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EUROPEAN STUDIES teachers' series 9

. ·: .. ::RegioJUil: ·problems in Britain and the EEC ·.. ·. ·. Al'istich ·Jiriud, ·Gtlstav Stresemann · · · ...... the r$lty ·or Europe

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' ' ' I . ' . .··•··.· .· Nonlic Jiltegratlon after World War ll

· · ·Teaching.. ·EBope in British schools

Published unde,. the auspices of the Centre to,. Contemporary European Studies, University ol Sussex

In association with the £u.-opean Oommunity Information Sert~ice European Studies, 9, 1970.

Aristide Briand, and the unity of Europe

Aristide Briand and Gustav Stresemann formulated proposals for a united federal Europe as early as the late 1920's and early 1930's at a time when Europe was threatened by and the world economic depression. They served as an inspiration to resistance leaders and as an intellectual point of departure for the post-war fathers of Europe.

Aristide Briand, born at in 1862, and and in 1907 at the age of twenty-nine he was elected Gustav Stresemann, born in in 1878, had one to the Reichstag for the first time. thing in common from the beginning, they were both sons of innkeepers. Their early careers were, however, very different. Briand studied law in , where he The war of 1914-1918 very much identified himself with socialist politics. Together with Jean Jaures he founded "L'Huma­ Both men supported the war, Stresemann more nite." At this time he was very far to the Left and at enthusiastically than Briand. Stresemann at that time the Nantes conference of the socialist party in 1894 was one of the National Liberals of whom it could he secured the adoption of the idea of the General truly be said that they were more national than Strike. His acceptance of a ministry in 1906 brought liberal. His support of the "annexationist" claims of about his inevitable exclusion from the socialist party the High Command was very popular within his still wedded to the idea of no co-operation with the own party and in 1917 Stresemann became Chair­ bourgeois state. In the classic French tradition he man of the Parliamentary Party though not of the then moved steadily to the right. In 1909 Clemenceau nationa,l party organisation. fell from power and Briand became Prime Minister for the first time. He was to hold the office ten times in all. The post-war world Stresemann's rise though meteoric by the standards of Imperial was much slower. After three The careeTs of both men suffered a temporary and a half years at the Universities of Berlin and eclipse in the immediate post-war period. Briand had Leipzig, he completed his Doctorate in 1900 with a been displaced by Clemenceau in 1917 and he took dissertation on the Berlin beer industry. Having little part in French public life again until 1921. decided upon a career in business he then accepted a Stresemann's fall, identified as he had been with the post as assistant to the chairman of the German goals of the militarists, was more far-reaching. He chocolate makers' union in . Within a few was excluded from the Democratic Party, the first years he had made an outstanding success of this successor party to the National Liberals. He then ventUTe. In 1903 he joined the National Liberal Party promptly set up a party of his own, the German

1 Peoples Party, the D.V.P. Between 1918 and 1923 he which was accepted in 1926. In the same year Briand, remained a monarchist and carried on an essentially Stresemann and Chamberlain were jointly awarded nationalist opposition to the . the for Peace. especially after the signature of the Ver~sailles Treaty. In 1920, for instance, he was prepared to support the which overthrew the legitimate government. Gradually he came to realise that the Briand's proposals for a "federal bond" Republic was a necessity, mainly through his expe­ rience as Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Com­ The background to the Briand proposal