ I seso o, siksesoo, rattle (noun) J ?i?tSik, ?ak?a?tSik, ?i?adZik~ straight seyp, sikseyp, bone swantk, sumsikswentk~ blow sgWaytk, siksgWiytk, stop ;\ gYiHk, gYikgYiHk~ fly (noun) sgYet, siksgYet, spider 11 haks, hakhiks~ scold I skuHnsk, siksku?unsk, teach kYak, kYikkYak~ choke II stuol, sikstuol, accompany mooksk, mookmooksk~ white sweda, siksweda, sweater I ?oks, ?ak?oks~ fall s~an, siks~an, mat saksk, saksaksk~ clean taolsgTtSooH~S, tikta.lsg~tS6o~s, ~tocking tSal, tSiktSalt, face

SThese words have multiple class membership 0 tSa?lks, {Sikfs'?lks, whirlpool 5These words are ambiguous as to class membership 0 21 22 " >

tak, {ik{ak~ terrace (noun) did6.ls, dild6·ls, alive {sakY, fSakYfsak: extinguished du·Hp, dipd6·Hp, base of a mountain dZep, dZapdZep, make

2. second inflection class (Cv~-) gWatk, gWatgWatk, lost , ?a·dZaq, ?a~?a.dZaq, reach across gWelk, gWilagWeHlk, burn 'I be?a~, ba~be?a~, tear up gYeliks, gYilgYalks, feel • da?&x~k, daxda?nx~k, able gYe~k, gYi~gYe~k, stab o 0 0 dfolT~' da~diolT~' answer gYi'Hsk, gYisgYi.Hsk, miss qoomtk, gax96'mtk, hope 9aldzap, ~aldZapdZap, ~ s~aYtSk, sa~saYtSk, hurt ~an, 9an~an, tree woom~k, wa~w6'mask, suffer ~awlg, ~al9awlg, wind around ya·mgask, yaxya'mgask, lure ~awsk, 9as?awsk, narrow . '. ?a~~k, ?a~?a~k: reach ~ol, 9al96l, empty ha·~k, ha~hao~k~ overburdened ha.tS, hasha.tS, stump

pa~s,, p~~pu~s,'.' '" 7 leggings haHs, hashaHs, dog kWas, gWisgWas, break 3. third inflection class (CVC-) kYi?nam, kYilkYi?nam, give ?a'm, ?am?a·m, good lo.p, lipl6.p, rock ?adZiks, ?adZ?adZiks, arrogant lugYiHs, lugYisgYiHs, be wrong ?agWi.~ems, ?agWio~~ems, grandchild's SDouse luf6l, lufolf6l, alone ?algYa~, ?al?algYa~, speak lu~ap, lu~ap~ap, deep hole ?a?pa~, ?ap?a?pa~, remember ma·tg, matmatg, dirty ba·l, bilbaol, feel naygYe~~s, naygYi~gYe~~s, tattoo ba'?t~, bilbao?t~, ghost ?OoY, ?ay?6.y, throw basa~~, bisbasa~~, divide palgYi~sk, PtPalgYi~sk, heavy , , J..' , daomsa~, ~da'msa~, faint P1'~?' pa~p1°~~, crush dal, dildal, fight qawsk, qasqawsk, unripe da~dem, da~dTdam, hold fast gos, ~as~6s, jump qoylq, 9al9oliq, dull 7These words are ambiguous as to class membership. sagWa·tk, gWitgWa·tk, disappear

23 24 4 ..... , ",

{Sap, fSapfsap, town ptSaon, buptSaon, totem pole wa o, watwa o, meet ptSih, bupfsih, comb was, wiswas, blanket gah, gagaoh, wound weli, wilweli, carry qo, qaqa, back yeltk, yalyeltk, drill siHpk, sisiopk, sick ye~k, yilye~k, smooth ST?ooygYit, sTgYigYet, chief bao~, bi~bao~; be~, bibe~t butcher t6?usk, {ut6?usk, butcher knife gigwoda,1 ask fSm?aotk fSifsm?aotk sweet gwoda~, gitgwoda~: gwoda~, T ' , '

4. fourth inflexion class (CV-) 5. fifth inflection class (-CV) daol~, didao19' rebuke hana?a, hana?~q, woman daow, duda.w, ice kWdi o, lakwdiodi, hungry dZa~, dZidZa~, consume lo~ask, l6ol~ask, wet

gYi~aok, qaygYiqak, waist, hip lo~, loHlt, rotten ~UHk, 9uh~6ok, kill ~ek, ~i~ik, bent gwoda" gigwoda~, ask na?a~, nao?na~, dress ha?yin, haha?yin, place upright plaksk, plioplaksk, exhausted holtk, haholtk, full sa~, seosa~, sharp

ksiow,ksuksiow, scraper {Soo , fSoofSaxt0 , split kswoh6 otk, kswohih6otk, callout wa?a, wa?wa~, dig kao?lk, wuqaqao?lk, thief yooks, yooyaks, wash iax, lilaq, needle yuHtSk, yu?itSk, necklace la,di o, didio, hill ~a?ayask, ~al~a?ayask, climb n·aH, ne?na o, snowshoe p\oHn, bap~oHn, sea otter ptal, buptal, rib pte o. 1 tk, bupte·.l tk , climb

'These words have multiple class membership.

25 26 REFERENCES How to Get Things Done in Bella Coola: The Expression of Mood Dunn, John A. 1978. A practical dictionary of the Coast Tsimshian Language. Canadian Ethnology Service paper 42. Philip W. Davis Ross Saunders Foley, James. 1977. Foundations of theoretical Rice University Simon Fraser University 'phonology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Hooper, Joan. 1976. An introduction to natural in generative phonology. New York: Academic Press. In this paper we examine the expression of mood Bella Coo1a, Vennemann, Theo. 1972. On the theory of syllabic a Sa1ishan language spoken on the central coast of British Columbia, phonology. Linguistische Berichte 18:1-18. Canada. 1 We will consider sane of the formal and semantic proper­ ties of individual moods, and discuss some of the criteria for the recognition of a system of moods. We will also introduce and detail a complex of roots that function only in conjunction with non-Indi­ cative mood morphology and conclude with an examination of the gram­ mar of mood and sane comments on possible historical origins. Bella Coola has three mutually exclusive morphemes that, when added to stems, have the function of shifting the mood fran the Indi­ j cative to some other. A morpheme that belongs to this class will be called a Modal. These appear in lieu of the normal Indicative suf­ I fixation. Consider the following Intransitive forms: (1) ~ap-?it I go- vY CAl can go now~ (2) ~ap-na VTry and goY (3) ~ap-nas vSo and find CAlt V The elements ?it, ~, and ~ differ in at least two ways fran anoth­ er class of elements that occurs to the right of predicates, viz. Par­ ticles. 2 First, Modals do not follow additional morphological ex­ pression of Agents as the Particles do.3 In the third person sin­ I gular, the Agent is nonnally marked by -0 in the Intransitive, and

I 27 -1-