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The Feminisation of Magic in Classical Greek Literature: the Subversive

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The Feminisation of Magic in Classical Greek Literature: the Subversive The feminisation of magic in classical Greek literature: The subversive potential of women in the polis * Angela Matheson This thesis is presented for the degree of Master of Arts of the University of Western Australia, Department of Classics and Ancient History, 2002. MA thesis abstract The feminisation of magic in classical Greek literature: the subversive potential of women in the polis Angela Matheson This thesis examines the apparent over-representation of women (by comparison with non-literary evidence) as magical adepts in the classical literary tradition. A fluid and ideologically based ancient definition for magic is posited, and will be demonstrated throughout. Methodologies based on theoretical insights drawn from structural and symbolic anthropology, and from feminist scholarship will be employed in an effort to unravel a number of the forces at work in the construction of women as most expert in the deployment of magic. Having identified women as marginalised, or ‘other’ to Greek ideas of personal and political selfhood, their appearance in fifth century drama as amateur and experienced users of magical arts will be assessed, with reference to other ‘intruders’, as a perceived threat to the order and integrity of the community (oikos, polis and Hellas variously). The relationships of women and of magic with divinity, otherness and liminality will be explored in various guises. In Chapter one, different ancient and modern ways of understanding magic will be explored, with a view to establishing a useful theoretical framework. Chapter two will approach the i interconnections of liminality, magic and private ritual through the figure of Hekate. Chapter three will discuss women’s control over dangerous and important transformative processes, and the relationship between transformations and the idea of magic. Chapters four and five will examine prominent themes in the construction of magic as a disruptive art dominated by women. Chapter six, on the other hand, will explore the treatment of magic under law in the reality of Athenian society, and the ways that literary stereotypes informed this social reality. Chapter seven will explore the idea, prevalent in classical discussions, that magic is ultimately foreign in origin. The assimilation of various ideas of otherness – including femininity, animality, divinity and barbarity – in the creation of a powerful category of magic will be discussed. Finally, it will be suggested that magic was powerfully symbolic of subversion of accepted social and metaphysical hierarchies. Women’s prominence in representations of the deployment of magic may thus be viewed as an expression of the tensions inherent in gender relations in classical society. ii Table of contents Chapter one: Introduction to ancient Greek magic: definitions and social contexts Page 1 Chapter two: Hekate: traversing dangerous boundaries Page 36 Chapter three: Cooking and midwifery: dangerous knowledges and technologies Page 63 Chapter four: Medeia: barbarian sorceress and divinity Page 106 Chapter five: Deianeira’s philtre: conjugal tensions in the Trachiniai Page 144 Chapter six: Magic under Athenian law: a threat to the polis? Page 171 Chapter seven: The invention of the orientalism of magic Page 205 Conclusions: The feminisation of magic in classical Greek ideology Page 241 iii Chapter One Introduction to ancient Greek magic: definitions and social contexts The literary evidence This thesis has been written in response to the prevalence, in the ancient Greek literature, of magical female figures. Such representations co-exist with indications - explicit or otherwise - that women were the magic users par excellence of the ancient world. This gendered pattern in representations of magic users also has a diachronic dimension, as female magical figures continued to outnumber and overshadow their male equivalents in the literature of the Roman world, and in diverse folk tales of the European cultural tradition. Stories about female witches from later periods frequently owe something to their Graeco-Roman roots, and attest to the power and longevity of certain ideas about women.1 One might also cite the historical phenomena of the sixteenth century witch-hunts and -trials in western Europe and north America as evidence for interest in (or obsession with) the subject even closer to the present time. The most well-known and high profile practitioners of magic in classical Greek literature are women. Medeia and Deianeira, from Euripides' Medeia and Sophokles' Trachiniai respectively, so fired ancient 1 imaginations that they reappeared in Roman guise centuries later in the works of Seneca, by which time their sorcery and savagery was much embellished.2 To these we may add a myriad of passing references in poetry, drama, and philosophical and legal texts to wise old women, anonymous stepmothers and the like who are identified as amateurs or adepts in the magical arts. These discussions, indepth and brief alike, help to build up a picture of women as the keepers of arcane wisdom in ancient Greece. Non-literary evidence for magic use in the classical period A glance at the epigraphical, archaeological and papyrological evidence for magic from the ancient Greek world, on the other hand, reveals a rather different demographic of adherents to magical ritual practices, from that suggested in the poetic works. For instance, the extensive depositions of - also known as curse inscriptions or defixiones - attest, by their varied aims and textual qualities, to the extremely diverse nature of the people who made and commissioned them. Nearly six hundred of these inscribed tablets - usually thin lead sheets - have been published thus far.3 Early depositions of curse 1 For a general introduction to the persistent theme of women as witches and poisoners in Western literature see especially Margaret Hallissy, Venomous Woman: fear of the female in literature (New York, 1987). 2 Seneca wrote a Medea of his own. His version of Sophokles' Trachiniai, entitled Hercules Oetaeus, makes Deianeira's nurse and confidante the woman with some command of magical knowledge. 3 Good surveys of patterns of deposition are to be found in Christopher A. Faraone, 'The agonistic context of early Greek binding spells' in Christopher A. Faraone and Dirk Obbink (eds.), Magika Hiera: Ancient Greek Magic and Religion (Oxford, 1991), 3-32; H. S. Versnel, 'Beyond cursing: the appeal to justice in judicial prayers' in Faraone and Obbink (1991), 60-106; Lindsay Watson, Arae: the curse poetry of antiquity (Leeds, 2 inscriptions are most concentrated in wells and tombs within Attika,4 and inscriptions are particularly plentiful for the classical period.5 Of the classical and Hellenistic inscriptions of any length and clarity,6 prominent motivations for men and women to seek magical assistance are the need to defeat rivals in business or opponents in lawsuits.7 The same competitive mood is retained among the Roman evidence, which is dominated by amatory and athletic curses. Indeed, Faraone has found this agonistic aspect to be inherent in the nature and functions of cursing in Mediterranean societies.8 The fourth and fifth century judicial curses in particular attest to the use of magic by the most powerful elements of Athenian society during the classical period. Prominent political figures were frequently targetted for curses by their similarly prominent (male) rivals,9 challenging the idea, popular in mid-twentieth century scholarship, that such practices were 1991). Texts are collected in R. Wunsch, Defixionum Tabellae Atticae (henceforth DTA) (Berlin, 1897); Auguste Audollent, Defixionum Tabellae (henceforth DT) (1904). 4 Christopher A. Faraone, 'An accusation of magic in classical Athens (Ar., Wasps 946- 48)', TAPhA 119 (1989), 156. 5 E. R. Dodds, The Greeks and the irrational (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1951), p. 194. 6 The brevity of many curse inscriptions impedes interpretation in many cases: Faraone in Faraone and Obbink (1991), 18. 7 Ibid., 10-16. The four-pronged categorisation of curses suggested by Faraone - commercial, athletic/circus, amatory and judicial - constitutes a variation of the categories used by Audollent (1904). 8 Faraone in Faraone and Obbink (1991), 10-17; and cf. Versnel in Faraone and Obbink (1991), 62-3. 9 DTA 28, 47-51, 87, 89, 167; D. R. Jordan, 'Two inscribed lead tablets from a well in the Athenian Kerameikos', MDAI (A) 95 (1980), 225-39. The epigraphical evidence for magical cursing among the male elites of society is accompanied by a tradition of accusations: Demosthenes accuses Aechines of possessing magical knowledge: Dem., de Cor. 258-60; Cicero, Brutus 217. 3 largely confined to foreigners,10 women, or the poorly educated11 in classical society. Papyrological evidence, too, contributes to the picture of a society in which magic was a possible means of redress for a broad cross-section of society. The Greek Magical Papyri collection (henceforth PGM12) constitutes a particularly rich source of magical data. This body of papyri, consisting of spells, formulae, hymns and rituals, assumed written form between the second century B. C. E. and the fifth century C. E.,13 but in many cases its contents have been shown to be much older.14 The PGM are understood to be, in most cases, actual spells kept for use or sale by professional magicians of Hellenistic and Roman Egypt, and thus governed by the laws of supply and demand. Spells of erotic attraction figure prominently in the collection in generic format,15 suggesting considerable demand for such merchandise. Such attraction spells 10 A. A. Barb, 'The survival of magic arts' in Arnaldo Momigliano (ed.), The Conflict Between Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century (Oxford, 1963), 102; and Ludwig Edelstein, 'Greek medicine in its relation to religion and magic', Bulletin of the Institute of the History of Medicine, 5, 3 (1937), 219 associate magic with foreign cults, not native Greek practice. 11 Both A. A. Barb and E. R. Dodds contend that magic constituted a debased and uninformed variant of philosophy or religion: Barb (1963), 108; Dodds (1951), p.
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