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Cover Page the Following Handle Holds Various Files of This Leiden Cover Page The following handle holds various files of this Leiden University dissertation: http://hdl.handle.net/1887/67914 Author: Mondt, M.M. Title: De zee-eenhoorn in kaart gebracht. Zee-eenhoorns in woord en beeld in de middeleeuwen en vroegmoderne tijd Issue Date: 2019-01-10 III. INLEIDING III. VAN MONOCEROS TOT NARWAL AFBEELDINGEN EN BESCHRIJVINGEN VAN DE ZEE-EENHOORN IN DE VROEGMODERNE TIJD DE groote en woeste Zee vertoont in haer keel een wonderlijck schouwspel aen alle volcken. Sy vertoont verscheyde voortspruytinghen, die niet soo wonderlijck om hun grootheydt, en om hun ontellijck ghetal, ghelijck dat van de Sterren, zijn, als wel om hun verschrickelijcke gedaente […] Want men bevindt dat in dese woeste zee, die soo breedt, vlack, sacht, en vruchtbaer van aenwas is, en het teelende zaedt ontfanght, door mede-werckingh van de heerlijcke natuur, die altijdt baert, veel vreemde en gedrochtelijcke dinghen zijn… Olaus Magnus.1 INLEIDING Volgens Ogilvie is de natuurhistorische kennis in de oudheid en de middeleeuwen vooral gebaseerd op geschriften van (klassieke) auteurs. Daarbij maakten geleerden niet alleen gebruik van de natuurhistorische informatie die zij zelf vergaarden, maar ook van de kennis die zij uit tweede hand verkregen. In hun geschriften worden deze informatiebronnen meestal niet duidelijk onderscheiden. Omdat er geen ‘single community of naturalists’ bestond was van uitwisseling van kennis weinig sprake: Peripatatetic philosophers, herbalists and hunters comprised separate circles, and there was little personal contact or transfer of information between them. What exchange took place was on a literary level…2 De auteur beschrijft de studie van de natuur als een ‘literary genre, not a social activity’.3 Hierdoor is de verworven kennis fragmentarisch en grotendeels beperkt tot die over de directe omgeving. Bovendien is de middeleeuwse interesse voor de natuur sterk verbonden met het spirituele, en gebonden aan strikte conventies.4 De vroegmoderne tijd luidt een periode in waarin het onderzoek van de wereld en haar natuurfenomenen ingrijpend verandert. Geleidelijk maakt het theocentrische wereldbeeld plaats voor een levensbeschouwing waarin de mens als rationeel denkend wezen centraal staat. Hoewel het christelijke geloof een grote rol blijft spelen in het menselijk denken en doen is de goddelijke beschikking niet langer de pijler waarop het menselijk bestaan rust. Men gaat de wereld en haar natuurfenomenen verkennen en onderzoeken. Daardoor worden, zoals reeds vermeld, de wonderen van de schepping het onderwerp van empirisch onderzoek. De hernieuwde belangstelling voor de klassieke oudheid vertaalt zich, behalve in de architectuur en de beeldende kunsten, ook in de manier waarop de vroegmoderne natuurhistorici de natuurfenomenen onderzoeken, en hun bevindingen vastleggen in natuurhistorische beschrijvingen, verslagen van experimenteel onderzoek, en reisverslagen. 1 Magnus, Olaus, Toonneel Der Noordsche Landen. Daer op in 't kort al de wonderen en vreemdigheden, diemen in die Landen vindt, vertoont worden (Amsterdam, Nicolaes van Ravesteyn: 1652), p. 515. 2 Ogilvie, B. W., The Science of Describing. Natural History in Renaissance Europe (Chicago - Londen, The University of Chicago Press: 2006), pp. 98-99. 3 Ogilvie, The Science of Describing, p. 99. 4 Ogilvie schrijft dat waar middeleeuwse dichters in hun poëzie een geïdealiseerd beeld van de natuur schetsen, de theologen een negatieve appreciatie van het leven op aarde hebben (het hiernamaals werd als ideaal beschouwd). Alleen de filosofen hebben een neutrale opvatting over de wereld en haar natuurfenomenen. Hij verwoordt dit als volgt: ‘Whether theologians or philosophers, medieval scholar’s attitude toward nature was that its particulars were not essential. Spiritual contemplation, allegorical interpretation, or poetic diction were more important.’ Zie Ogilvie, The Science of Describing, pp. 98-101, 103. 67 III. VAN MONOCEROS TOT NARWAL Ogilvie schrijft dat aan het einde van de vijftiende eeuw de natuurlijke historie vooral is gebaseerd op drie tradities: de natuurlijke filosofie, de farmacie en de landbouwkundige kennis, met daaraan verbonden een traditie van klassiek en middeleeuws gedachtegoed, dat door de vroegmoderne natuurhistorici op een creatieve wijze wordt geïnterpreteerd en gebruikt om hun eigen empirisch onderzoek te onderbouwen.5 Aanvankelijk gold de literaire traditie in de vroegmoderne natuurlijke historie als de belangrijkste bron van zoölogische kennis.6 Met name de verhandelingen van Plinius (ca. 22-78) werden door natuurhistorici vaak gebruikt als referentie. Een correcte interpretatie van de klassieke teksten vormde in vele gevallen een probleem door de onjuiste vertalingen, die in de loop van de tijd waren verschenen. Door eigen observaties van de beschreven natuurfenomenen, en door deze te vergelijken met de beschrijvingen in de klassieke geschriften, trachtten de vroegmoderne onderzoekers de teksten te corrigeren en de oorspronkelijke betekenissen te achterhalen. Hierdoor ontstond tevens het besef dat de kennis van de natuur in de oudheid zeer beperkt was, waardoor empirisch onderzoek verder werd gestimuleerd.7 De passie voor de wonderen van de schepping en het vergaren van kennis vormden de drijfveren voor het onderzoek van de vroegmoderne natuurhistorici.8 Aanvankelijk beperkte hun studie van de natuurfenomenen zich tot het op picturale wijze beschrijven van de flora en fauna in de eigen omgeving. Hun grote affiniteit met de medicijnen en de farmacie blijkt uit het belang dat zij (in verband met medische toepassingen) aan de materia medica hechtten.9 In de zestiende eeuw vormden de Bijbelteksten en de klassieke geschriften de uitgangspunten voor de bestudering van de natuur. Volgens Jorink was de natuur echter meer dan alleen een verwijzing naar het Boek der Boeken (de Bijbel): Zij [de natuur] was zélf een boek: De natuur was een wonderboek Gods, dat klaar lag om gelezen, begrepen en overdacht te worden.10 De Bijbel en het ‘Boeck der Natuere’ vormden een twee-eenheid: Het tweede boek werd begrepen in termen van het eerste; beschouwingen over de liber naturae lagen besloten in de Sacra scriptura.11 Naast de klassieke teksten waarin de flora en fauna worden beschreven heeft een aantal tradities bijgedragen aan de kennis over de verborgen betekenissen van de natuurlijke fenomenen. In de vroegmoderne tijd worden aan onder andere dieren symbolische betekenissen toegekend die worden verwoord in embleemboeken. Dergelijke betekenissen zijn ontleend aan de beschrijvingen van dieren in fabels, en die van dieren uit de klassieke mythologie.12 Emblemen genieten in de zestiende eeuw een grote 5 Ogilvie, The Science of Describing, pp. 86-87. 6 Enenkel, K.A.E., ‘The Species and Beyond: Classification and the Place of Hybrids in early Modern Zoology’, in eds. K.A.E. Enenkel, P.J. Smith, Zoology in early Modern Culture. Intersections of Science, Theology, and Political and Religious Education (Leiden, Brill: 2014), pp. 57-148, pp. 58-59; Röszler, H., ‘Kircher und das Gurteltier. Empirisches Wissen in der zoologischen Druckgraphik der frühen Neuzeit’, in eds. T. Asmussen, L. Burkart, H. Röszler, Theatrum Kircherianum. Wissenkulturen und Bücherwelten im 17. Jahrhundert (Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz Verlag: 2013), pp. 227-278, p. 234. 7 Findlen, P., ‘Natural History’, in eds. C. Park, L. Daston, The Cambridge History of Science, Vol. 3 (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press: 2006), pp. 435-468, pp. 438-442; Enenkel, ‘The Species and Beyond’, pp. 57-148, p. 112. 8 Ogilvie, The Science of Describing, pp. 54-55. 9 Ogilvie, The Science of Describing, pp. 30-34. 10 Jorink, E., ‘Het Boeck der Natuere’. Nederlandse geleerden en de wonderen van Gods Schepping, 1575-1715 (Leiden, Primavera Pers: 2006), p. 21. 11 Jorink, ‘Het Boeck der Natuere’, p. 41. 12 Een editie van de fabels van Aesopus uit ca. 1476 werd vertaald en vele malen herdrukt. Zie Steinhöwel, H., Aesop, ed. H. Oesterley (Tübingen, Fues: 1873). De symbolische betekenissen die in de fabels worden beschreven vormden een bron van kennis voor de vroegmoderne natuurhistorici. Hetzelfde geldt voor Ovidius’ Metamorphosen (Publius Ovidius Naso; 43 voor Christus - 17 na Christus). Ook Cesare Ripa’s Iconologia uit 1593 werd als bron gebruikt. Zie Ashworth Jr., W.B., ‘The revolution in Natural History. Natural History and the Emblematic World View’, in ed. M. Hellyer, The scientific Revolution: The Essential Readings (Blackwell Publishing Ltd: 2003), pp. 130-156, pp.138-139. 68 III. INLEIDING populariteit. In persoonlijke deviezen die in de zestiende eeuw vaak in combinatie met persoonlijke emblemen worden gebruikt, is eveneens sprake van dieren met een symbolische betekenis.13 Emblemen vonden hun weerklank in de geschriften van vroegmoderne natuurhistorici. In tegenstelling tot het christelijke symbolisme uit de middeleeuwse bestiaria dat voornamelijk is ontleend aan de Physiologus vond de emblematische benadering van de natuurlijke fenomenen zijn oorsprong in het klassieke gedachtengoed. Ogilvie benadrukt dat geleerden aan zowel de emblematische als de natuurhistorische betekenis van de flora en fauna aandacht besteedden, maar dat zij deze betekenissen in hun beschrijvingen als verschillende benaderingswijzen beschouwden.14 Het vroegmoderne natuurhistorisch onderzoek beperkte zich niet alleen tot het bestuderen van de klassieke geschriften. Collecties van ‘naturalia’ werden in toenemende mate waardevol voor empirisch onderzoek.15 Verzamelen van ‘mirabilia’ uit de natuur was echter ook de passie van vorsten
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