The Obstinacy of Tepito

166 Scapegoat 6 Mexico DF / NAFTA 167 The Obstinacy of Tepito Notes 6 (eds.), From the 12 Through History Yutsil Cruz Hernández and Alfonso Hernández is often the case, while the State sought to Both goals were Calpulin to the The Reichmann and Culture (Ox- 1 enshrined in the Zocalo: Essays Brothers are perhaps ford and New York: eliminate racial tensions by trying to convert Saskia Sassen, The project’s promotional on the History of best known for Oxford University indigenous peoples into mestizos (creoles), Global City: New materials, and later the Public Sphere their development Press, 2009). York, London, reiterated as the cen- in Mexico (Mexico of Canary Wharf in racial and status differences in fact deepened. and Tokyo (Princ- trepiece of an August City: Instituto Mora, London. For more on Nowadays, Tepito is no longer located in eton University Press, 2001 plan intended 2005). the evolution of the The 2001); Peter Marcuse to “rescue” Mexico’s firm’s global strategy, the periphery and is part of Mexico City’s and R. Von Kempen historic centre, which 9 and its investments Historic Downtown. It is a neighbourhood (eds.), Globalizing in 1987 was declared For more on the long- in Mexico, see Cities: A New a national historic term impact of the Michael Brick, “A Obstinacy whose history is intimately linked to the Spatial Order site by UNESCO. earthquake, both in Developer Back From territory and to the use of the street as a (Massachusetts, terms of the built en- the Brink,” New Blackwell Publishers, 7 vironment and social York Times, 21 marketplace. Its inhabitants’ identification 2000). Before 1997, Mexico movements and local February 2003. processes have adapted in response to political City’s mayor was politics, see Diane E. of Tepito 2 appointed by the Davis, “Reverbera- 13 changes, agreements, and negotiation, among John Rennie Short President, who stood tions: Mexico City’s Of course, Carlos In Mexico, even those who have never visited neighbours, merchants, and municipal and and Yeong-Hyun Kim, at the pinnacle of a 1985 Earthquake and Slim also had his Globalization and regime dominated the Transformation of own agenda. In the neighbourhood of Tepito would testify to State authorities, who have gradually changed the City (London: by one-party rule. the Capital,” in Law- return for supplying its stigmatization. It is typical to introduce it the uses and meanings of public space. The Longman, Ltd, 1999). After 1997, citizens rence Vale and Tom revenues for the “res- slowly became more Campanella (eds.), cue” of the historic as one of the most dangerous places in Mexico case of the cult of Santa Muerte (Holy Death) 3 involved: first in The Resilient City centre, a project that City, to link it to crime, and to posit it as the illustrates this. Unlike the Virgin of Guadalupe, R. L. Wei Pizarro consultative councils, (Oxford and New included a repaving and T. Banerjee, and later through York: Oxford Univer- of city streets, Slim place where “everything illegal” can be bought “la flaquita” (the skinny one) does not “Agencies of Glo- democratic mayoral sity Press, 2004). was able to install in its famous tianguis.1 This discourse is perform miracles, but residents ask paros balization and Third and city council elec- phone lines for his World Urban Form: tions. In this context, 10 Telmex corporation. based on fear and frequently disseminated in favours) of her, to resolve any given aspect of A Review,” Jour- Mexico City urban One also should the media. Eduardo Nivón explains that the their lifes: money, work, marriage, etc. Such nal of Planning development policies not underestimate 14 Literature 18, no. became increas- political opposition. For more on Giuliani, sense of belonging to a place is cultivated in the phenomena have, constructed unique cultural 2 (November 2003): ingly tied to partisan Even with Camacho his connection to imaginary, and that “it is developed on the basis forms that selectively forget and/or remember 11–130. See also political struggles as advocate, his ca- López Obrador, and Shahid Yusuf and between the Par- pacity to implement the role that enhanc- of sharing a symbolic universe amongst traditional customs, while incorporating other Weiping Wu, Local tido de la Revolución programs without ing public security us and the others.”2 The neighbourhood local features that transcend both the colonial Dynamics in an Democrática (PRD), public approval was downtown played in Era of Globaliza- Partido Revolu- on the decline. This downtown redevel- of Tepito, due to its location and origins, past and the fixed relationships between the tion: Twenty-First cionario Institu- owed to the fact that opment, see Diane embodies “the Other” in Mexico. The category subaltern and the hegemonic. Century Catalysts cional (PRI), and the in the aftermath of E. Davis, “El Factor for Development Partido Acción earthquake-induced Giuliani: delincuencia, “dangerous” is itself woven in with the notion The neighbourhood has managed to preserve (New York: Oxford Nacional (PAN). social mobilization la ‘cero tolerancia’ en of social class, and figured as early as the its identity and remain within its own territory, University Press, and dissatisfac- el trabajo policiaco y 2000). 8 tion with the PRI in la transformación de sixteenth century after the first traza divided while at the same time, it exists as a product For more, see Diane Mexico City, local la esfera pública en Mexico City, when the centre was destined for of, academic study and as part of the collective Cruz Hernández and Alfonso Yutsil 4 E. Davis, Urban Le- governance had been el centro de la ciudad Jordi Borja and viathan: Mexico reformed, and an de México,” Estu- the Spanish and the periphery for the Indians. imaginary; moreover, los tepiteños (whose Manuel Castells, City in the Twen- elected city council dios Sociológicos The castes and conditions for the “uncultivated” who come from Tepito) are strongly tied to Local and Global: tieth Century now had an oppor- 25, no. 75 (Septem- Management (Philadelphia: Temple tunity to weigh in on ber–December 2007): were also defined then, along with the living social movements. In other words, tepiteño of Cities in the University Press, major urban projects. 639–683. areas for precarious workers who had not identity functions politically, as an attitude of Information Age 1994); Diane E. Davis, (London: Earthscan “Contending Plan- 11 15 learned a trade, thieves, and criminals. This logic resistance. At first, its inhabitants sought to Publications, 1997), ning Cultures and the For more on the Al- For more on the perpetuated class segregation by way of zoning, identify themselves as tepiteños to defend the 374. Built Environment ameda project and difficulties of rede- in Mexico City,” in how community veloping historic and was accentuated throughout the city’s neighbourhood against real estate capitalism, 5 Bishwapriya Sanyal organization stalled properties, and the industrialization and modernization periods. and quickly, the tepiteño identity became When I mention (ed.), Compara- large development struggles under- Mexico City, I am re- tive Planning plans, see C. Marti- taken by Mexico City During the alleged stage of progress and affirmative. ferring to the Distrito Cultures (New nez Leal de la Ma- authorities to enable modernization in the 1950s,3 most of Tepito’s Tepito works as the hinge with perimeter A Federal, or Federal York: Routledge, corra, Innovative such permissions, see 4 District, which holds 2005); and Diane E. Community Proj- Diane E. Davis, “From population lacked economic resources of the City’s Historic Downtown, and yet it approximately eight Davis, “In Search of ects and Their Avenida Reforma to and services, and the neighbourhood was appears to be segregated from it. Informal million residents and the Public Sphere: Role in the Urban the Torre Bicentena- is administered by an Local, National, and Development of rio: The Clash of ‘His- considered to be full of delinquents. At the commerce dominates the area: the market elected mayor (tech- International Influ- Mexico City (PhD tory’ and ‘Progress’ time, racial mixing was promoted in the official uses the streets every day except Tuesdays, nically, the “Goberna- ences in the Planning diss., Oxford Brookes in the Making of dor del Distrito”). of Downtown Mexico University, 1998). Modern Mexico City,” national imaginary, in order to agglomerate when the merchants take their day off. There City, 1910–1950,” in in Linda A. Newson the Mexican population under the concept of have been many transformations in housing Pablo Piccato and and John P. King Cristina Sacristan (eds.), Mexico City a single “race” within a nation. However, as and commerce. The areas’ inhabitants have 168 Scapegoat 6 Mexico DF / NAFTA 169 The Obstinacy of Tepito decreased with recent land use changes in the zone, as warehouses have replaced many homes. Today, ambulantaje (itinerant selling) is an important source of income, as well as culturally significant for many people. Tepito has a population of over 5,000 distributed across 60 blocks, and on Mondays through Saturdays, the famous market covers approximately 50 of them. On Sundays, the sale of antiques and handicrafts prevails, and at least 1,500 additional stands are added, expanding the market some 12 blocks more; at night, it is reduced to 10 blocks, with about 850 merchants. In Tepito, there are also four markets and Lorena Wolffer and Carlos Aguirre, Testimonios de Tepito, 2010. very close to it, in La Lagunilla, another three, with 2,600 tenants in total. The commercial live cheaply on the periphery, crowded in small activities of this huge tianguis represent rooms with high ceilings where mezzanines 15,450 formal and informal sales points, drawing are often built in order to maximize space. a daily influx of approximately 22,000 wholesale This kind of housing, organized around a large buyers and retail customers.

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