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Call from Members of the Nizami Ganjavi International Centre to the United Nations Security Council to Support the UN Secretary
Call from Members of the Nizami Ganjavi International Centre to the United Nations Security Council to Support the UN Secretary-General’s Urgent Call for an Immediate Global Ceasefire amid the COVID-19 Pandemic We are deeply alarmed that the United Nations Security Council has not been able to reach agreement on a draft resolution put before it on COVID-19. This draft resolution called for an end to hostilities worldwide so that there could be a full focus on fighting the Covid-19 pandemic. If passed it would have given powerful backing to the call made earlier by the Secretary-General. Yet, agreement could not be reached on the resolution in the Security Council because of its reference to “the urgent need to support…. all relevant entities of the United Nations system, including specialized health agencies” in the fight against the pandemic. The failure to reach agreement saddens us at this time when our world is in crisis. The Covid-19 pandemic has brought about immense human suffering and is having a devastating impact on economies and societies. It is exactly at times like this that the leadership of the Security Council is needed. It should not be silent in the face of the serious threat to global peace and security which Covid-19 represents. Global action and partnership are vital now to deal with the global pandemic and its aftermath. This is the time for the premier institution responsible for leading on global security to show strength, not weakness. We support UN Secretary-General António Guterres in his call for an immediate global ceasefire, in all corners of the world, amid the COVID-19 pandemic. -
Vladimir Voronin, President of Moldova (2001-2009) Anna Sous, RFE/RL Date of Interview: May 2015
Vladimir Voronin, president of Moldova (2001-2009) Anna Sous, RFE/RL Date of interview: May 2015 ************************ (This interview was conducted in Russian.) Anna Sous: You're not only a former president, but also a working politician, an opposition politician. You've been the leader of the Communist Party of Moldova for more than 20 years. Even at 74 years old, you're very active. How long is your typical workday? Vladimir Voronin: As long as necessary. Longer than people who have a standard working day. From 16 to 18 hours is normal. Anna Sous: Vladimir Nikolayevich, the Communist Party of Moldova is the only Communist party among the countries of the former Soviet Union that has managed to become the ruling party. How do you think Moldova's Communists differ from those in Russia? Vladimir Voronin: In ideological terms, our action plan isn't really any different. We don't differ from them in terms of being Communists, but in terms of the conditions we act in and work in -- the conditions in which we fight. Anna Sous: You were Moldova's minister of internal affairs. In 1989, when the ministry's building was set on fire during unrest in Chisinau, you didn't give the order to shoot. Later you said you wouldn't have given the command to shoot even if the ministry building had burned to the ground . Maybe this is how Moldova's Communists differ from those in Russia? Vladimir Voronin: Of course, the choices we had, and the situation we were in, were such that if I had given the order to shoot, it would have been recognized as constitutional and lawful. -
LETTER to G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS
LETTER TO G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS We write to call for urgent action to address the global education emergency triggered by Covid-19. With over 1 billion children still out of school because of the lockdown, there is now a real and present danger that the public health crisis will create a COVID generation who lose out on schooling and whose opportunities are permanently damaged. While the more fortunate have had access to alternatives, the world’s poorest children have been locked out of learning, denied internet access, and with the loss of free school meals - once a lifeline for 300 million boys and girls – hunger has grown. An immediate concern, as we bring the lockdown to an end, is the fate of an estimated 30 million children who according to UNESCO may never return to school. For these, the world’s least advantaged children, education is often the only escape from poverty - a route that is in danger of closing. Many of these children are adolescent girls for whom being in school is the best defence against forced marriage and the best hope for a life of expanded opportunity. Many more are young children who risk being forced into exploitative and dangerous labour. And because education is linked to progress in virtually every area of human development – from child survival to maternal health, gender equality, job creation and inclusive economic growth – the education emergency will undermine the prospects for achieving all our 2030 Sustainable Development Goals and potentially set back progress on gender equity by years. -
Moldova: Background and U.S. Policy
Moldova: Background and U.S. Policy Steven Woehrel Specialist in European Affairs April 23, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21981 Moldova: Background and U.S. Policy Summary Although a small country, Moldova has been of interest to U.S. policy makers due to its position between NATO and EU member Romania and strategic Ukraine. In addition, some experts have expressed concern about Russian efforts to extend its hegemony over Moldova through various methods, including a troop presence, manipulation of Moldova’s relationship with its breakaway Transnistria region, and energy supplies and other economic links. Moldova’s political and economic weakness has made it a source of organized criminal activity of concern to U.S. policy makers, including trafficking in persons. U.S. and Moldovan experts have expressed concern about whether Russian President Putin’s annexation of Crimea and attempted destabilization of eastern Ukraine presages a similar effort toward Moldova, including Russian recognition of the independence of Transnistria. After July 2009 parliamentary elections, a group of opposition parties to the then-ruling Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova (PCRM) formed a governing coalition that pledged to carry out reforms with the goal of closer integration with the European Union. There are few ideological differences among the governing parties, which are mainly vehicles for key political leaders and politically connected big businessmen. New parliamentary elections are expected to be held in November 2014. Moldova is Europe’s poorest country, according to the World Bank. Moldova’s GDP grew by a rapid 8.9% in 2013, spurred by strong consumer spending and a good agricultural harvest, rebounding from a drought the previous year. -
Medicus Nr.9-10 Vol. 884-885 (Noiembrie-Decembrie) 2015.Pdf
Nr. 9-10 (884-885) Noiembrie-Decembrieie 20152015 Fondator : Instituţia Publică Universitatea de Stat de Medicină şi Farmacie "Nicolae Testemiţanu" din Republica Moldova Onorată comunitate universitară! EEditorialditorial tele consacrate celor 70 de ani Cu siguranţă a fost un an să creşteţi şi să vă simţiţi îm- ÎN ACEST NUMĂR: de activitate a Universităţii complicat pentru ţara noas- pliniţi! noastre, plin de emoţii trăite tră, am simţit instabilitatea Stimaţi membri ai comu- împreună... în toate domeniile, dar conti- nităţii universitare, cu ocazia La Mulţi Ani, Alma Mater! Ţin să vă mulţumesc pen- nuăm să sperăm că ne aşteap- frumoaselor sărbători de iarnă, tru efortul depus în această tă vremuri mai bune şi vom Vă adresez cele mai calde urări Aniversarea perioadă, pentru dedicaţie şi putea vorbi de progrese, nu de sănătate, împliniri şi prospe- USMF „Nicolae devotament. Aveţi tot res- doar în Universitatea noas- ritate, linişte şi pace în casele pectul şi aprecierea pentru tră, ci şi la nivel naţional, şi în inimile voastre. Fie ca cei Testemiţanu” activitatea întreprinsă zi de regional. Pentru aceasta este dragi să vă fi e mereu aproape şi p. 2 Încă un an… Încă un zi - cadre profesoral-didac- necesar să ne aducem fi ecare să vă susţină în toate proiectele an a trecut şi ne determină tice şi ştiinţifi ce, şefi de sub- dintre noi aportul, să mişcăm pe care vi le-aţi propus pentru să numărăm realizările şi să diviziuni, angajaţi, studenţi, lucrurile înainte. Împreună - viitor! Cât mai multe forţe noi Aleea savanţilor trasăm noi obiective. Dacă am rezidenţi. Împreună suntem se poate! în Noul An! și medicilor iluștri - fost sufi cient de buni, dacă ceea ce numim cu atâta mân- În Noul An, Vă îndemn Crăciun Fericit un obiectiv strategic realizat ne-am descurcat cu brio sau drie - Universitatea de Stat să fi ţi perseverenţi şi consec- şi La Mulţi Ani! mai puţin - posteritatea să ne de Medicină şi Farmacie venţi, să vă îndepliniţi misiu- p. -
Media Monitoring During the Electoral Campaign for the Early Parliamentary Elections of July 11, 2021
Media monitoring during the electoral campaign for the early parliamentary elections of July 11, 2021 Report no. 5 July 2-10, 2021 This report has been prepared with the financial support of the Office of the Embassy of the Netherlands in Moldova. General data Purpose and objectives of the project: Monitoring and informing the public about media behavior during the electoral campaign and access of electoral competitors to the media. The monitoring aims to analyze reporting trends that may affect the performance of media outlets and compromise their ability to provide truthful, unbiased, and pluralistic information to the public. Monitoring period: June 1 – July 10, 2021 Criteria for selecting media outlets for monitoring: • Audience / impact: national, regional • Type of media: audiovisual • Form of ownership: public, private • Language of broadcasting: Romanian, Russian List of monitored media outlets: Moldova 1 (19:00) – public television, national coverage, broadcasts in Romanian and Russian Prime TV (21:00) – private television, national coverage, broadcasts in Romanian and Russian Primul în Moldova (18:00) – private television, national coverage, broadcasts in Romanian and Russian Publika TV (online version) – private television, national coverage, broadcasts in Romanian and Russian Jurnal TV (19:00) – private television, regional coverage, broadcasts in Romanian and Russian NTV Moldova (19:00) – private television, regional coverage, broadcasts in Romanian and Russian RTR Moldova (20:00) – private television, regional coverage, -
THIRD SECTION CASE of URECHEAN and PAVLICENCO V
THIRD SECTION CASE OF URECHEAN AND PAVLICENCO v. THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA (Applications nos. 27756/05 and 41219/07) JUDGMENT STRASBOURG 2 December 2014 This judgment will become final in the circumstances set out in Article 44 § 2 of the Convention. It may be subject to editorial revision. URECHEAN AND PAVLICENCO v. THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA JUDGMENT 1 In the case of Urechean and Pavlicenco v. the Republic of Moldova, The European Court of Human Rights (Third Section), sitting as a Chamber composed of: Josep Casadevall, President, Luis López Guerra, Ján Šikuta, Dragoljub Popović, Kristina Pardalos, Valeriu Griţco, Iulia Antoanella Motoc, judges, and Stephen Phillips, Section Registrar, Having deliberated in private on 4 November 2014, Delivers the following judgment, which was adopted on that date: PROCEDURE 1. The case originated in two applications (nos. 27756/05 and 41219/07) against the Republic of Moldova lodged with the Court under Article 34 of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (“the Convention”) by two Moldovan nationals, Mr Serafim Urechean (“the first applicant”) and Mrs Vitalia Pavlicenco (“the second applicant”), on 26 July 2005 and 10 September 2007 respectively. 2. The applicants were represented by Mr D. Graur and Mr V. Gribincea, lawyers practising in Chișinău. The Moldovan Government (“the Government”) were represented by their Agent, Mr V. Grosu. 3. The applicants alleged, in particular, that their right of access to a court had been breached on account of the fact that they could not bring libel actions against the then president of the country by virtue of the immunity enjoyed by him. -
Raport 5, CJI, 2-10 Iulie 2021
Monitorizarea mass-mediei în campania electorală pentru alegerile parlamentare anticipate din 11 iulie 2021 Raport nr. 5 2 iulie – 10 iulie 2021 Acest raport a fost realizat cu sprijinul financiar al Oficiului Ambasadei Țărilor de Jos în Moldova. Date generale Scopul și obiectivele proiectului: Monitorizarea și informarea publicului cu privire la comportamentul mass-mediei în campania electorală și accesul concurenților electorali la mass- media. Monitorizarea își propune să analizeze tendințele reportericești care pot afecta performanța instituțiilor mass-media și compromite abilitatea acestora de a oferi publicului informații veridice, echidistante și pluraliste. Perioada de monitorizare: 1 iunie – 10 iulie 2021 Criteriile de selectare a instituțiilor mass-media supuse monitorizării: • Audiența / impactul: național, regional • Tipul de media: audiovizual • Forma de proprietate: publică, privată • Limba difuzării: română, rusă Lista instituțiilor mass-media monitorizate: Moldova 1 (19:00) – post public, acoperire națională, difuzează în limbile română și rusă; Prime TV (21:00) – post privat, acoperire națională, difuzează în limbile română și rusă; Primul în Moldova (18:00) – post privat, acoperire națională, difuzează în limbile română și rusă; Publika TV (versiunea online) – post privat, acoperire națională, difuzează în limbile română și rusă; Jurnal TV (19.00) – post privat, acoperire regională, difuzează în limbile română și rusă; NTV Moldova (19.00) – post privat, acoperire regională, difuzează în limbile română și rusă; RTR Moldova (20.00) – post privat, acoperire regională, difuzează în limbile rusă și română; TV8 (19:00) – post privat, acoperire regională, difuzează în limbile română și rusă; Pro TV (20.00) – post privat, acoperire regională, difuzează în limba română; TV6 (19.00) – post privat, acoperire regională; difuzează în limbile română și rusă. -
Newsletter on Foreign Policy and European Integration Issues of the Republic of Moldova
Foreign Policy Association together with Friedrich- Ebert-Stiftung offer you a newsletter on foreign policy and European integration issues of the Republic of Moldova. The newsletter is part of the “Foreign Policy Dialogue” joint Project. NEWSLETTER MONTHLY BULLETIN DECEMBER 2020 NR.12 (178) Synthesis and Foreign Policy Debates The newsletter is developed by Sorina Ştefârţă, editor-coordinator TOPICS OF THE EDITION: 1. Aurel Ciocoi, Minister of Foreign Affairs and European Integration:I think we have reached a national consensus on the process of modernizing the country by implementing European standards 2. Peter Michalko, Ambassador of the European Union: The European Union is constant: we are helping, we are informing, and if the commitments are broken - we are raising our voice and taking action 3. Nils Schmid, member of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the German Bundestag:What counts, above all, is substance in the implementation of reforms 4. Editorial by Victor Chirilă, executive director of the Foreign Policy Association (APE):Three essential conditions for a credible and effective foreign policy News in Brief The presidents of Romania, Czech Republic, Moldovan European Integration Forum 2020: Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland and Slovakia sent on Thursday, 24 December, a joint official statement in support of the President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, appointed on the same a radiography at the end of the pandemic year day. “Maia Sandu has received a strong mandate from the citizens of the Republic of Moldova who are waiting for changes, a more ambitious reform agenda, democracy and closer ties with the European Union,” said the statement of the seven heads of state, who expressed their “full” support for the new Moldovan president. -
Moldova's Election of a 'Pro-Russian' President: Implications for Europe
No.1 2017 PUBLISHED BY THE SWEDISH INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS. WWW.UI.SE Moldova’s Election of a ‘pro -Russian’ President: Implications for Europe Elvira Melin In November 2016, Moldova elected Igor The two main directions in Moldovan Dodon as president in the first presidential politics are, simply put, the so called pro- elections since 1996. In his campaign, European liberal and the so called pro- Dodon promised to restore Moldova’s Russian communist or socialist directions, relations with Russia and possibly revoke respectively. People in practice, however, the Association Agreement (AA) with the often vote along identity lines: those who European Union. He also promised to identify with Romania usually vote for improve relations with Transnistria, a de pro-European parties, whereas minorities facto state within Moldova in which Russia (for example Gagauzians, Russians and deploys around 1,500 to 2,500 troops. In Ukrainians) and people who rather March Dodon sent a request to the disapprove of a union with Romania Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) to grant usually vote for pro-Russian parties.1 Moldova to become an observation country Moreover, citizens also adhere to to the union. However, the powers of the economic rationales when voting. Since its president in Moldova are limited, and it is independence, Moldova has experienced not certain that Dodon will have the chance economic turmoil, and is often referred to to implement all of his policies. What is as one of the poorest countries in Europe. the likelihood of Moldova leaning more This may be related to the fact that it is towards Russia, and what possible effects also among the most corrupt countries in could such a change have on Europe? Europe. -
Moldova, Early Parliamentary Elections, 11 July 2021
INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Republic of Moldova, Early Parliamentary Elections, 11 July 2021 STATEMENT OF PRELIMINARY FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS PRELIMINARY CONCLUSIONS The 11 July early parliamentary elections were well administered, competitive and fundamental freedoms were largely respected. While lower-level commissions enjoyed trust, key decisions of the Central Election Commission brought into question its impartiality. Candidates had ample opportunities to campaign and voters were provided a wide range of alternatives. The lack of effective campaign finance oversight left potential breaches unaddressed. Numerous televised debates allowed voters to be informed of contestants’ policies, but the majority of monitored news outlets displayed bias. The legal framework does not adequately regulate electoral dispute resolution, and the handling of electoral complaints further highlighted the importance of strengthening judicial independence. Election day was calm, transparent and the process was assessed overwhelmingly positively despite isolated cases of overcrowding and non- adherence to procedures. The legal framework is generally conducive for the conduct of democratic elections. The parliament’s 101 members were elected under a proportional representation system, which was reintroduced more than one year prior to its application and following an inclusive consultation process, in line with international good practice. Some key aspects of the electoral framework were also revised, including the lowering of thresholds for parties and blocs and strengthening the gender quota for candidate lists by introducing a placement requirement, in line with previous ODIHR and the Venice Commission recommendations. While some previous ODIHR and Venice Commission’s recommendations were addressed in recent amendments, further improvements are needed in particular to the legal framework on the complaints and appeals process and campaign finance oversight. -
Kesarev Memo | Moldova's New Government | August 2021
MOLDOVA’S NEW GOVERNMENT Parliament of Moldova approves pro-EU cabinet headed by Natalia Gavrilița August 2021 Issues & Sectors Moldovan Snap Parliamentary Elections, Change of Government in Moldova Stakeholders Government of Moldova, Maia Sandu, Natalia Gavrilita, European Union, Russia Almost a month after the Party of Action and Solidarity (PAS), supporting pro-EU Moldovan President Maia Sandu, scored a landslide victory during Moldova’s long-awaited snap parliamentary vote on July 11th, Natalia Gavrilița, an economist and former Finance Minister, has been confirmed as the country’s new Prime Minister. Facing extremely high expectations from the Moldovan public, the Gavrilița Cabinet has already outlined a number of plans for the country’s immediate future, as Moldova continues its recovery from the COVID-19 crisis. Both the European Union and Russia have taken initial steps towards future cooperation with Chisinau, which so far appear to be constructive and focused on the economy rather than politics. Below we provide an introduction into the current state of Moldovan politics, prospects for the country’s political stability, the priorities of the Gavrilița Government, likely future post-election scenarios. as well as initial reactions to the change of government from the EU and Russia. This memo will cover: Post-election landscape 2 The “integrity” government 2 Government priorities and implications for investors 3 Conclusion 5 Moldova’s New Government Page | 1 POST-ELECTION LANDSCAPE On July 11th, Moldova held much-anticipated snap elections to elect the country’s new parliament. The parliamentary vote came as a follow-up to last November’s Presidential elections, when former Prime Minister Maia Sandu, the then-leader of the pro-European Party of Action and Solidarity (PAS), defeated1 her long-standing political rival, Igor Dodon, the country’s former President who was backed by the pro- Russian Party of Socialists of the Republic of Moldova (PSRM).