Taking the Borough Route: An Experimental Ethnography of the

Freek Janssens -- 0303011 Freek.Janssens©student.uva.nl June 2, 2008

Master's thesis in Cultural An­ thropology at the Universiteit van .

Committee: dr. Vincent de Rooij (supervi­ sor), prof. dr. Johannes Fabian and dr. Gerd Baumann. The River Tharrws and the Ciiy so close; ihis mnst be an important place. With a confident but at ihe same time 1incertain feeling, I walk thrmigh the large iron gales with the golden words '' above il. Asphalt on the floor. The asphalt seems not to correspond to the classical golden letters above the gate. On the right, I see a painted statement on the wall by lhe market's .mpcrintendent. The road I am on is private, it says, and only on market days am [ allowed here. I look around - no market to sec. Still, I have lo pa8s these gales to my research, becanse I am s·upposed to meet a certain Jon hCTe today, a trader at the market. With all the stories I had heard abont Borongh Market in my head, 1 get confnsed. There is nothing more to see than green gates and stalls covered with blue plastic sheets behind them. I wonder if this can really turn into a lively and extremely popular market during the weekend. In the corner I sec a sign: 'Information Centre. ' There is nobody. Except from some pigeons, all I see is grey walls, a dirty roof, gates, closed stalls and waste. Then I see Jon. A man in his forties, small and not very thin, walks to me. 'Are you Freak?' 'Yes, but yon pronounce Frayk.' 'Ah, I thought it was strange, bnt, well, it's ymtr name.' We shake hands, as I realise that Jon is totally different than I expected him to be. I expected to find a young tall Scol/;ish man, bnl here stands a lively middle-aged man. 'Come on, I'll show you the market,' he says. He has not much time showing me the market, because tomorrow, Jon is going to Scotland for a sailing trip with friends. Until now, this is my only entrance to the market, so I, wit.h risk of exposing myself, chat with him about sailing, hoping that he might remember me when he gel8 back:. 'And here yov.'ll find the best pork: of the market,' Jon says, pointing at The Ginger Pig. 'Hey Jon, how are you doing,' the friendly b11tcher asks. 'Very well, do me a few sausages for the weekend, alrighl?' Jon bv,ys his san.rnges and we walk on. 'So the market is open on Wednesday?' I ask Jon, trying lo bring the conversation to the rnarket. 'Yeah, sorne are, and we will be open·ing on Thnrsday too soon. ' We walk back to the grey entrance where we met. 'Come, I'll 8how you the basements. ' Behind another old and hardly j1mctioning gate is a 8tair lcadfr1.g down to the basements beneath the market. More grey her,e. And more gates. Jon opens the door with a sign saying '£85/week,' revealing two h11ge refriger­ ators and thousands of boxes half standing on each other and half laying on the floor. This is Loch €1 Glen's storage, I learn, and in the fridge .they keep thcfr ware: bacon, smoked salmon, smoked meat, black p11dding et cetera. 'I'll take some of these packages of bacon - Alistair is not going to like it!' 'You know what,' Jon says when we arc back npstairs, 'I have to go now. So here are Uic keys to the basement. And this is the code for the central gales, if they happen to be closed. I'll sec you after I come back from Scotland.' It was Wednesday, June 6 2007. Confused and relieved, I walk again lhro-agh the market's gales, back to the subway-entrance. In only half an honr Jon had introduced me to the market and to the stall of Loch flj Glen. ~Moreover, he has given me the keys and the entrance-code to the market. Borongh Market started to open up itself to me.

ii Preface

'Now you 're really part of the market,' Liz said to me on one evening. I would like to thank all the traders of Borough Market for letting me be part of their market during the summer of 2007. Furthermore, I would like to thank Vincent de Rooij for his intellectual support, Gm:taaf Houtman for his social ::;up port and .Jon and Alistair for their practical support. Also, I would like to thank Corrado Boscarino for his support in all the above and many more ways. Finally, l would like to thank my reader for reading this thesis, which, if not being read, is not very useful.

iii Contents

1 Introduction 2 1.1 The Urban Marketplace 2 1.2 From Market to Borough 4 1.:1 Structure ...... 7

2 Doing Borough Market: A Customers' Perspective 10 2.1 Walking to the Market ...... 10 2.1.1 Space ...... 14 2.1.2 Celia's Gastro-Tour in an Ecological Market.-Place 16 2.2 Helping in the Market ...... 22 2.2.1 Time ...... 23 2.2.2 Jeremy's Memory-Tour in a Fair-Trade Market-Place. 35 2.3 Going From the Market ...... 39 2.3.1 Omnitopia ...... 41 2.3.2 Melissa's Tactical Tour in a Double-Faced Market-Place 57 2.4 Conclusion ...... 64 2.4.1 Wanting the Market ...... 64

3 Fighting for the Market: A Traders' Perspective 67 3.1 Preventing to Climb the Stage: How Customers are Excluded 70 3.1.1 Making the Market a Place for Customers ...... 71 3.1.2 Making the Market a Place Not for Customers ... . 75 3.2 Dumping in the Orchestra Pit: How Wholesalers are Dismissed 86 3.2.1 New Spita.lfields and ...... 87 3.2.2 The Surviving Traders ...... 92 3.3 Creating a Theatre: How Traders Form a Community 95 3.3.1 .Jon: Setting Today's Scene 95 3.3.2 Writing the Script .. 97 3.3.3 Jon: Playing the Play .. . 99 3.3.4 The After-Party ...... 102 3.4 Stealing the Show: the War with the "Big Four" 104 3.1.1 The Management: "They Don't Understand" 105 3.4.2 The Trustees: "They Don't Know" 115 3.4.3 The "Big Four" ...... 120 3.5 Conclusion ...... 127 3.5.1 Exclusion Behind a Second Curtain 127 3.5.2 Being Moved by Parasites 128

4 Conclusion 131 4.1 The Borough Market'::; Worlds 131 4.2 The Market in My World ... 132 4.3 My Story in a World of Science 134

5 Finally, Let's Eat 136

lV References 140

List of Figures

The market's entrance. 14 2 A map of Borough Market. 15 3 Roast restaurant...... 17 4 Borough Cheese Company. . 19 5 Two competing ways of presenting tomatoes at the market. 21 6 The Parmesan-trader at the Green Market. 21 7 Street-sign in ...... 24 8 Letter by James Roberts, 1754 (first page). 27 9 Letter by James Roberts, 1754 (second page). 28 10 Fish stall in the market...... 36 11 Porta Palazzo market in Turin, Ita.ly. . . 42 12 Porta Palazzo is a 'traditional' market. . 43 l:~ Screens at Borough Market. . . 47 14 White Cross Street Market...... 48 15 Loch &J Glen and Orkney Rose...... 49 Hi Conflation in the Borough Market area. 50 17 Markett:> in ...... 51 18 San Lorenzo market in Florance, Italy. . 52 19 Borough Market and the railways. . . . 56 20 The 'hut:>tle and buntle' in Melissa'n market. 61 21 A map of Three Crown Square. 70 22 Three Crown Square...... 71 23 Sampling and Dripping...... 79 24 Diagram of the Borough Market theatre. 85 25 The J·nbilee Market. . . . 88 26 New Market...... 90 27 Bill'ingsgate ...... 92 28 Jon and Miguel are preparing haggis-tempura. 100 29 Rogier plays the guitar...... 102 30 The view from the market's offices...... 110 31 The Borough Market Autumn Event invitation. 111

All pictures, unless stated otherwise, are taken by the author, 2007, London.

1 1 Introduction

T·fotorically, the firnt bridge of London had many function::i. Not only did it offer the people a possibility to cross the river, it abo offered the of London a possibility to control who and what came into and left the City. Because it bas long been the only bridge over the river, developed into a busy area of trade. Still today, when passing London Bridge or when exiting its modern alternative, the London Bridge tnbe station, I am confronted with an old market. Words in gold, carefully spelled out on the street ju1:1t at the foot of the bridge, direct me to the Borough Market.

1.1 The Urban Marketplace Urban markets are disappearing (Eastwood 1995), but at the same time they are becoming more popular then ever (Harris 2004; Lane 2005). Although markets like Borough Market are often very old, they experience today a revival in popularity. Especially 'traditional' farmern markets make a comeback in the modern city (Youngs 2003; Winter 2005). Voted tbe number one foodmarket and the mrn;t popular place by Londoners, Borough Market transformed from a forgotten and shunned place into a place that attracts young people, influential cooks and television shows. We see the ~mme seemingly parapoxical development in other foodmarket,; and food-related issues like the Amsterdam Noordermarkt and the Italian Slow Food initiatives, to name but a few. In America, the land of the original copy (Eco 1986), a completely new market like Borough Market is erected, complete with history, in the southern harbour-area in Manhattan: New Amsterdam (LaValva 2006). Food is indeed an important aspect of everybody's life and a topic in much anthropological writing (Mintz & Bois 2003; Janssen::i 2007). Food h; scientifi­ cally interesting, it is enjoyable, but it i,; also highly political (,;ee, for example, tbe documentary Garcia 2004). We eat every day and upon experiencing a movement towards extremes in possibilities -· one can choose to eat hamburgers each day or to chew organically produced carrots - we become more and more aware of what we eat. Thh,; could be one of the reasons that markets such as Borough Market are becoming popular and deserve, therefore, our attention as anthropologists. In this thesis, I investigate London's finest foodmarket. In London's web of the underground, Borough Market is but an insignificant ;;top. Nevertheless, it is part of this larger network which we call 'London,' the world's most researcbed and written about place (Taylor 2004: 298). For the contemporary anthropologist, are at the same time the most interesting and important settings to study as well as the most difTicult: in the city, all times and places come together (Auge 1999: 91). This is also more generally recognised by Arjun Appadurai when he comments on the role of the anthropol­ ogist as a researcher in tbe era of globalisation (Appadurai 1997; see also Smart & Smart 2003; Sch~iJer 2004). Although London's underground is ending, Lon­ don itself is everywhere and a study like the present one has to ask the reader to ignore some of the traditional barriers between discipline;; and follow me on

2 an interdisciplinary journey. In London, the office worker passes the shoe-maker on his way to work, while the shoe-maker is busy getting a beggar away frorn his window. Newly arrived immigrants meet a conservative Londo11er in front of the which ::;hows many of 's oldest pieces of art. Indeed, the plural city is in a sense 'an aesthetic space of contrasting lifestyles' (Wcrbner 2001: 671). In the city, people experience themselves in the confrontation with the other and it is therefore precisely in the city that a diversity of selves can come about (Hannerz 1980: 224). As Ulf Hannerz argues:

The city ... is an environment where there are many and varied ways of making oneself known to othern, and one where a great deal of manipulations of baclrntage information is possible. The opportuni­ ties are there, in the social structure. What people do with them, and how consciously they seize upon them, can vary considerably (1980: 232).

For modern anthropologists, Hannerz continues, 'cities ... are good to think with, as we try to grasp the networks of relatiorn>hips which organise the global ecumene of today.' They are, furthermore, 'places with especially intricate in­ ternal goings-on, and at the same time reach out widely into the world, and toward one another' (quoted in I3estor 2001: 17). As a 'gateway-locality' the city is simultaneously at the periphery of' a larger area as well as a centre for expansion through regional, national and international network::; (Cohen 2000: :l64). With the Square Mile, Westmin::;ter and the West Encl, London is simul­ taneously at the core of international networks of sea.pet: - financially, but also culturally - and at the network's borders: it touches far away places and time::: and goes everywhere the network goes. As such, it makes sense to think of London as a city without borders (Harrison 2006). 1 The city is part of a larger network which indicates its borders and its centres. It exist, Taylor argues, 'as part of a wider network of flows that create it, reproduce it, and therefore define it' (Taylor 2004; Hee also Harrison 2006). It is precisely because it is a 'networked city' that London - a city of a diflicnlt to determine group of 'nations' (Taylor 2001) is a global city (Pain 2006, 2007; Beaverntock, Smith & Taylor 2003). Thi::; network i::; constantly changing and as such it changes the relations in the network. London constantly reinvent8 itself and with it the world with which it is linked (R. G. Smith 2007). In this reinvention, global citie::; like London integrate the economic and cultural activity around the production and consumption arts, architecture, fashion, de::;ign, food and entertainment (Yeoh 2005: 946). In the modern urban foodrnarket all the::;c aspect;; come together. In the market, one buys a special

1 Micheal Hardt and Antonio Negri formulate on the same basis their rather pessimistic concept of 'Empire' as the now global order which is without a core or a periphery and without any boundaries. Empire is the omnipresent and unlimited, but also relusivc sovereign in the globalised world. Jn my thesis, however, I do not focus on Empire in a globaliscd world, but rather on the ways people arc still able, in the globalising world, to use their agency (Hardt & Negri 2000).

3 kind of food, one is entertained by watching the latest fashion or artistic displays and one enjoy::> the ancient architecture. Later at home, one sees the movies and television-programmes which are shot in the rnarket. While cities offer people many possibilities, it is in the market that the potential of interaction is even bigger. On a large scale, cities are the intersection of peoples' lives. Within the city, markets are concentrations of network;;. In the market, the global and the local interact. It is here that the Sardinian shepherd sells his cheese to the London academic. In citie;;, markets are the places where the network is mrnt dynamic, most innovative but a.lso most challenged. Also historically, urban market;; were the heart;; of the cities, the places where mm;t people meet and interact to create the city (Plattner 1989b: 171; :oee also Henry 1994). As such, markets are crucial in the cultural reinvention of modern-day global cities. Because bring about even more unexpected meetings than cities, this necessarily introduces into anthropology the sense of place (Han­ nerz 1980: 306). As a concept, place is much discussed in anthropology and related disciplines. Historically, the market and the place were tightly inter­ woven (Sharon Zukin, quoted in Bestor 2001: 76). Markets were centres in localised networks. Today, the market consists of a place where people and goods from all over the world meet. The urban market is now only a point in a much wider network. Within this context, Theodor Bestor investigates the relationship among cities, markets and globalisation. As he notices, markets are nowadays 'nowhere in particular and everywhere all aL once' (2001: 76). In the market, interaction is chaotic, it is indeterminable and therefore a ;;tudy of the market promises to be exciting and creative.

1.2 From Market to Borough The question I ask in this thesis starts from a question which might seem strange in the first place, but promit:es to be extremely interesting and relevant. Stum­ bling upon the revival of an ancient market in the centre of modern London, I want to find out what Borough Market is, in a unique sense. Before any one will prote;;t and tell me that it is not at all appropriate any more to look at e;;sences of things, or markets, l have to explain that, through the reading of Hannah Arendt (2004: 180), it became dear to me that this quec;tion is not just outdated and obsolete, but philosophically impossible to answer. Thi:s is probably also the reason that anthropological or phiJ013ophical investigations tend to focus on questiori;; of why things happen as they happen or are as they are. Indeed, upon answering the question what Borough Market is, I would be giving a mere definition of the market l would describe or interpret the characteristics of the market which it shares with other phenomena, like being in London, being ancient, attracting tourists and so on. However, this summarising of the market's general characterh;tics necessarily misses the specificness of the market. Rather, I have to ask who th<; market i.s. Which people make up the market and how are their lives connected to and involved with each other in the market? By asking who Borough Market i;;, I search not for characterit:tics that help me to define the market, but I try to undernLand

4 and feel the way the market lives and acts. In writing about my findings, then, I am warned by Johannes Fabian agairnt the representation of the lives of customers and traders in the market. Because representation logically presupposes a 'real' or represented which is exchanged in the text for the 'copy' or the representation, a thesis that claims to represent the lives of people will be characterised precisely by the omission of these people (Fabian 1990: 754-755). Wherever the anthropologist represents the people in the market, it is this representation, rather than the people themselves, who are present in the text. There is no space left for the represented and without any awareness, they are forgotten. In fact, Fabian states that '[u]ltirnately, anthropology's task is to give pres­ ence to those who, if at all, are spoken of only in absentia' (2006: 145, emphasis in original). In this thesis, therefore, I will not try to represent the traders or the customers of the Borough Market. Rather, I will try to find a way to bring forward these people I will :oearch for way:o to allow them on the stage together with me. As such, I hope to contribute to Fabian's important anthropological problem. In the market, I got to know many people and it is by giving a phenomenolog­ ical account of the market that I try to bring alive all these people. In carefully dec;cribing the ways I experienced the market, I take into account all the aspects that make up this market. My description i8 therefore necessarily holistic, al­ though not all encompassing because totality as such is, of course, inconceivable (Dasgupta 2007: 1 J). While T wander through the market and try to see, bear and [eel all its different parts, I sometimes move fast and other times slow down. I see many things at the same time but I also pa.use and stare at something for a while. Rather than moving, like Favero did when he describes New Delhi Janpath market, in a 'starry place' (200:)), l move around in the market like l am taking London's underground; it is dark, but every now and then I see a bright light in one or another station. Starting from the metaphor of the Lube, I take a rhizomatic way in my experience of Borough Market:

there is no heart, but only a problem - that is, a distribution of notable points; there is no centre but always decenterings, series, from one to another, with the limp of a presence and an absence - of an excess, of a deficiency. Abandon the circle, a faulty principle of return; abandon our tendency to organi0e everything into a sphere. All things return on the straight and narrow, by way of a straight and labyrinthine line (Foucault 1970)

The theory that emerges in this thesis is therefore at the 0ame time the practice of my research. As Fabian 0uggested, it allows the market and the people in it to move along with me (Fabian 2001: 7), to invent new spaces. In this rxoces0, my theory and my approach basically consist in accepting the 'risk' that I might encounter unexpected 'problems.' It is this attitude which allows me to experieuce precisely those thing;; that seem, in firnt 0ight, impossible but which might turn out to be extremely relevant (Haraway .Hl97: :39). Michel Serres comments on the relationship between theory and practice in science a::; follows; the history of science runs backwards and forwards over a complex network of paths which overlap and cross, forming nodes, peab ancl crossroads, interchanges which bifurcate into two or several route:-;. A multiplicity of different times, diverne disciplines, conceptions of science, gronps, institutions, capitals, people in agreement or in con­ flict, machines and objects, predictions and unfore;:;een dangers, form together a shifting fabric which repreroents faithfully the complex hiro­ tory of science (quoted in Brown 2002: 9).

In my story of the market, I create a route and along the way J sketch parts of the stations I pass. I try to give space to customers to tell their ;;tories and I invite traders of the market to present thermelves. Where possible, I hope that the reader will smell the fresh basil through this paper. Just as food in the market is an important aspect of the market to me, the customers and the traders, the food I write a.bout in thit; thesb will hopefully also affect the reader. Not only is it people in the market who have agency, but also the either material, like food and buildingo, or immaterial, like emptiness or sounds (Werb­ ner 2001: 674, 679; Favero 2003: 555; Ferrero 2002: 196) - objects in people's worlds (Latour 1998). Just like persons, objects affect and a.re affected by and in this process they become part of the meaningful relatiorn that are created. As Appadurai has put it, objects, like people, have social lives, they are 'regimes of value in space and time' (Appadurai 1980: 4). Following Latour and othern, 1 break here with the classical division between humans and objects (Saldanha 2003), between objective and subjective, between 'true' ~nd fa.be,' and abo, consequently, between materialism and idealism, since materialism, because it considered objects as raclica.lly different from people, is in fact an idealist theory too (Latour 2007). 2 My thesis calls for an open mind; that is to say, it proposes to start looking at things without any prewpprnitions. Not only does th~'i mean that I drop the assumption that humans are in any way special compared Lo objects, buL I also, on a more practical scale, 'bracket off' our understanding of macro-social net.worlrn and start looking at organisatiorn from a micro-level (Law 1992), from the most direct experience possible. I will try to bring the market. to life by a det.a.iled description of my experience and the atmosphere (Favero 2003: 551). Next. to an open mind, this thesis at>ks the reader to actively follow me on my journey. Rhizomatically, I will recall my own memory and the thoughts that were expressed to me by my fellow ctmtomers and t.radern. Hopefully, the reader will be able to relate to my experience through the writing and the imaget> and because words and visual impressions a.re by far not the only - perhaps not even the best. -- ways to meet each other in a related world, I will offer the reader a possibility to actually smell, hear, feel and taste a little bit of the

2 1\farshall Sahlins even argues jokingly that 'materialism must be a form of idealism, since it's wrong - too' (2002: 6).

6 market. Although never objective, I try to stay alert, to realise that my method and theory affect and is affected by my object. As such, I will provide an experimental ethnography of the marketplace.

1.3 Structure Borough Market, like any other market, is much more than an economic ex­ change of goods based on supply and demand. In fact, De la Pradelle argues righUy, purely economic analysis of exchange always involves a reasoned con­ struction of social reality rather than simple empirical observation. To focus on the value exchanged on markets, while dismissing as secondary the ephemerical society that takes shape around a mar­ ket stall or counter, is to engage in an abstraction of the same na­ ture (though perhaps slightly more legitimate) as considering the potlatch to be nothing more than a system of interec;t-bearing loans (2006: 3). The market, rather, consists of a wide and complex network of people, places and objects and in the following pages I will introduce some of the actors in the market to my reader. It is precisely in the interaction between the other, I argue, that these actors step forward and begin to show who they are. The customern become customers only when they come to the market, when they talk to traders or when they try a piece of cheese. The traders, in the same way, are traders only in relation to the ctrntomers or the market's management. 'All these are heterogeneous aciors that connect to form a particular network which botb enables and constrains any constituent's agency' (Saldanha 2003: 421). To understand who the market hi, therefore, I explore the ways various people create this particular network that is called Borough Market. I will enter the market and try to understand the worlds of the people involved. I will look at the ways the various actors experience the space of the market and create their own worlds in it. In the first part of this thesis, I will sketch the contour;,; of the customers' market - I will 'do' the market. Here, I will show, through words hut also through images, the way I experienced the market as a custorner and I will also let other customers tell something about their experiences. Rather than a structured chapter with a layer of theory placed upon a basiH of ethnographic findings, I will gradually explore the market and as such also the theoretical approaches that seem helpful to me. Unexpectedly, customers might appear, giving their view -- admittedly through my words - of the market. ln 'Walking to the Market,' I start formulating a notion of space which emerged to me while joining a tour through the market. Through the reading of GilleH Deleuze and Michel de Certeau - the last one, according to some, being under-represented in anthropological theory (Napolitano & Pratten 2007) - I realise that the experiences of practised relatiom; shape people's space. As the necessary component of space, then, I identify time while Jeremy -- my first customer - is 'Helping in the Market.' History is present in both the market's

7 legal status as well as in its architecture. Both clistant times and places are invoked as the building blocks of the space of the market. Finally, in 'Going from the Market,' I compare the concept of ::;pace, the way spaces are created, to such concepts as 'omnitopia.' Here, l find out that customers of the market, like Meli::;sa, 'Want the Market' -- they all create a ::;pace Of an ethical market which invite::; them to partake, to join the world of the traclern. Becmrne the cu::;tomern are directed in their experience::; of the market to­ wards the traclern, I decide to go into the traders' world. · Haphazardly, my research changes direction, it switches the tracb it is on. Although this might feel uncomfortable at first, the two parts of this the::;i::; arc in fact related to each other but not in the conventional way. Where there io; no cmrnal relation be­ tween the first and the second part and where there is no need to take precisely tbis route, I accept the risk of ending in strange places. I accept a rhizomatic journey, an open, experimental ethnography. In the second part, I closely follow some traders of the market. l introduce Jon, who will explain his market to tbe reader. Here, I experience the ways in which the traders relate to the customers, to the market's management and to themselves. In their struggle for an own market, the traders create a market in which 'Customers are Excluded.' Rather than accepting the customers' play of belonging, the traders make a market which is not for customer::;. Neither, T learn, do they allow wholesalers in the market. Although the wholesale market in Borough Market is unique with respect to other London markets, 'Wholesalers are Dismissed,' they are talked out of the market's 8tory. I explore, next, how 'Traders form a Community' which is based on the principles of exclu::;ion and fun. Long hours in the pub make me understand - even after many beers -- that the community that the traders form becomes only becau::;e the traders carefully make it their own. Towards the encl of my journey, then, I get introduced in the 'War with the Big Four,' in which l will also take my reader. By complex Lies of dependencies, T ::;how how the 'Big Four,' by cornent of the market'::; management, bave more power that the Trustees. The frustrated relationship between the 'Big Four' and the traders can be understood·, I argue finally, by thinking of the 'Big Four' as parasite::; in J\iJ.ichel Serres' terms. By com;tantly buffeting the trader::;' space, the parasite actualises the trader's potentiality to use their agency in creating their own, undefinable, space. I could not help, in the process, but becoming a trader rny::;elf. I thus enter the world of tbc market twice, firnt as a customer and secondly a::; a trader. Because the relationships that I experience arc often cbanging, chaotic or plainly incornistent, it is impossible to analytically describe the market. Ratber, by looking through the customers' and the traders' eyes and by talking and listening to many customers and traders, T present here my phenomenological experience of the market. Tram;gre:osing the restrictiorn that paper and ink bear, I also include food as a means of pre::;enting my findings: in the end of this the::;i::;, I will allow the reader to taste some of my most important experience::; through recipm by which the reader can actually experience the gastronomy of the market. This approach i::; not jtrnt a stylistic or theoretical approach. Because the market is necessarily chaotic, a fixation of it in time and place on paper would definitely

8 miss the point. By defining the market's essence, the market lom;es its essence. By looking for the market's existence, it seizes to exist. I end this thesis by some provisional conclusiom; about both the market in its wider network and about me as a researcher in the market. I therefore Louch upon some aspects of a broader scientific debate, to which I hope to contribute through this thesis. By invoking some ideas of Jacques Ranciere, I unfold a short, pernonal vision on anthropology as a discipline.

Relevance Hopefully, my thesis proves to be relevant to the discipline of anthropology and the wider network of scientists interested in culture. In my thesis, I first offer a better understanding of both markets and cities. While urban foodmarkets are at the same time disappearing and becoming more and more popular, I set out to investigate what the most famous of these markets is. I argue, throughout this thesis, that we can start to underntand the market if we accept that it is dynarnic and undefinable as such. By allowing chaos in thio study, the reader will hopefully begin to experience the market in interaction with the actors that I present. As a thick ethnographic study T propose new and experimental approaches to understand urban markets, the creation and imagination of spaces and the articulation of communities in a modern, urban world. Regarding the academic relevance of my thesis, I try tolormulate an answer to the problem that anthropologists face when they want to describe what it is that they study. Here, I argue that a detailled exploration of people's worlds will enable the reader to experience the researched space herself. Not only word:-> and images but precisely the tasting of food is an innovative and valuable way of allowing the reader to partake in the interaction of understanding each other. My ethnographic conclusions about the market can thus be extended to more general remarks about anthropology as a scientific discipline. Furthermore, I hope to shed light on Fabian's question of writing about peo­ ple while giving presence to them at the same time. By creatively combining both anthropological and philosophical insights I propose an approach to etlmo­ graphic research where theory and practice are tightly interwoven and where the author is dependent not only on the people he or she studies, but also on the willingness of the reader to experience the text. In short, I ask the reader to join me on a free ethnographic journey to understand both Borough Market and my suggested anthropological approach. Indeed, I argue that it is precisely by the iuteraction with the reader, the author and the people that any understanding can come about. In the encl, I hope that my thesis will contribute to keeping the deeper theoretical debate about the fundamentals of anthropology alive and exciting.

9 2 Doing Borough Market: A Customers' Per­ spective

When T firnt came to Dorough Ma.rket, I expected to find a market of the kind which is disappearing in modern, global cities like London. The beloved market0 of , Spitalfielcl::;, Billingsgate and many more had to make place to either high profit office-buildingc; (in the ca0e of Spitalfields) or happy spending tourists (in the case of Covent Garden) - and all of them became ugly, soul-less markets comfortably near to high-way routes leaving just a:o soul-le;;c; piecec; of land in the ancient city centre. Borough Market seemed to have c;urvived thb cleaning of the inner city, being on the same location for centurie;;. I was enthusiastic to point out that city-planners in London had been mistak­ ing, that an old market fits perfectly well in the centre and that it is, moreover, an important aspect of central-London culture. However, it very soon became clear to me that Borough is not a place to do your daily shopping for groceries. Not only is it extremely expensive -- financially preventing access to the working­ class people who used to live in the area - but it is also doing something with you in a way other markets don't. The things you see, hear, taste and feel in Borough Market are both exotic and desirable, attracting a crowd of a very special kind. The market - which, although it is often experienced as such, is not a farners' market because it does not officially conform to the requirements (Youngs 2003; .Jones 2003) - is full of enthusiastic customers every day the market is open. They arrive generally one hour before opening to look for the freshest and strangest foh and the best pieces of giant puffball mushrooms - both items you would hardly find in an ordinary . Then, around lunchtime, a second fiow of customers enters the market to have a quality lunch with colleagues from the ofiice. Around closing Lime, finally, the last people looking for bargains make a show. Borough Market is much more than a. place to do ;;ornc shopping. Borough Market is a place that people 'do.' vVith this in mind, I wondered who 'do' Borough Market and how do they 'do' it.

2.1 Walking to the Market Attracted by previous readings, an interest in market;,; and mo;,;t of all the smell of fresh basil and Parmesan cheese, I find myself t>tanding before the green iron gates of Borough Market, on Borough , ju;,;t »outh of London Bridge. The smell of the fresh herbs leads me to the left, while the darknesn of the gate attractn me to the right. Noit>es come from everywhere - from the crowded pub on the corner, the busy road behind me, the railways above me and the market in front of me. I think of Rick Dolphijn, who, while writing a Deleuzian ethics of consumption, says that it is sense that brings that which expre1:>ses it into existence. 'It is in the act of t>ensing,' he argues, 'in the confrontation, in the event, that matter is actualised, is articulated' (Dolphijn 2004: 16; also Dolphijn 2006). While I am getting overwhelmed by the ;,;mell of freshly grilled scallops,

LO I start to understand why the market is, or rather becomes, how I experience it. It is in my experience that I can relate to it, that I can give it meaning and therefore it is in the sensation that the market occurs. Quoting Deleuze, Dolphijn proposes that there is no ontology of es::;ence ·- there is only ontology of sense (Dolphijn 2004: 16). It is only through my experiences that I can know the world l am in. Al­ though it i::; indeed true, as Deleuze insists, that 'the thinker is necessarily solitary and solipsistic' (quoted in Arnott 2001: ll:)), his solipsism is unlike Hegel's negative solipsism, Satre's loneliness or Husserl's autophenomenology (Roy 2007: 12). Rather, it is a methodology to gain knowledge, creativity and ethical awareness, 'an activity which is at the ::;ame tirne more po::>itive and productive, but less risky and destructive than other methods such as reliance upon drugs and alcohol' (Arnott 2001: 120). It is an activity through which one knows oneself and only through that can know the world. As Arnott ex­ emplifies, '[i]t is not then a Socratic "know thyself" in order to accept oneself, but rather a Nietzschean overcoming of self through comprehensive knowledge and understanding of that self, what made it possible and what can nnmake it' (2001: 121). , It is clear, therefore, that Deleuze's empiricism is a supeTioT', or tmnscen­ dental. empiT'icism (Moulard 2002: 325). Rather than finding reality through impressio1rn, Deleuze's empiricism i::> based on the principles of dij]'eTence and Tepetilion. The history of Western philosophy has falsely, according to Deleuze, focused on the problem of reality and the nature of being: it has been concerned about IS. Im>tead, we have to look not at identity, but at the relations between those who experience. We have to focus on the principle of externality - that is, we have to embrace the conjunction AND (Chao 2003: 84),3 not, of course, as a relation between two beings, but as a relation in itself (Taner 2005: 69). As Deleuze says:

This is the secret of empiricism. Empiricism is by no means a reac­ tion against concepts, nor a simple appeal to lived experience. On the contrary, it undertakes the most insane creation of concepts ever seen or heard. Empiricism is a mysticism and a mathematicisrn of concepts, but precisely one which treats the concept as object of an encounter, as a here-and-now, or rather as an Erewhon from which emerge inexhaustibly ever new, differently distributed 'heres' and 'nows.' Only an empiricist could say: concepts are indeed things, but things in their free and wild state, beyond 'anthropological pred­ icates' (2004: 6-7).

Here, Deleuze and Bourclieu agree when the latter t>ays that 'what does exist is a space of Telationships (Bourclieu 1985: 735; see also Friedman 1991: 9). As

:Jidentity is nowadays to be formed out of multiple, hybrid subjectivities, which can even contradict each other. As Papastergiadis argues, the concept also stresses, in its radical form, that 'identity is not t.he combination, accumulation, fusion or synthesis of various components, but an energy field of different forces' (Papastergiadis 1997: 258). Bhabha spoke in this context of a 'third space' (in Papastergiadis 1997: 258).

11 Deleuze has argued above, Bourdieu suggests 'first, a break wiLh the teudency to privilege substances - here, the real groups, whose number, limits, rnembern, etc., one claims to define - at the expense of relationships' (Bourdieu 1985: 327). In order to overcome notions of objectivity and subjectivity, of the real and the fake, we have to think of difference and repetition. As a necessary condition for this, we have to abandon identity, we have 'to free omselves from the philosophy of representation [and] free ourselves from Hegel from the opposition of pred­ icates, from contradiction and negation, from all of dialectics' (Foucault 1970). ln a way, then, we have to confront stupidity, because categories, by creating a space for the operation of truth and falsity, reject stupidity. 'Difference can only be liberated through the invention of ftn acategorical thought ... [t]o think in the form of the categories is to know the trnth so that it can be distinguished from the false; to think "acategorically" is to confront a black stupidity' (Foucault 1970). By accepting AND instead of 18 as the basic concern of philot:ophers, Deleuze rejects Hegel's negative dialectics, which, by synthesis, eliminates the contra­ diction between thesis and antithesis (Borradori 2001). As Foucault explains Deleuze's argument, '[t]he dialectical sovereignty of the sam€ com;ists in permit­ ting differences to exist but always under the rule of the negative, as an instance of nonbeing' (1970). In Nietzsche's eternal return, then, Deleuze find;.; a con­ stantly dynamic world, an affirmation of becoming and difference (Taner 2005: 66; Bearn 2000): 'The event ... is always an effect produced entirely by bodies colliding, mingling, or separating, but this effect is never of a corporeal nature; it is the intangible, inaccessible battle that turns and repeats itself a Lhousancl times around Fabricius, above the wounded Prince Andrew' (Foucault 1970). Much more than the dialectical move, Deleuze aims for a dialogic move (Favero 2003: 576). R.epetiUon is repetition in difference, it is tl1e being of becoming (Chao 2003: 86). A philosophical concept that comes to mind immediately in this context it; the notion of intersubjectivity. In a study that focusses on the relationship between various people in the market and the imagined worlds that are con­ structed out of this relationship, it seerm; that I cannot bypass this theoretical concept. Indeed, when intersubjectivity is understood as a process that occurs between different people, that is, when it is understood as a dialogical process, I agree with the usefulness of it. However, the very concept ofintenmbjectivity is understood quiet differently by Edmund Husser! (Beyer 2007). In his interpretation, Husser! holds intersub­ jectivity to mean the empathy that one can feel in relation to the other. Rather than a true interaction with the other, Husser! describes intersubjectivity as the personal empathic experience. As such, the intersuhjective experience is still a solipsistic experience. On the other hand, but following the idea of the solipsistic empathic experi­ ence, Husser! argues that it is precicely through the intersubjective experience that we can objectively consitute and know ourselves. Upon experiencing em­ pathy towards another, we cannot but assume that the other <~periences the spatio-temporal world in c;imilar ways as we do - in Husserl's words, 'thereness-

12 for-everyone' (quoted in Russell 2006: 163). Hence, my world must be objective. Here, Husser! still holds to the distinction between the subjective and the ob­ jective, a clistinction which is, as I have argued, one that we have to overcome. Rat.her than a solipsistic experience or a search for the objective, f will speak of a dialogical experience in which the various actorn start. to know each other and through these reciprocal perspectives they start to understand themselves. More like Alfred Schutz, then, I understand the dialogical experience not as a transcendental inter::mbjective experience, but much more like a group of people ma.king music together, like interaction in freedom or, in his words, a 'mutual tuning-in rclatiornhip' (Schutz 1964: 161; see also Schutz 1970: 51 et al. and Va.itkus 1991: 93). Making music is interaction in a free and inventive, mean­ ingful cont.ext, a creative play without any strict rules. A musical work cannot. be grasped in its totality (Schiitz 1964: 172), just as in the dialogue, interaction is possible precicely becatrne the concepts remain vague. It b for this reason that I will not use the concept of internubjectivity here, but rather the idea. of a dialogue in-becoming. The many people who come to the market. and interact make up the market's dialogical becoming. It is through the other that people experience t.herrnelves: in relation to the cm;tomers can the traders be traders and vice versa. In order to understand this relation that allows the market to become, I have to look at the way people engage in the market, at. the way they actively shape the market a.round them in a movement with their experienced surroundings. AND is not a position of rest between two points, but the actual agency that allows the relation to repeat. and differ it allows the relation to become. Giddens explains, in this respect, that ..

[a.Jn adequate account. of human agency must, first, be connected to a theory of the acting subject and ::;econcl, must 8ituate action in time and space as a continuous flow of conduct, rather than treating purposes, reasons, etc., as somehow aggregated together (Giddens, in Barnett 2005: 1).

We can accept Herndl and Licona's claim that 'agency is a social location and opportunity into and out of which rhetors, even postmodern subjects, move' (quoted in Barnett 2005: 16). Both theorists argue furthermore that contem­ porary notions of agency must in some way account for its locatedne::5s in space; 'social practise, context, and space, ... constitute a. place in which agency is enacted. But this place is temporal as well. A "place in time," ... where the material and the temporal combine to com;titute the possibility of agency and authority' (quoted in Barnett 2005: 25).4

4 Soja suggest furthermore that 'conceptions of agency and the agent function must. keep in mind the "triple dialectic" or "trialectics of being" - including spatialit.y, historicality, and sociality ·· informing the production of everyday relations within the conditions of postmod­ ernism' (in Garnett 2005: 25-26). In brief, 'Soja's understanding of spatiality as a similar t.rialcctic in which three distinct spatialities-perceived (or "real" space), conceived (or "imag­ ined" space), and lived (or "real-and-imagined" space)·-collectivoly produce space within the conditions of late capitalism' (Barnett 2005: 22; see also Casey 2001). (a) Official entrance (b) Stoney Street

Figure 1: The market's entrance.

2.1.1 Space The present epoch will perhaps be above all the epoch of space. We are in the epoch of simultaneity: we are in the epoch of juxtaposition, the epoch of the near and far, of the side-by-side, of the dispersed. We are at a moment, I believe, when our experience of the world is less that of a long life developing through time than that of a network that connects points and intersects with its own skein (Foucault, in Toorn 1997).

Although, as Foucault argues above, the present epoch can be characterised as the epoch of space which is less that of a developing through time, the two are historically connected. Lefebvre takes us back to the ancient Greeks, who identified 'space' as an 'absolute,' composed of fragments which all had their particular existence. Rome, and in its footsteps Christian thought, connected all these spaces and then split them up in various parts, each of which had a unique 'owner.' Private property, here, gave rise to the building of villas, which grew out to . As produced spaces of accumulation, then, these villages made up marketplaces. The success of these marketplaces made them overwhelm the countryside by forming networks with other marketplaces in other parts of the world. Here, the city was born (in Westfall 1994: 346). Clearly, thus, the concept of space has itself a history of developing through time -- the two can not be understood seperately. Yet, as Foucault rightly points out, today our experience of time is that of a network of interaction -- it is our experience of space. Thinking about Foucault's comment on space, I still stand undecided before the market's entrance. Although the main entrance is at the High Street, a glimpse through the gates is enough to see why the street on the left, Stoney Street, is much busier (see figure 1). In Stoney Street people are surrounded by the brightest tomatoes, the largest fish, the oldest cheeses and a lively crowd, while Three Crown Square, the market-square just behind the gates, is almost closed off by vans. When I take a look in Bedale Street, then, I get the impression

14 that the market never ends; the shop-keepern here litterally come out to the street to continue the market by carving their ham just in front of their shops. Everywhere are traders, not only in the places I thought were the market, but also outside, in the subway, in the kiosks. Everywhere I look I see people walking with an apron: traders of the Borough Market. Confused T decide to enter Stoney Street. If I was to make a map of the market, it would look tmmething like figure 2. The map indicates the market's position in the area, and therefore implicitly in

Southwark Street Borough High st. London Bridge Underground Station

Figure 2: A map of Borough Market, including the railways in grey and the cov­ ered areas within the dotted lines. The Green Market is only partially covered and extenc\8 up to the clashed line at Cathedral Street.

London and in the rest of the world. Further, it identifies the necessarily unique places of the Green Market, the Jubilee Market, the Three Crown Square and so forth, organising it in a web of different spots. These spots create 'the order (of whatever kind) in accord with which elements are distributed in relationship8 of coexistence' (Certeau 1984: 117; see also R. G. Smith 2007). In other words, the organisation of the various elements of the market create its place. A map, however, cannot be entered. Nor can one decide not to enter a map. In standing on the High Street, I am able to decide to enter the market through Stoney Street, hereby acting upon the place of the street as such. By the smell of the fresh basil, I actualise the space of the market. As De Certeau argues, 'a space exists when one takes into conoideration vectors of direction, velocities, and time variables' ( Certeau 1984: 117). The changing relations between and within various places produce space; 'space is a practised place.'

15 So space is necessarily movement - movement, dialogue and conflict, ac­ cording to Van Toorn, are primary (1997) - it creates, reshapes and cancels the relations between the various places (oee abo Gieryn 2000; Becker 2003). Especially in a world-city like London (Sasoen 2003), the space is without limits (I-Iannerz 1980: 66, 73) and 'distances, and boundaries, are not what they used to be.' The city is 'engaged in transformations and recombinations of mean­ ings and meaningful forms which are changing the cultural map of the earth' (I-Iannerz 1996: 3, 127; see abo Ha.nnerz 1980: 15, llO; !vJarcm;e 2005). Upon entering the market through Stoney Street, I reshape not the map of the market as I sketched it in figure 2, but the route (Crang, Dwyer & Jaclrnon 2003: 142) in the landscape (Hirsch 1995) of the market. On my way through the market I create, as all the other things and persons in the market do, my own Borough Market route.

2.1.2 Celia's Gastro-Tour in an Ecological Market-Place Every Thur::;da.y, Borough Market is the scene of a. BBC-produced cookery pro­ gram which features a. cook who shops in the market and prep1'tres dishes out of these products in a. temporarily kitchen set up in the market. The famous British tv-chef and restaurant-owner Jamie Oliver shops regula,rly in this mar­ ket and the 'Dickensian' scene of the market has attracted many film producers (Newman & Smith 2000: 15, 20). Tt is hardly ::;urprising that in a place where people a.re more than willing to pay to take professional photograph:; or :;hoot television-programs, other commercial activities a.rise. One of these activities is the gastro-tour I joined where Celia., an authority on food-writing and food related television programs, introduces her guests to the highlights of the mar­ ket. It is through Celia's tours that many cu::>tomern - some unfamiliar with the market, but others regular visitors - experience the market and hence create its space, by being in it (see also Low 2003). At ten AM, I stand in the middle of a. market which i8_ only ju8t opening. Many stalls a.re still closed and from all sides men and women are carrying bas­ kets of organic lettuce, buckets of oriental tea. and piles of giant Dutch cheeses on wooden carriages. In front of me is the entrance of Roast, a. new a.ncl exclu­ sive restaurant above the market which serves lunches and dinners prepared of Borough Market products. Roast would be the last re:ota.ura.nt that you would associate with a market but this is not the case with Borough Market. Jt stands out in terms of architecture, being situated in the centre of the market and leading up to Stoney Street, where its fa.ga.de with its big silver columns and theatrical windows impressively conquers the rough steel construction of the railway bridge. Roast seems not to fit in the market, while at the Ha.me time it fits perfectly. Ii, b bra.ncl new, elegant and big, while the market i:o ancient, chaotic and full of tiny pathway::;. On the other hand, Roast is trendy, expensive and unique, ju:ot as the market is. Although I am ::;till imprrn::sed by the building, I enter the restaurant where Celia's tour will start with elevenses; 8ma.ll snack;,; of variorn; kincl:o. After I climb the stair to the firnt-Hoor restaurant I feel as if I am no

16 (a) Side-view (b) Detail

Figure 3: Roast restaurant. longer in the market. The atmosphere is quiet and the view is magnificent; from the restaurant I see the tower of Cathedral rising above the market. After the elevenses, I feel like I have been introduced into a way of life that was hidden to me before. Luxurious snacks with the best ingredients were put before us as if there was no end to it. The elevenses were accompanied by freshly pressed organic juice of anything except orange and concluded by a tiny cup of high quality Illy-espresso. I completely agree that we could only eat these delicacies with silver tableware and crystal glasses. It is, as Dolphijn has argued, the food that creates here a notion of space (2004: 18), because it is the experience of food that gives meaning to the fact that I sit here in this silver building with these unfamiliar Americans (see also Holtzman 2006; Cardona 2004). In line with the elevenses, it was Proust who, when tasting a madeleine, 'explores the immanent, he experiences the immanent' (Dolphijn 2004: 13). Since this is only the beginning of the tour, Celia takes me and the other guests to a few of her favourite traders at the market. We taste some fresh marsh samphire and hand dived scallops. 'From Boat to Borough: Come and meet the divers,' says a board which is placed outside the stand, making an explicit link between the scallops, through the divers, to the British coast (see also Cook 2006: 659; Lockie 2001). 5 However, Cook and Crang argue, 'foods

5 0n another occasion, I saw a similarly poster saying 'THE GINGER PIG OFFERS FULL TRACEA131LITY, Pork & Bacon from free range rare-breed Tamworth, Bershire and Goucester Old Spot pigs. Breeding, Feeding, Slaughterting, Butchering, Curing and Smoking, Market­ ing,' informing me of the ways Ginger Pig gets to its sausages. Another poster, furthermore, stresses the fact that the shop has won an award for the best producer in 2005 by The Observer

17 do not :::imply come from place:::, organically grown out of them., but abo make place::; a::: :::ymbolic constructs' (in Molz 2007: 88; see also Cwiertka 2005). It is therefore not ::;o much the scallops that attract people inside the Shellseekers' ::;tand, but Lhe divers who offer them. While frying a tasty looking scallop for each of Celia'::; gue:::t:::, the diver explains why it is important to dive the :::callop::: by hand and not mechanically, hereby presenting u::; with an admired utopia. Behind him, full colour pictures show how the bottom of the sea !ooh like before machine::; have gathered the scallop::; and afterwarcfa. Even if you are not a great fan of :::callops, you have to ethically like this shop. In this stall, the regional idiom of the food is explicitly ::;upplemented, as Appadnrai noted, by a cultural ::;uperior ethical idiom (Ramda::; 1994: 119). The scallop, in line with Agamben's argument, 'has ceased to be an innocent object' (quoted in Favero 2003: 564). The same is true for our next two stalls. The first offern all organic herb::; and :::pices, while the second sells pure wheat-grass shots, which ·equal a week's fruit and in vitamins. You would not be a good person if you do not like the::;e bitter tasting 'exotic' (Cook, Crang & Thorpe 2004) drink>;. Thus far, Celia's tour, which take::; us through all the market's pathways, has presented a market which i::: totally different from any other idea I had about markets. The food we were offered acted 'as a transportable symbol of place and of cultural identity and thus becomes a moveable 8ign of Otheme::;::;' (Molz 2007: 78). Borough Market is not a place to buy your cheap daily groceries, but a place which i:-; 'different' - it is a place where you practise ethical consumption (Dolphijn 2004). The money you spend on scallops does not only go into the pockets of the divers, but contribute::> to a cornervation of the bottom of the ::;ea and all life that exi:-;t::; there (see also figure 4). Wheat-gra:o:o :::hot:o not only or perhaps not at all - enrich the tradern, but increa:-;e the genera.I heetlth of the public. Even by joining Celia's gastro-tour you ::;upport the local poor by a contribution to a charity included in the price of the tour. You have to cooperate in this. This feeling is not only enforced by the fact that Celia, a trusted source when it come::; to good quality, ethical food and herself a vegetarian, takes u:-; here, but also by the camera's that are shooting cookery program:; to 'educate' the so-perceived ga:otronomicetlly backward Briti:::h. Celia'::; tour, thu:o, provides us with a 'moral geography' of the market (Jackson 2006)." Together with my, mostly American, co-guests at Celia':o tour, I felt enlight­ ened. How fortunate are we that such a market exists right here in the centre of London! At exactly hi::; moment, Celia had planned her break at Bedales, where we were to taste a variety of high quality wines accompanied by the best food France ha:o to offer. Amy, a young woman working at Bedales and a specialist in wines, first explains how to ta:ote wine. We are already ::;o much surprbed about the market thus far, that we happily accept Amy':o advise to gargle the wine in our throat, making noises that we would never have done in a bar otherwi:oc. The wine i::; of excellent quality and the pieces of cheese and sau:oagc do match perfectly -- at least, this is what we automatically believe after our pri-- and offers butchery workshops: 'learn to bone and role a lamb-shoulder.' Inside, locality is reproduced by many pictures of pigs and paintings of knifes and pans.

18 Figure 4: Borough Cheese Company describes in detail the process from milking the cow to selling the organically produced comte cheese.

19 vate 'enlightenment' and entrance into the world of superior quality food. We continue our tour through the Green Market, where I realise that I have thus far always been unaware about the essence of tomatoes. A stall selling only toma­ toes offers multiple kinds of the that is usually thought of as ordinary. Here, however, each tomato it; handled as a piece of gold: there a.re a.bout five to ten bright-red small tomatoes in a row, followed by another row of yellow, long-shaped tomatoes and another row of sun-dried tomatoes in oil. Defore we are offered to try this unique heavenly product, we a.re assured that the quality nrnst be excellent - the tomatoes go for £2,50 a vine. Moreover, the fact that Celia takes us here must indicate that these tomatoes are the best I will ever taste. After ta.sting, I feel delighted. The tomatoes a.re heavenly, tasting soft and spicy because of the oak-smoke, totally different from the ones I used to buy in the supermarket. How was it possible that I was 'lo ignorant all the time? I can hardly wait for the next tastings, which will be ultra-spicy chili-pepper from a friendly stall-holder who only sell:,; South-American chili-peppers and a delicate and sweet white balsamic vinegar from Apulia.. My concept of vinegar changes radically after ta.sting this delicious liquid, as does my concept of food and of markets in general. Indeed, what we consume in the market is much rnore than what we buy (Pradelle 2006: 136). I realise that although this market expressee> itself as a. radical change to other markets, it depends at the same time on our idea of traditional markets. As De la Pradelle has shown in relation to a southern France market (2006: 111), the traders attract us with two competing representations, or 'styliza.tiorw' (Crang et a.I. 2003: 450), of nature. On the one hand, there a.re traders, like the toma.to­ trader I just passed by, who present their products by showing how 'authentic' and 'true' they a.re. These a.re the traders that sell by the item. On the other hand, there a.re traders who reproduce a. small Garden of Eden, a heavenly place where excellent quality food is plenty. Here, food is sold by weight (see figure 5). It is precisely these stereo-typical repreimntations of food, where the place the food refors to i8 abstracted (Belasco 2002: 9) and promoted (A clema. 2006: v i), that a.re easily understood by all - these are the representations that a.re 'more cultural.' In the market, as Ha.nnerz argues, the products a.re mostly nothing b11t meaning. 'What is increasingly produced,' he continues, quoting Scott Lash and John Urry, 'a.re not material objects, but. signs' (Ha.nnerz 1996: 24). Appa.durai says, next, that. luxury products like the ones sold in Borough Market a.re simply 'incarnated signs,' products which have only a c;ocia.l and rhetorical use (1986: :38). Neither thus, in contrast to what Trentmann argues, are modern consumers passive, abstract creatures who absorb the ever-expanding deluge of goods nor do they engage in a world of meaningless tastes (2001: 131). No matter if' you buy a tomato that is unique in taste and texture, a real col,lector's item, or one that comes from a place where quality is the rule and nature is willing to offer, you will buy a tomato that makes, by buying it, the market a place you want to go. After ta.sting a piece of Pa.rmesa.n cheec:e from a e>ta.11 with only a fow huge wheels of cheese (see figure 6), I think I finally found the best. cheese of the world. Where Pa.rmesa.n cheese used to be a luxury-product. in London because

20 (a) A selection of unique quality tomatoes (b) A never-ending heap of heavenly toma- at the Green Market. toes at Turnips.

Figure 5: Two competing ways of presenting tomatoes at the market. of its exclusivity, it is now, in a globalising world of shrinking distances between producers and consumers, a luxury-product in the market because of its 'au­ thenticity'. The fact that the trader in the market sells only one single product refers back to a time when not all the world's cheeses could be found in London - in other words, it incorporates in the idea of 'authenticity' - in Ferrero's words, a 'staged authenticity' (2002: 194) - the myth of 'exclusivity' (Appadurai 1986: 44, 48). The authenticity is recreated in this cheese. In line with Favero's ar­ gument on the kurta, the Parmesan in Borough Market has 'travelled in space and time, linking different places . . . and different epochs in a play of cultural essentialism' (Favero 2003: 564, see also Dabringer 2006).6 After the Green Market, and already full of fantastic food, we continued our tour inside, start­ ing with a Scottish stall. After I tasted the or­ ganic smoked salmon with organic dill-sauce, I felt a bit guilty and ashamed of myself because I al­ ways used to buy the non-organic salmon. As Celia pointed out, the organic salmon is much paler in colour, because, in contrast to the non-organic salmon, it is not fed on colourants. Nowadays, people want their salmon pink or red, and a pale salmon is considered less quality. In our judging of Figure 6: The Parmesan­ the salmon in gastronomically accepted terms, we trader at the Green Mar­ express not only our taste of fish, but also, as vari­ ket. ous authors have argued (Silverstein 2006; Jackson 2004; Cardona 2004), our relations to others. As Bourdieu expresses it: 'the fact remains that socially known and recognised dif­ ferences only exist for a subject capable not only of perceiving differences but of recognising them as significant, interesting, i.e., only for a subject endowed with the capacity and inclination to make the distinctions that are regarded as

6 In the same way, Prunty describes the emergence of 'urban farms' in Philidelphia (2007).

21 significant in the social univerne in quesLion' (1985: 730). I see here from the faces of my fellow tourers that they are happy they received and use this 'inside knowledge' about a ga8tronomic vocabulary - thi8 cultural capital (Bourdicu 2000; Hank8 2005; Wacquant 2004: 391) that Celia has given u:o. The tour leads now to Brindisa, the fa.morn; importer of Spanish delicatessen. Here, Celia has prepared a special selection of simple ta.pas,· being white cooked aspa.rngu:o with smoked paprika powder, a special cheese with dried fruit and two varieties of Spanish ham. In the back of the shop I :oee a big Spanbh man carving huge lmrns by hand. Everyone enjoys the ta.pas and the hints Celia gives now and then about making excellent dishes in little time and with little effort.. Meanwhile, we abo enjoy the fact that we are tasting all this food in a store where others are only allowed to buy. By our tasting, we set ourselves apart from the ordinary customern of the market (Mintz 2002: 26). We end our day back in Bedales, where some of us stay to have another wine and talk a.bout food. In thi8 short tour of a few hourn, we engaged in a route through the market that Celia has set up for U8. The directions we took and the stops we made attributed to our growing understanding of the market at> a space of quality food based on excellent taste, organic and ethic production and privileged consumption. By becoming food specialistc;, we were ma.king our Borough Market.

2.2 Helping in the Market The space of the market, as I understood after I joined Celia's gastro-tour, i8 in fact my being in it. In Heideggerian tenns, namely,

being-in-the-world ... is existentially definable as being t::irnulta.nc­ ously hi8torical, social, and spatial We are first and always historical­ socia.l-8patial beings, actively participating individually and collec­ tively in the construction/production - the 'becoming' -- of histories, geographies, ::;ocieties (Barnett 2005: 42).

In other words, it is the relations as I experience them (see Taner 2005: 79; Heid egger n .d.: 5) out of which I create a story, that is, out of which I trarnform places into ,;pace (see also Enwezor 2007). 'Every story,' De Certea.u say8, 'is a. travel story - a 8pa.tial practise' (1984: 115; Hee also Bal 2005: 67). He further explains that the story an sich does not express a. practise nor doo8 it limit it8elf to telling about a movement. Rather, 'it makes it' (1984: 81, empha:ois in original). So although the entrance of the market seems to suggest that the market is beyond its gates, I create a story of the market where I enter through Stoney Street. When I encounter streets, entrances, cheeses and tra.dern, I create a web of meaningfol experiences the market - which I enter myself. As Agamben explains, the images, notions, feelings and desires -- in 8hort, the 'phantasms,' external images that I experience and interna.li1'1e - that make their appearance in and through the marketplace create the market (in Favero 2003: 554).

22 The scope of the market is not only determined by objects and ideas in my direct experience. Rather, events in other places or other times in history as well as in the future will abo contribute to my experience of the market, in the same way, as Twill argue later, that the market reaches out further than its own space and time. The performance of unique, extraordinary ton1atoes is not just a display. As Bal a.rguet>, performance is not; it occurn. lt happens and takes time. lt ha.8 a past and a future, and hence, a present' (2006-2008). In my story, the market is neither disconnected from the past and the future, not is it persistent through time (see also Battersby 2006; Munn 2002). Rather, it changes as I go a.long, as I continue being in the market. 'Phantasms' evolve, appear and disappear, 'expressing at once imagination, emotion, analysis and desire' (Favero 2003: 554). So although, as Casey argues, western philosophy as been 'temperocentric,' largely ignoring the concept ohpace (in Packwood 2001: 323),7 time does play an important role in our underntanding of the market. Indeed, the ever so present market's history is one of the aspects that affect my experience of Borough Market

2.2.1 Time While reading the sign of the street upon entering the market., I remember that Stoney Street derives its name from it being the first paved street leading to London, the street where the Romans ea.me from when they settled here. Nowadays, the smells of Pa.rmesa.n cheese and fresh basihattract me to thb street. No Roman soldiers to be found here a.nymore, but big hams hanging in the windows of a. restaurant. In a confusing manner, the street's name-signs link various places to the market. The borough of Southwark has made effort in the 1990s to regenerate this pa.rt of London by creating a. place called Bankside (Teedon 2001), a. histor­ ica.l name that refers to the northern part of Southwark in the time that it was known for its hostels, theatres, brothelti and brewing trade (Golden 1951: 19, 53, 71). By drawing on 'local' and 'historical' identities, the area was imagineered (Yeoh 2005) into a touristic area. based on 'cultural diversity' (Rath 2005) to compete with the city on the other shore of the Thames (see, for comparison, also Pradelle & Lallement 2004). In an attempt to formalise Bankside's coher­ ence, the borough of Southwark used a network of auto-referential signs in the area which direct people, once they entered the area through one of its gates, to all the a.ttractiorn. Banbide thus forms a closed web of cultural spots like tbe , Shakespeare's Globe and Borough Market - with just a limited number of 'gateways' like the Millennium Bridge and Ba.nkside Pier -- to enter or leave. However, just as the rnarket itl:lelf, Bankside is not sharply separated from its surroundings and often it is unclear where the a.rca ends and what cfo­ tinguishes it from the neighbourhood of The Borough or from Southwark (which refern to the northern part of the present Borough of Southwark).

7 Packwood, however, criticises this statement of Casey (2001: 235). Sec also Casey 2006.

23 Southwark, famous for its activities that were forbidden in the City, had been part of the . It is the relationship between Southwark and the City that, as I have read in the archives, proved to be an important constitutive aspect in the creation of Borough Market. Several times in history, the market of the Borough has been the subject of disputes between the City and South­ wark (see also Johnson 1969). Even in 1930, the London markets of Billingsgate, Central Markets, Leadenhall, Metropolitan Cattle Markets and Spi­ talfields united in their petition to the House of Lords against Borough Market. Another docu­ Figure 7: A sign indicating ment8 of the same year shows that Borough Mar­ the street is in the area of ket has spent £1236 on opposition to rival markets. Bankside, including intern references to other places Southwark's Market Originally, Southwark, in Bankside. or Suthringa Geweorc as it was referred to in Anglo-Saxon times, was independent from the City of London (Malden 1912b). Rather, Southwark was part of the County of Sur­ rey, its name deriving from its location south of the river (Walford 1878d). Around 1000, Southwark was relatively important in defending London against conquerors. However, because the impossibility of the City to infer in South­ wark, and because of the low rents, the area developed into a place where people came from the northern bank of the river to enjoy the things that were forbid­ den in the City (Malden 1912a). Besides thieves escaping the City, Southwark housed a wide variety of gardens, theatres -- which had been expelled from the City in 1575 -- inns, brothels and 'beare-baytyng' (Walford 1878c) on its various 'Liberties.' In the Liberty of the Clink, for example, which was under authority of the Bishop of Winchester, special laws concerning prostitution were enacted.9 'If the truth must be told,' Charles Mackay explains, 'Southwark and Lambeth, and especially the former, were the great sinks and receptacles of all the vice

8 The documents I refer to in this section are to be found in the London Metropolitan Archives, reference number ACC/2058. 9 0ne of these laws, confirmed by Parliament in the eighth year of the reign on Henry II, reads That no stewholder [brothel-holder] shall molest, or obstruct any single woman from having access to, and liberty to withdraw from, his house at pleasure- That no stew-keeper permit any woman to board in his house.- To take no more for a woman's apartment, than fourteen pence per week.- Not to keep open his doors on holidays.- Not to detain any single woman that is willing to reform- Not to receive any woman that is devoted to religion, nor any man's wife.- No woman to take money for lying with a man, unless it be for a whole night.- No man to be artfully deluded into a stew. That the several stews be searched weekly, by the bailiff, constables, &c.- That no stewholder entertain any woman that has the perilous infirmity of burning, nor to sell bread, ale, flesh, fish, wood, coal, or any victuals, &c. (Noorthouck 1773: 680).

24 and immorality of London' (quoted in Walford 1878a). A London alderman expres:oes it in his journal dated Sunday, 25th .June, 1797, in like mannern: I dined in the Boro' with my friend Parkinson en Jamille, and in the evening walked thro' some gardern near the Kenti0h Road, at the expem;e of one halfpenny each. We went and saw a variety of people who had headc; on their 0houldern, and eyes and legs and anns like ournelves, but in every other respect as different from the race of mortals we meet at the West-end of the as a native of Bengal from a Laplander. This observation may be applied with great truth in a general way to the whole of the Borough and all that therein is. Their meat i:o not so good, their fish is not so good, their pernorn are not so cleanly, their dress is not equal to what we meet in the City or in Westmirnter; incleecl, upon the whole, they are one hundred yearn behindhand in civilisation (Walford 1878b). It was understandable, thus, from the point of view of the City, that it wanted to control Southwark. In 1370, the King urged Southwark to clean itc; streets, because all the people visiting the City from Kent or further from France had to travel through Southwark (Walford 1878b). lt is said that one of the reasons for building the bridge from Westminster to Lambeth was for 0oldiers to be better able to access Southwark (Malden 1912b). It was only from the eighteenth century onwards that more bridge::; were constructed over the River Thames, a process which dramatically altered the cha.mete; of Southwark. The incorporation of Southwark by the City, however, began much earlier, when in 1406 the King gave the City the possibility to arrest and prosecute criminals who had Heel to Southwark. Finally, in 1550 'Edward VI granted to the Corporation all waifs and strays, treasure trove, deoclancl, goods of folorn and fugitives and escheats and forfeitures in the pari::>hes of St. Saviour, St. Olave, St. George and St. Thomas or the King's Hospital, and elsewhere in the borough and town' (Malden 1912a). Southwark, with the exclusion of several Liberties, was now part of the City as the Bridge Ward Without (Noorthouck J 773: 566), while the inhabitants of Southwark enjoyed inferior status to those of the City and were not represented in the Common Council. At the point where the Romans built the firnt bridge acro"s the River Thames (Malden 1912b), a market emerged. In 1276 the King forbade the market, which appeared again on the King's Highway, now Borough High. Street, and the citi­ zen were not allowed 'to cro;:;s into Southwark and buy cattle' (Woodger Bowers 1905: 385). When the City gained control over Southwark in 1550, the King granted the City liberty to hold a market in Southwark (Malden 1912a.), which was confirmed in an Act in 1663. Around 1700, however, the market caused much trouble in the High Street for the growing a.mount of traHic in and from the City. According to one document, it ic; recorded that 'in addition to ordi­ nary vehicles pas;,;ing to and from the City, there were sent out every week 143 stage coaches, 121 waggons, 196 carts and caravarn, and, of course, the same number returned every week.' Although King Charles II, after tbe great fire of Southwark in 1676, issued that 'the Market of the Towne and Burrough of

25 Southwarke aforesaid shall continue and be kept in the same place and at the same time::; where it hath beene auntiently and is at this present kept, and that the ::;aid Market shall not be kept in or removed to any other place or held at any other time whatsoever' (Raithby 1819: 846), a century later the citizen of London urged the King to relieve them of the responsibility of the market. The tensions that existed between the City of London and Southwark become visible in the problems they encountered concerning this market. In 1752 the Grand Jury of Southwark declares in a letter to the mayor of the City that in their views, the market which wa::; held in the High Street of the Borough should be kept in this place. In order to solve the frustration of the people passing the market on their way to the City, the Jury tmggests that better marb being placed aud fixed in the pavement of the ::itreets to direct the people through it and to ::;how how far the stalls can ::;tand. In a.notber letter the::;e proposals are supplemented by suggesting that a market clerk should be in the market at all times and ringing a. bell to indicate when the market opens and closes. Two yearn later, Ja.mes Roberts, clerk to the Common Council of the City of London, writes to the mayor that a motion is being prepared to ask the parliament to have the power to remove the market in the High Street (see figures 8 & 9). Still in 1755 this request is not a.nswered, and a. special committee to prepare a. petition to remove the Market is set up. ln the minutes of a. meeting of this committee on the fourth of February 1755 they discuss the possible erection of another market in the same pari::;h in order to remove the existing market. Finally, in 1756, George II signs a.n a.et 'to Prevent the Holding of Any Market for the future in the High Street of the Borough of Soutbwa.rk, in the County of Surry,' whereby the City gives up the market, including all the possible profits it generates. In the same session of pa.rlia.rnent, however, another acts is passed. Thit> a.et is the start of what is now the Borough Market:

An Act to Enable the Churchwardens, Overseen;, and Inhabitants, of the Parish of Saint Saviour, in the Borough of Southwark, in the County of Surry, to hold a Market within the said Parish, not interfering with the High Street of the said Borougb.

[n this act, it is declared that

it is necessary, for the Benefit a.nd Accommodation of the Pub­ lick, and more especially of the Inha.bita.nLs of the said Borough of Southwark, and the neighbouring and ::;, that a. Mar­ ket should be still continued as near a.::; conveniently may be to the Place where it is now held; and the Churchwardens, Overneers of the Poor, and Inhabitants, of the Parish of Saini Saviour, within tbe said Borougb, a.re desirous to erect, hold, and maintain, such Market; and have found out a convenient Place for tba.t Purpose near the present Market, within the said Parisb of Saint Sav'iour; to wit, A Piece of Ground in which is contained a Spot ea.lied The Triangle, a.butting on a. Place called the Turnstile, on the Backside

26 Figure 8: Letter by James Roberts, 1754 (first page).

27 Figure 9: Letter by James Roberts, 1754 (second page).

28 of Three Crown Co1Lri Em;twa.rd, on Fowle Lane, and Buildings in Rochesier Yard and Dirty Lane Northward, and towards Deadman's Place Westwards:

The petitioners further found it necessary to ::;tate in the act that no other market shall be held in the same area and that the inhabitant::; of the parish gain the legal power to buy property to erect a market and to borrow 'any Sum or Sum::; of Money not exceeding in the Whole the Sum of Six thousRnd PounclH, for Lhe Payment of ::mch Purchase.' Of importance is also the part of Lhe act which states that

in case it shall be found to be more convenient and beneficial to lett out such Ground upon a Builcling-Lea:oe or Leases for the Pur­ poses aforesaid, it shall and may be lawful for the said Churchwar­ dens, Overseers, and Inhabitants, or any Seven or more of them, and they are hereby authorised and empowered to set and lett out such Ground, for the best Rent that rnn be got.ten for the same, payable quarterly at or upon the four most usual Feasts, or Days or Payment in the Year, upon a Lease or Leases for any Term or Terms not exceeding Sixty one Years, to any Person or PernQns who shall be willing to contra.et for and take the same, with proper Covenants binding him or them to build and set up all necessary Erections thereupon, for converting the ::mme into a Market as aforesaid.

In various other acts up until the twentieth century the po::;i(.ion of the market has been confirmed and the powern of the Trustees - 'any Seven or more of them' enlarged. This has caused that, after many attempts of the City of London or later the London County Council to remove the market, Borough Market is London';; only market ::;urviving in the centre (C. Smith 2002: 41), because it is the only market in London that is not owned by the Council, but by a Board of Trustees living in the area. The Council's Departmental Committee on Fruit and Vegetable Markets suggested in 1918 that 'both [Covent Garden and Borough] markets being surrounded by narrow streets ... the sites have become unsuitable.' Furthermore, they claim that 'nothing short of reconstruction or removal could bring a.bout any real improvement.' It is clear that out of the market's historical fights with the City ~ resulting in a market owned by a Board of Trustees - a market emerged that was independent and could therefore survive up to the present clay in this same location. When I walk through the tiny pathways of Borough Market, I walk through a market that has managed, by struggling, to stay on the same location for ages. I am not walking in the past, I am walking with the past.

The Market's Architecture The market-place now corrnist::; of a large open paved space on the south side of St. Saviour's churchyard; in one corner of it a neat granite drinking-fountain has been erected. Several buildings, of a

29 light and airy character, to serve the purposes of the dealers and others in the market--which, by the way, is devoted to the ::>ale of vegetables, &c.---·occupy the south ::>ide of the open 0pace; the principal feature in these buildings is the large central dome (Walford 1878a). Borough Market -- since its relocation by which it became a specialised fruit and vegetable market (Saphir 2002: 28) - has been on this same spot for more than 250 years, of which it ha0 only recently, in 1999, developed into a retai] .. market during the day (Webster et al. 2006), because slowly the market wa0 loosing trade and the area became rnorc and more impoveri0hed: 'live yearn ago or even six yearn ago or even seven, ten year ago, there wa::> nobody here, this was a desert,' says Ken Greig, architect of the Borough Market. According to this architect, who won a competition to regenerate the market in 1995 (Finch 2005) and is now also involved in a consultancy-project called Market Squared, the idea that wholesale markets need to be at the border of cities is irrational. This opinion is shared by the London Food Link, a network of food-related organisations in London (LFL 2003). Ken explains: When you think about [relocating a market out of the city centre] it's is a bit duff really, 'cause people want the markets in the city centre. You know, the buying for the shops and the oHices and the restaurants and so on. And there is no real conflict of traffic, 'cause the wholesale markets work at night, so the big trucks come into the city centre when the traffic is gone, and then they're gone before the trafiic startt>. I think it's a serne of balance there. . .. You know, that fits .... So I think all this sort of rational, rationalisation of Lhe idea that you put the market out of the cent.re of the city like Covent Garden or Sp'ita(fields or Billingsgate, the fish-market, for example, is slightly irrational, it doesn't. necessarily have to be like that, you know. The fact that Borough Market is now the only market which has stayed in the centre of London has to do with the market'::; organi0ation. The Borough Market isn't actually owned by anybody. It's owned by a charitable trust, made up of twenty-one local residents, who are .. . elected within the conline1:> of the parish. And then they get accepted by the local council. But the council doe:-m't have any other active part of play.... Principally the reason why the market is still here is because the charitable trust of' the ownern who run it only have one thing to do and that is the duty to care for a.ncl run a market. So that's fundamentally unique. It doesn't happen like that in any places, as I know. It's nobody's profit, because if they malrn a profit, the profit goes back to subsidising local council-tax, so that's quite a. maze mechanism, really. So, for all the disruption and all the busy-ness the local residents do get ;;ornething back. So it's a kind of, quite a nice symbiotic relationship.

30 Economically, thus, the market is still bound to the local parish of Saint Saviour's; any profit that the market makes goes to a relie( of local council-tax. Also politically, the market is related to this area becau::;e the Trustees who run the market have to live in this same parish. Both these links originated in the historical act de:ocribes just above. l\fore interesting, however, is the fact that still today customers of the market experience the market's historical link to the area. 'It's a pretty unique spot,' Ken explains, 'it got a very :otrong sense of identity.' The fact that the market's history is Htill relevant today has to do, according to Ken, with the social characteristics of market:o in general, which are, today, able to invoke feelings of freedorn, struggle and idealism. At:i< with any building, we know it through our being in it (Heiclegger 2001), our experience of it that is, the relationship we have with the building and which the building has with us. 'The thing with markets,' Ken explains, is that all of life itself is there, you know. So you probably got sex, drugs and rock & roll. You've got everything going_ on, basically, theft and prostitution and violence - absolutely everything. The reason for this is, according to Ken, the fact that the market in Southwark, as the historical evidence supported, offered people from the City a place where they could experience anonymity. In walking distance from the City, people could come here and have a good time. 'What's interesting about street-markets,' Ken continues, is that because they are markets, they tend to maintain an intact.­ ness about the street that the market occupien., because they're a.Jwayn being quite internively used. So most of the time most of these street-markets don't get completely wholesale-chained, they're not demolished, they're not redeveloped. So all arom;d the :otreet­ markets in any part of London you can find new housing-estate::;, new office-developments. You know, the wholesale changed, with super­ markets and so on, but the average ;;treet-ma.rket itself rnaintairn a piece of old London. Not only do markets like Borough Market provide a. place where ancient London is conserved, they also, as Ken continue::;, protect this history by being elm;ive.

[B]eca.use the market is a.lway:o going to be there, nobody can quite get hold of it and change it, becau;;e they just loose it. The market i::; quite a strong organism itself, ma.de up of lots of different peoples and bm;inesses. So if you go to Columbia. Road for example, or , or all these kind of places, the streetc; a.re all there j ue>t like a bit of a. museum in a. :oerne. Because they are as old a::; the market, or older. So they tend not to change, tha.t'c; intere::;ting. They tend to have a very nice atmosphere, you know, with layers and layers of time and history. A bit like Borough as well. And I think tbat gives

31 them a kind of unique atmosphere. Not just the market itself. Even if the market is not there, the space i:o different somehow, a street next-door, or down the road, you know.

This indeed is the feeling I get when I walk underneath the glass-constructed roof. The noise and the :m1ell take me to an ancient part of London, which is lost in most part::; north of the River, but not here, not in Borough Market. The restaurant of Roast, where I met Celia for her gastro­ tour, confnsed me by its outstanding and grandeur architecture. The building originated frorn the Covent Garden market, as Ken explains, where it was the portico of the 'Floral Hall.' By being relocated in Borough Market, it link::; the two markets in a historical unity. Moreover, the building refers to some of the market\; bygone glory (;;ee figure 3 & ] 9). Ken explains:

'Floral Hall' refers back to what markets used to be like in a serrne, before the railways came. If you look at old drawings and old pic­ tures, there were much grander buildings than there are now. So then 'Floral Hall' gives a bit of that grandness back again.

My confusion, however, about the building was not entirely unfounded. As Ken explains, the 'Floral Hall' does fit in perfectly in this market, but at the same time, they have tried to give it its own identity, independently from Bor­ ough Market or Covent Garden. The result, indeed, is that although the building does create a feeling of historical grandness, it is never linked by customer::; to Covent Garden. According to Ken,

There's a lot of opposition to that building and it is quite ... In one sense it is completely non-controversial, because it is of the tirne that the rest of the old buildings of the market are from, which is 1869 in fact. And it was part of a market before as wel.I. But in another sense it's controversial because it's a slightly nutty idea to find a piece of an old building somewhere clir:-nnantled and then reestablished somewhere else. And you could say "why would you want to do that?" because, you know, is it appropriate anymore, is it, you know, is that the right thing to do, is that a clever thing to do? So, a lot of people said "don't do it, because we don't believe in that, and we don't... we c;hould just ban it to archaeology, or hi::;tory." I3ut tben on the other hand, it's quite an important bit of London's landmark, its history in a sense. Because the portico to the 'Floral Hall' ~which was never a very succes::;fol flower-market because it wa::; all glass, and flowern tend to like a lot shade and no wn -- was quite an important building in Covent Garden. And it's quite a rich and exciting bnilcling in Covent Garden. I think when something like that becomes dismantled, it's almost ... It might as well be worth it to find a new home for it and then create a new identity for an old part of London, as we've clone. H could have ended up quite easily in a park for example, as a bandstand or something

32 like that. Which is of courne a bit dull, and the building i:o not going to be that much loved and everything ebe. But I like it here, becau::;e where it used to be it was the portico to a much bigger building, in a much grander location, in a piazzo. And it was a very small part of a bigger building. Now it's quite a big pa.rt of a. smaller building, but in quite a relaxed wrt of position. Well, we've ma.de that quite a deliberate choice [about. the colour], becam;e we wanted it to have its own existence, and its own identity besides the old structure which we did in the old market-green, which we researched and we find that that was the colour that it once was, when it was first build. And the structure of the portico we tried all kinds of experiments with the colour, bt1t all the details seemed to sort of fade and disappear when you use this sort of solid colour. So to use a metal colour actually ma.de, it seems to us, it ma.de the actual detail and the of the building sparkle a bit more .... And the material building indeed, that was to set off the merchandise that was being sold within it. Whereas the colour building refern to its history, and that was the idea, you know. You hear people talking about it that it has always been there - as a part of Borough Market - which I quite like in a sense, because it's a sort of backhanded compliment. We knew that we could have build it fa::;tcr, as in Spitalficlds. Dut it's pretty clumsy actually. And it's definitely new. Whereas that one is new and old, yolJ know. So it's like a kind of, it's a complex kind of mix that solves just ... In a large way fits the space. And it's quite a complex ::;pace. Because it's between the old structure and the old via.dud, so it's not an easy thing to wedge that in there. And then we have the back, which refers back to the cathedral, which is abo a kind of reference to the area, you know, It's a very English thing in a serne, because, you know, it's not something that is very formal in space, it.'s 8omething that is quite relaxed, as another door in the street. And that's what interested us when we started to work around here. It's London, it's true of London as a. whole. I think, you know, technically, it really is an area. of individual buildings, there is no formality to anything. So it's another one of those, you know, it's another building. And it's got its own identity, and its own poise of place in the street. And what is also interesting a.bout the portico is that it was never inhabited in the past. People would never use the upper fioor. So for the first time in it;, existence, you know, it'::; actually occupied. Well, [the Market's Porter pub] has got an atmm;phere of about that fact that it was a. good place to be. And then opposite that you have this new kind of identity, almost a new kind of landmark, with a. bit of covered space for people, so a. public covered space. So it'c: giving

33 something back of the land8cape in that sense. And it 8eerrn to be just a natural kind of crossroad, a meeting-place, you know. Instead thus of uncritically referring to the past, and instead of referring to the present, the 'Floral Hall' exists in this space which is created between the market's history and its relation to London and other London markets on the one hand and the market's presence and its own unique identity on the other hand. The shape, size, colour and location of the 'Floral Hall' create a story, depending on, but different from, the actual history and presence of the building and tl1e market (see, for a discussion on the relationc;hip between an object and its site Kwon 1997). As Ken comments, 'it's quite interesting, the whole anarchy of the geometry.' The anarchy of the market enables the market to communicate its own story to its visitors, by using chaos, a 'collision of the space::>' (see abo Burgers 2000; Maclaran & Brown 2005). It is the chaos that createt> meaning. Ken continues, 'all of life itself is there and we have quite a rich mix of people and products. And social activity, which, I think, all lines up to why people love markets, to the extent that we are seeing today.' This is encouraged, moreover, by the fad that Borough is now in easy reach to people all over London: [T]his is a good place to be and there is a good atmosphere · with the Jubilee Line it's very well connected to the rest of the city. When you look at London, and the map of London, and the history of London, the London Bridge is actually the centre of the city. Geographically this is the most central part of the city. 9 The fact that people from the City can reach Borough Market is important, according to Ken, because, just as it was hundreds of yearn ago, this area otfers the people a place to experience the 'other.' As Ken argues, There's just money over there, all the money, you know. Whereas here, there is money, but it's also a place to come and feel slightly in a different place, you know. It could be abroad, you know, it could be somewhere at the continent. It's not completely like London. It's quite unique in the world, isn't it? So, as I learnt from the architect, part of the market's atmosphere is created by its past which is kept alive in its architecture. Instead of referring only to the actual history of Borough Market, the various componentc; that make up the market-place all tell different stories, creating hereby a storyline that is ambiguous, confusing and indeterminable. This chaotic story of the market ··· probably most powerfully told by the 'Floral Hall' makes it not only difficult for customers to navigate in the market, but it gives them the possibility to set out their own route. By making creative connection;.;, Celia offers us her Borough Market route through the cheeses and herbs, but also through the buildings and the area. As an architect, Ken has started his story of the market, which clearly includes Southwark's distinctive character. In the Harne instance, he inclndec;

34 Covent Garden's fame and 's glory. 'And some other very rich buildings like the Hop Exchange10 as well, that's also a very interesting space. And we're trying to find a way of connecting that to here, so that it all becomes connected.' He includes the City of London in the market, but he also excludes it. However, he gives no more than a story he produces no finished book. Rather, he leaves the customers with hi;; thoughts, which they rnn change while they recall them to their friends, or copy exactly, or maybe just ignore. As I noticed, most people do not think of Covent Garden when they sec the 'Floral Hall,' but they do see an impressive, silver building. A8 a final exclamation-mark, then, Ken denies everything he has just told. By one touch of the 'backspace'-key, he era.se8 his story. Traces, however, are indispntably left:

Architecture - I don't know if it affect8 that im1ch, If Borough Market was, or if the same people were in a kind of new aircraft or somewhere else, maybe it would be the ::;a.me thing. ·1 don't know if it would be quite the same thing. I think it's the way thi8 space is connected to the rest of London, which, I think, rnakes it more special. ... You can't really explain this, but there's a kind of riclmess and an atmosphere about the place that probably comes from people before, you know. Well, you can't actually prove that, and there's something about it that i8 different ...

2.2.2 Jeremy's Memory-Tour in a Fair-Trade Market-Place On a more pernona1 level, the market i8 linked with youth mernoric::; and fu­ ture pla.rn. In crafting the story of Borough Market, Jeremy, an American-born young man, instantly incorporates the market''° past when he remark8 that 'when you're at Borough you're looking at 250 yearn history of r'eing a market­ place.' A few minutes later, he takes me back to his youth in the US and then forward to his plans for the future. Both distinct places and tin1es become part of how Jeremy experiences the market, of how the market is and becomes. T am not sure if I am outside or inside the market when I meet .Jeremy. Clearly, Amano Cafe profits from the presence of a quality food market and tries to incorporate some of the market's po8itive image in its own bar. Most literally, they hang pictures of the market inside, hereby claiming to be part of Borough Market's success. Situated in Clink Street, however, most people would not consider Amano to be part of the market. In fact, upon tasting their coffee, I would argue that Amano does not meet Borough's standards. Despite the coffee, I intend to ask Jeremy how he thin!rn about the market. It is in the winter-months, .Jererny starts to explain, when the rabbits are banging in the market, that he identifies biim;elf most with the market. These rabbit8 take him back to his youth, where he used to hunt, in a. way th;,t he only finds here (see also, in relation to fish, figure HJ). Lt i8 by their phy8ical nature,

10 The Hop Exchange wa8 a centre for hop trading which opened in 1867 in .

35 (a) Furness Fish (b) detail

Figure 10: A fish stall explicitly communicates a message of pure nature and excitement in the way they present their fish.

Wilk argues when referring to Miller, that 'goods create temporal continuity, and people use them to create paths of connection from past to present.' He explains further,

What gives those connections relevance in the real world is not nec­ essarily the past that the goods refer to or break with, but the di­ rectionality they create. Material goods contest possible futures, by creating images, and tinging those images with inevitability (1994: 102).

So the rabbits, while they invoke memories of hunting, also, in the same way as Trinidad clothing expresses a sense of time and change (Miller 1994: 73), trigger ideas on how to escape this nine-to-five office life. Not only visually does the market take Jeremy back to his past, also the taste of the products evokes memories (Holtzman 2006; Kwan 2006; Sanderson 2006). When it comes to meat, it is the way of smoking that gives it a taste equal to the taste of the meat he ate when he was a child. With regard to beef, furthermore, Jeremy explains:

I grew up in the countryside in Connecticut. One of my jobs I had through teenage and young adulthood was raising Scottish Highland beef cattle. We would raise them on the farm and sell them across the country. I would drive the trucks across the country delivering these cattle to mostly doctors and lawyers that liked to look at these animals. That is what I did through high school and college to make a living. Coming here and actually being able to buy Scottish beef and have a nice steak is ... it's a very unique ... You know, beef, well, I mean, it's a very distinguished taste and a very different taste -

36 very local. So, to actually get this, that's one of my favourite things I am able to get in the market. And I like some of the surrounded, like Neal's Yard ·· obviously the cheeses, but I used to love going and get some of the yoghurts. I buy my milk there and things like this. Oysters, I love the oysters in the market. I love the oysters at the oyster bar. . . . They have a different ta8te vernus the ones you buy in other oyster bars. Finding good quality oysters is ::;ometimes difficult.

By offering .Jeremy the possibility to eat such an oyster or to buy Scottish beef, Borough Market becomes a place where Jeremy can experience memories of his youth. With the food of the market, he travels back and forth between the present and the pa8t. By his tran8-spatial and temporal imaginaries and geographical knowledge to the practises of consumption, Jeremy has opened up a new dimension in the market'8 space (Crang et a.I. 2003: 450451). However, Jeremy stresses that it is mostly the market's traders that bind him to Borough. The traders are expressing an ethics with which .Jeremy can identily himself and consequently he attempts to be part of the community of market traders that stand for these ethics - as opposed to the community of high-office city-worker::> from with he is a member during the week. As he comments,

I just like the people [the market's traders]. I spend the entire week with what would be the costumers here, for the mo;,;t part just city-worker types. And then going there 11nd actually get some real people!

In particular, Jeremy has met one trader who in his view perfectly expresse;,; the market's ethics and who also offered .Jeremy a pot::Bibility to become part of the market. ,Jeremy explains to me:

I have a connection to Rob, in the tea-stall, Ceylon 1, because he got a book on his table one clay and it't:: a book that's used in Sri Lanka, working with the kids. And I am trying to do something better for the kids, the children working in the plantation-worlrn. I kinda connected to that, because it\.; something I want to do in terms of... in my next life. I mean, actually, I want to build money in the city, and than go and I still want to retire in the . l want to run a foundation in the Philippines. So, similar ideals. Obvior1sly different agriculture in the Philippines versus Sri Lanka.

In .Jeremy's view of Rob, he has the same ideals as himself. Both want to help the needed with the means they have here in London:,

I think that Robert, who l'rn working with, in Sri Lanka would like to help tbe children of prostitutes. Trying to make a better life for them, helping them. There're a lot of speed-kids. And I wottld want to target at the same time that kind of riroky ... children at risk ... To try and help the children, but also to try and help the mothers get out of that life-otyle. You've got to break the cycle oomehow. And if you take one city-worker that comes clown with ... I mean, money goes a long way in places like this, so ... If you're willing to give 11p one of your priorities... J rather... my priority will be the dream of having ... do something like this in the Philippines. So whatever money I would take here I would put it in there. So he and l jrn;t latched clown on that when we first met. I ea.me to the stall a number of times talking about that and ... really to help me kinda shape how I'm actually gonna do this. Because I wanna wash this while I'm still here, before I go. So I have the money · I can p11sh money further, easier, and I have connections to make a.II of my friends feel guilty. That's the key: I have a lot of rich friends that don't know what to do with their money. They wanna give, they wanna do things, but they don't neceosarily want to get off their butt going out and do it. So I create oomething where they can actually see •it, physically, 'look at the difference it is making.' They would contribute to thio, so this is why I'm making tbat attempt to ...

In talking to .Jeremy, Rob helped him to make up his mind about how he wants to help the children of prostitutes in the Philippines. Resides the friendship that has grown between Rob and .Jeremy, the ma:rket itself also com­ municates the ideal of being just and fair to nature and the world. A lot of products - including Rob's teas -- are organically grown and imported under fair-trade rules. It is therefore, in contrast to what Winter argue;; (2003), not so much the 'locali::mtion' of products which are motives for customers Lo shop at Borough Market (see also Hinricho 2003), but rather, a;; I also experienced during Celia'o tour, the ethico of organic and fair-trade production. However, while it is the ethics of the market, in the sem;e of the market's traders, that attracts .Jeremy, he explaino that to most people visiting the market thio stays completely invisible.

You see a lot of this, like the idea of fair-trade and that ideology of, I mean ... It's really, the Robin Hood-syndrome. You've got people that are feeling really comfortable in their lives that these traders are in Louch with on a daily basis. I mean, you've seen this. I see it when I stand in the tea-stall where l help and sell tea from times to times. I watch the attitudes of people, that is very interesting to see. They don't really ... they don't connect with who is that on the other side of that table. They... It's completely zoned out, they just see tea. They don't rea.lise that ...

While many office people 'grab' a lunch in the market - one woman I spoke with explained to me that she considers the market to be an 'extension of her office' Jeremy, in contrast, is able to see the 'real essence' of the market, because he has found an entrance into the trader's world. Normally, Jeremy would try to go to the market for lunch of Friday, 'and Saturday I just go and pop in in the afternoon and spend 12 o' clock in the afternoon around. I always go for "rolmops.'"11 On one of these clays, he met Rob and started to help him out when he was packing up: 'when you stand there and just watch, I'd rather start helping them out. I just otartecl doing the otuff and they really appreciated iL' This has given Jeremy the possibility to experience the market in a new way:

I like watching the way that Rob buys things. He buys his tea, and that's true trade. It's pretty neat seeing thm;e kind of things.

One story Jeremy told me takes the ethics of the market further than the prod­ ucts and the producers they are dealing with. As Jeremy tells,

There's a guy that came around begging all the time and [Rob] said 'You know what, I'm not gonna give you any money, but you can work.' ... I wanna think of the good side of human nature. They're starting to make a living. Sometimes you don't know, it could be anyone .... [They also come to collect bread or anything that is left], which is what I think [traders] should be giving. Give them their bread, give them their produce, whatever ... I think it's great that they actually do that.

In Jeremy's world, the market is the product of a historical struggle for survival against the City. Moreover, the traders, which he considers the true part of the market in contrast to the customern - most of whom are city-worker according to Jeremy, who do not see what is going on - form a community based on connected ethical assumptiorn. It is this community of market tradern that Jeremy wishes, and feels, to be part of.

2.3 Going From the Market .. In both .Jemery's story and Celia's tour, a market is created by the experiences that actualised the space of the market. In other words, the sensation of the market's business, colourfulness, architecture and taste, b~1t also of the mar­ ket's hi:otory and ideologies of ethical - organic and fair-trade - consumption constructs meaningful links between its various actors. The web of meanings that actualises both .Jeremy's and Celia's story of the market-place can be tm­ derstood in terms of Appadurai's concept of 'scapes.' E~pcricnced within a global cultural fiow of people, ideas and meanings (Ifannerz 1996: 19, 101), the market reaches out to other ideals, places and times and allow1:> the cuc;torner of Borough Market to see the world through these scapes. As Appaclurai argues, these scapes are the building blocks of the imagined worlds (Appaclurai 1996: 3:l; B. Anderson 1991; Ramdas 1994: 35; Ferrero 2002: 196; Bestor 2001), or 'rescaled' worlds (Phillips 2006: 43) that are constructed out of the customers' story. Gbadamosi captures this beautifully when he describes how he sees 'in Brixton Market a rich detritus: a narrative connecting cabbage stump::> to oiled, glossy black hair aud young south London traders' accents to flirting pa.Lois

11 Rolmops is pickled herring rolled around pickled cucmnber.

39 of elderly west Indian ladies: a mixed diet for the cultures and identities it nourishes' (1994: 36). The fact that our stories about the market are always about a world of the market is expla.ined by Richardson, when he says that our exi:;tence is dependent on the world in which we exist. The very fact that we are capable of such dramatic shifts ::mggests that there is a symbiotic interdependence between the two modes, an interdependence aptly described by Heidegger as being-in-the-world. As a single, unitary phenomenon, being-in-the-world means that for us to be we m1rnt have a world to be in. We cannot otherwise exist. Yet "world" in not an external thing, existing apart from our actio11s and awaiting our entrance; but it is dependent upon our be·ing in. Through our actions, our interactions, we bring about the world in which we then are; we create so that we may be, in our own creations (1982: 421, italics in original). At the ::mme time that we freely create stories out of our experiences in the market, we are bound by our own presumptions, knowledge, creativity, in short, our imagination (Favero 2000). With regard to the above, people, although they can conceive ideas about other dimensions of the world through scapes, always experience their positions in the world from partial and local views. In contrast to what Ferrero argue:-;, the notion of 'scape:/ doe:-; not necessarily cha1lenges the idea of a 'centre' (Ferrero 2002: 196) . .Just as we created the Orient because the conditions enabled us to do so (Said 1979: 6, 202), we write :-;toriec; about the market because our experiences offer us the building blocks · the feelingc; and associations - of our world. However, even when we agree that space and time are social com;tructs emerging from our imagining of relation1:>, these spaces and tirnes do operate with the full force of objective facts (Harvey 1990; Favero 2003). In other words, although the Orient is a social construct made from onr ideas on relations to other cultures, it did have a real impact on the world. The story I create about the market is thus a real story, with real corrnequences in the world. Here, we move away from relfied notions of 'reality' and 'truth' and acknowledge, following Deleuze, that reality is perspectival and composed of different points of view (Favero 2007: 69; Foucault 1970). 'It it> no longer the 19th-century regime of the true that dominates' (Toom 1997), but the regime of repetition and difference, the regime of becoming. As Coles, while carefully observing Borough Market's daily routine, states, it io the blending of the imaginative and the material that allows the market to present itself as 'alternative.' Most significantly, he says, hand-drawn boards and price-labels link the products to a pre-industriali::;ecl, romanticised time, while words like 'pasta fresca' instead of 'fresh pasta' give the impression of being in Italy. The market's architecture as well a0 the pre1:>enta.tion of the in­ dividual stalls attribute to this understanding of a market which offors quality food, which is, thus, 'alternative' (Colei:i 2007). In terms of c;capes, then, the market is being related by essentiali1:>ing 1:>igniHers of 'the alternative' (Shaw, Bagwell & Kannowska 2004: 198:); Friedman 1994: 8; F~vero 2003: 556) to

40 other places and times which in turn affect the experience of the market. Tn the market, Sharp blurs the geography of by overcoming the clistance between Cumbria and London. The further one gets from England, moreover, the more abstract and less c;pecific the localisation become::;. Tea comes not from one particular plantation near Colombo in Sri Lanka, but from a.n imagined 'Ceylon.' In radical situations, where the 'alternative' i:o not recog­ ni:oecl as a signifier of a place or time, it is corniclered instead ac; fundamentally exotic and hence 'different.' People point to the plastic bags that hang above the fish stalls, wondering what it is, but assuming, a.t the same time, that it must be very '::>pecial' (see figure lOct). 12 As one girl exclaimed when she saw haggis in a Scottic;h stall: 'it's scary... it really is.'

Porta Palazzo Market In one particular case the working of scape:o is most visible. While the market is both 'organic' in Celia's tour and 'fair-trade' in Jeremy's story -- two of the ways the market is 'alternative' in Coles' oense the market has searched for a stronger, more material link with the 'traditional' market-place that it certainly is not. This was found in Emporion, a European network of market::; which wa::; erected in .January 2006. In Emporion, five mar­ kets La Boqneria in , Porta Palazzo in Turin, K ozponti V asarcsarnok in Budape::>t, the markets of Lyon and Borough Market - joined to contribute to the idea of a European identity based, among others things, on city-markets. lt is precisely in city-markets, according to Emporion, where the European culture a.rises out of interaction between the various peoples of Europe. City-markets, 'are a meeting point and an invigorating factor in urban areas, economically and socially, and are an identifying feature of the European way of life' (Emporion 2006). In Turin, the city-council has taken the Porta Palazzo market as the key-area in their regeneration project of the city's historical centre. In a EU co-founded project called The Gate - Living not Leaving (1996-2001), Turin aims at im­ proving the conditions of lifo and work in an area which demarcate::> the elegant centre from the impoverished neighbourhood of Aurora. (Urbact 2004; Torino 2008). By stressing that the market is a place not where an ethno-economic enclave exists (see, for example K. Anderson 1990), but a place where people from all over the world come and interact which ot.her people, the council argues that Porta Palazzo, as an urban laboratory, can trigger integration and cultural exchange (Singleton 2006). Port.a Palazzo, more internationally renamed in this project ac; The Gate, ohoulcl function as an ent.ra.nce-point for the integration of the people living in Turin.13 In line with what Andernon ha::> argued, Turin wants to create a 'cosmopolitan canopy,' where people rather than 'look past' other people -- can come to relax and to be open to the unknown 'other,' or, a.::> he calls it, a place where people can engage in watching people and hereby re-write their own folk-ethnographie;;. Because 'crnrnopolitan canopie::>' like the Porta Palazzo market allow people to get a more grounded knowledge nbout

12 This, I was told, was introduced in the market. by the Italians, to keep the flies away. 13 Similar projects occur in other places, for example the US (PPS 200:1).

41 (a) The Antica Tettoia dell'Orologio. (b) The organic market in Porta Palazzo.

Figure 11: Porta Palazzo market in Turin, Italy. others, Anderson predicts and the city of Turin hopes -- that new social pat­ terns and norms of tolerance will emerge among the various groups making up the city (E. Anderson 2004). With its four large buildings in each corner of the Piazza della Repubblica -- just a few steps from the Royal Palace -- and its thousand or so stalls that fill up every inch in between these buildings during six days a week, Porta Palazzo is Europe's largest market-place (Black 2005; Wallman, Golding, Ternstrom, Uherek & Bitusikova n.d.). Crowded with, mostly elderly, people from the minute it opens, the market seems a crucial point in the daily lives of many of Turin's inhabitants. The elegant Antica Tettoia dell'Orologio, the market's oldest building and today its main building, is hardly visible through the stalls and people in front of it, and no matter where you look, it is stalls that you will see. From fruit and vegetables, mostly in front of the Tettoia dell'Orologio, to clothes, household-ware and flowers, in the other three corners of the square, Porta Palazzo absorbs every visitor in its extremely narrow pathways. "Tutto per la bagna caoda" reads a hand-written sign in one stall. Beneath it, various kinds of vegetables provide the ingredients for this simple Piedmontese dish. With so many stalls, one would get lost if the market was not organised, as the city of Turin in general, in clear square blocks of crossing paths. The oc­ casional splendour of varieties of mushrooms that only Italians can distinguish is followed by yet another stall selling bright-red Sicilian tomatoes, deep-purple Sardinian prickly pears or white-salted cod, anchovies and capers. In line with Borough Market's products, Porta Palazzo offers fresh fruit and vegetables from Piedmont and the other Italian regions. In contrast, however, to Borough Mar­ ket, this market offers its food cheap, which attracts a certain kind of public but which discourages the typical Borough Market customer. As a woman who grew up near the market, Angela explains to me that Porta Palazzo might be the largest market in Europe, but it is also cheap and, as she seems to implicate, of bad quality. 'The tomatoes are from Holland, the mushrooms from Bulgaria and the vegetables are from Spain.' Not only are the products imported from foreign countries, which in an Italian context

42 Figure 12: Porta Palazzo, as a 'traditional' market, gives Borough Market le­ gitimate reasons to claim 'traditionality.'

is considered a negative fact, but also the traders are not trustworthy, as they claim to sell Piedmontese mushrooms while they are in fact, according to Angela. grown in Eastern Europe. In recalling childhood memories of a market that grew as the number of immigrants did too, Angela argues in a deeply serious tone that she does not need to go to any longer, for she can have the same experience of an Arabian market just a few steps outside of her door. Much of the meat that is sold in Porta Palazzo, she explains to me as a proof of her argument, is smoked, a way of conserving food that is unfamiliar to the Piedmontese region. Porta Palazzo, she stresses, is no longer an Italian market;

The have a different way of presenting their wares [e.g. care­ fully displayed in neat piles] and the Italian traders had to adopt this way now. Last time I ordered some of those beautiful fennels [e.g. the small and round ones which are called masculine], but the trader gave me ugly ones [e.g. flat, long, tough and leathery ones which are called feminine] which he took from behind the good-looking pile.

So, although the only international aspect of the market that is visible to me are the Asians who sells the - Italian design ~ clothes and the Middle Easterners who sell, just at the borders of the market, the herbs and necessary to complete an Italian dish, Angela stresses that one does not shop in Porta Palazzo to enjoy the atmosphere, nor to contribute to environmentally and ethically justified food-production even though I spotted a small organic market offering

43 local food dumped behind the main market building (see figure llb). Rather, Porta Palazzo is a market in the naive sense of the word, a place where people come to buy the food they cannot buy ebewhere, either for economic rea.som; or other as in the case of Sardinians, who find in Porta Palazzo their only place to buy 'real' Sardinian food. Despite the city's attempt, thus, Porta Palazzo is not (yet) a true 'cos­ mopolitan canopy.' However, it is in this way that Borough Market - through the organi:oation of Ernporion and more physically through a visit paid by Bor­ ough l\!larket traders to Porta Palazzo in October 2006 is connected t.o a place where people come to do their daily shopping, where they interact with other cultures not by being cosmopolitan but by being exiles (Hannerz 1996: 105). Even more literally, Leontis states that the term 'emporion' itself suggests 'not a. world of boundaries that separate but of routes that connect' (quoted in Cra.ng et al. 2003: 446, my emphasis). Through this gate, then, Borough Market's world would encompass the old man buying his celery stalks in Italy (see figure 12) and the old lady selling her spinach to her regular customers. The stories that a.re created in Borough Market are not univoca.l. Whereas Jeremy's market is ma.de up of childhood memories and fair-trade consumption, the market I engaged in during Celia's tour introduced me to a. place of organic, healthy food. The market's architecture reminds me of the market'" struggle with the City, while Ernporion suggest" that Borough Market b not so different from 'traditional,' 'real' markets. Not just a.re t:>pa.ces penetrated by distant social influences to form a. phantasrnagoric (Hannerz 1996: 26), rather, I started to see a market which was accessible through various 'routes,' various wa.yt1 of giving meaning to the market a.11 of which would change if I wa8 to follow them a.gain (Ha.nnerz 1980: 114). I started, thinking a.bout Wood's ideas of ornnitopia, to see the market as a fragmented spa.cc.

2.3.l Omnitopia Wood a.rgue8 that ornnitopia fundamentally alters our space by reshaping the relations by which we construct it. According to Wood (2003), the practice of ornnitopia creates more than an imagined community, because it i8 present in every aspect of life at the same time. Therefore, it can also not correspond to Fouca.ult's notion of heterotopia. A !though two principles that Foucault pro­ poses for 'heterotopology' relate to ornnitopia - 'the heterotopia is capable of juxtaposing in a. single rea.l place several spaces, several 8ites that are in thcm- 8elves incompatible' and 'heterotopiat1 a.re most often linked to slices in time which it> to say that they open onto what might be termed, for the tmke of sym­ metry, heterochronies' - heterotopia a.re fundamentally different from all other places, they a.re, in contrast to omnitopia, 'outside of all pla.ces' (Foucault 1967; sec a.bo Vee] 2003). Rather, Wood explains,

than evoke [hetcrotopia,] an imaginary locale or a. distinct place, omnitopia refiects the practice and perception of multiple locations being accessed through a oingula.r site. Put another way, ornnitopia

44 posits the shrinking of human geography into a singularity where any place becomes everyplace and every place is the same (Wood n.d.).

We must therefore also conclude that non-places in the way Auge uses the term a.re not the same as ornnitopia. Non-places occur, according to Auge, in a world of hyperrnodernity (1995: 28-29), a world that is characterised by an excess of time and space (Barnett 2005: 38) where cosmologies a.re individualised (Auge 1999: 59, 65). Jn other words, non-places occur where the experience of a. space looses its connection to the actual tirne and space it is in and creates new, creative and independent connection::; (see also Smart & Smart 2003). Jn this sense, non-places seem ,;imila.r to omnilopia; the excess of experiences that occurred during Celia's tour introduced me into a. new, unknown world. However, just as Fouca.ult's notion of heterotopia, Aug6's non-places a.re set outside of space (Eriben & D0ving 1992; l\ilacDona.ld 2001; Davidson 2003), Chey have 'neither identity, relation, nor hit>tory' (Auge 1999: ix) ·rather, non­ places a.re negative places (Osborne 2001: 187). Thornton eveh goes as far as to argue that in these conditions, places have died (1997). ·It is the fa.et, thus, that non-places are outside of space, that differentiates them from omnitopia. As a method for studying omniiopia, Wood offers various strategies by which omnitopia is marked: dislocation, conflation, fragmentation, mobility and mu­ tability. All a.re characteristics of omnitopia, but not all have to occur in the same instance (Wood 2005). While walking through the market, I reEtlisecl that T could identify ea.eh of the strategies mentioned.

Conflation and Fragmentation The smell of fresh basil which attracted me in the first place and the statement that the scallops a.re hand-dived in order not to ha.nn the sea-life both add to my experience of the market. Here two separate worlds a.re merged into a. single whole. 14 It crea.te8 a. space where food is linked to the environment, to environmentally conscious cornmmption. In Jeremy's case, the historical site of the market creates his market only by means of a. connection with the ethical behaviour of the traders. He fusee; the experience of the market with is daily life. In other words, his market is one that has two distinct worlds combined in it. When l walk through the market and see the Pa.rmesa.n trader standing next to a. South American cbili-pepper trader, I not only think of any posNible dish I can make with PEtrmesan and chili, but I create a. new link between the cheese and the . Through the cheese and the spice, furthermore, l create a con­ nection between the countries and the people that I Etssocia.te with it. ln terms

14Many cost.umers go even further by merging different food-items into a single sandwich. One boy walked by a stall selling different kinds of French cheeses while eating a sandwich which he just bought at the market. As all other foods at the market, this sandwich was carefully composed to give the consumer just the right taste experience. However, when seeing all these samples of cheeses ready to try, t.he boy could not resist picking up one sample of sweet blue cheese and putting it into his sandwich, literally merging the tastes. More surrealistic even was one woman happily combining a strawberry-flavomecl ice-cream with a piece of strong smelling French cheese.

45 of Appadurai't> deterritoriafoation (Appadurai 1996), I alter the ;;cope of the market by experiencing distinct and separate phenomena at> one. My experi­ ence creates multiple horizon8 of possibilities. In the market, Scottish t>moked duck goes perfectly well with a 1:>melly French chee1>e. And while I am here, I can ju1>t as well buy a piece of organically produced cbocolate. 'The production of locality,' ao Appadurai arguet>, 'is as much a work of the imagination as a. work of material t>ocial construction' (Appadura.i & Mulder 2002: 34; see abo Lind & Barham 2004: 49). So our firnt 1>trategy of omnitopia, conflation, not just deterritoriali::;es the market by creating a fragmented scope of products, peoples and experiences, but it also re-territorialises the market by merging tbese variom; experiences in one whole. Conflation in Wood\, terms is therefore the e;;;;ential counterpart of his second otra.tegy, fragmentation (Wood n.d.). It is also a nece1>sary relati1Je deterritiorialisation in Deleuze';; term;; a deterritorialisation that, in contra.Bt to absolute deterritorialioation, always involves re-territoriali::;a.tion (Delcmm & Guatta.ri 1988: 10). The market takes .Jeremy out of London to bit> youth of beef-ca.ttling and at the ::;a.me time it ta.ket> him back in the market where his memories are merged witb a Scottish stall, oysters and fair-trade tea. At Loch CJ Glen, for example, people often recall memorie::; of their time spent in Scotland. They look at all the products they have eaten on their holiday or in their youth, and are willing to talk to the traders about the beauty of Scotland and the Scottish food. ln order for re-territorialit>ation to be po;;;;ible, the fragmentt> of ideas and experiences that are evoked by the market need to be anchored down in a unified whole, an experience of the market which is more than an imagined space - it i;; a lived space. In the market, this re-territoriali.~ation evolves around the concept of food, but food is never just consumable matter an sich. By referring to the dinner in whicb Lewis Carroll's Alice takes part, Deleuze ;;how;; that there is no strict boundary between what consumes and what is consumed; 'you either eat what is presented to you, or you a.re presented to what you eat.' Indeed, it is only in the event that a difference between the consumer and the consumed appears. 'And thus,' Dolphijn argues, we should note that matter never is food; it becomes food. Any matter never is the eater; it becomes the eater whenever the matter has the ea.pa.city and the ability to be affected in that particular way (Dolphijn 2004: 17). In Borough Market, food has just this ability to affect the customer in a way that allows for an anchored re-territorialisation, or conflation. Numerous large screens are cli8played in the market which all relate food to something else, hereby connecting every experience through food. The screern directly or indirecLly mention food, and every screen relate;:; food to wmething which has an accepted sta.tu:s, like poetry or science. One screen even a.:-;:-;ociate::> food with sexuality, giving the customer not only the feeling of being a scientific, cultural and creative pernon, but also :-;exuaJly attractive while shopping at Borough Market. It is common for people to go to the market as if they were going to

46 (a) William Shake- (b) Mae West speare

Figure 13: Screens at Borough Market linking food with poetry, play-write (13a), science, literature, haut-cuisine, politics, family-life and sexuality (13b).

a museum-gallery or a theatre. They take their friends and exhibit their good taste (Bourdieu 1989), not only for food, but also, by the association of food with other respected practices, for literature, history, botany and the like. The screens in the market, thus, act to conflate all the fragmented experiences. This fragmenting and conflating process of de- and re-territorialisation cre­ ates a space which is, as Deleuze argues, without precise limits (quoted in Chao 2003: 87). My experience does not stop when I arrive at the organically pro­ duced chocolate. Instead, I see a man selling nduja, a spicy Calabrian sausage, which reminds me of my previous fieldwork in Sardinia. I get the feeling that Sardinia must be close by, so I start walking through the market in search of pecorino. As I expected, I find a stall selling products from Sardinia in the Three Crown Square. However, the man selling it is Spanish, and speaks a kind of broken English. As I walk through the market, I constantly reshape it as my experiences change; each small experience can become linked to others in an unlimited number of different ways (Toorn 1997). As Helmreich argues, 'everything is always under construction ... [i]n this empire of words and things, territorialisation, deterritorialisation, and reterritorialisation never end' (2003: 33). The market I create is therefore without limits (see also Cook 2006: 657), because my experiences of the market change constantly as I make new connec­ tions. When I step outside of the covered Three Crown Square to the Green Market, located underneath the railway-bridges, I feel like I am in another market, a market which is radically different from the rest of Borough Market, yet at the same time it attributes to my experience of the market. As Ken Greig explained about this part of the market, it is

[a] bit like a continental market, or a French market. I think that's unique, because you're underneath the railway, the bridge, but you're also adjacent to a very wonderful, a kind of great one mystic build-

47 Figure 14: In White Cross Street Market all the stalls are clearly separated and distinguishable (no conflation) and they do form a closed unity by equal shape and display (no fragmentation).

ing, which is Southwark Cathedral, which used to be the local parish church. It's quite ... it got a very strong sense of identity, I think. In contrast to other food-markets in London - like White Cross Street Market (see figure 14) also the stalls themselves do not seem to have limits (conflation), nor do they seem to be a unity (fragmentation). 15 Nowhere can I identify a point where the Scottish stall ends and the Orcadian stall begins. Both stalls use chilled displays, vitrines, and offer vacuum packed products from parts of Scotland. Moreover, the traders constantly walk back and forth between the two stalls, making it difficult for customers to understand whether this is one stall or two. Customers anticipate to this by buying several foods from different stalls with just one trader. For example, someone buys organic smoked salmon in the Scottish stall and smoked peppered mackerel from the stall selling products from the Orkney islands while ordering it together at one of the, randomly chosen, stalls. However, at the same time various stalls at the m.arket seem to differ in aspects that makes me feel like I am in a different market, just as various parts of the market, as Ken Greig explained above, seem to be different from each other. At Loch €3 Glen, the traders wear gloves before cutting the smoked salmon into small pieces which they distribute among the customers. The traders at Boerenkaas, moreover, clean their hands with alcohol soaked paper every fifteen minutes. The trader at De Calabria, however, does not have alcohol; he does

150ne important difference between Borough Market and White Cross Street Market is, of course, the fact that the former partially takes place inside a permanent building, while the latter does not. The Covered Market of Oxford, however, bears similarities to Borough Market in terms of architecture; however, this market is also highly organised in almost equal-sized blocks, offering people to enter the market in a clear way from all sides, and it also shows no sign of conflation or fragmentation.

48 Figure 15: Two stalls who differ from other stalls in the way they treat hygiene (fragmentation) and who fuse into one in the way they offer similar products in a similar way (conflation). In this picture, the trader of Orkney Rose stands behind the stall of Loch CJ Glen; the trader of Loch CJ Glen is away, leaving the other trader with two stalls to cover and leaving the customer with an impression of only one stall.

not even use a glove when preparing his samples. Rather, instead of evoking an image of hygiene, he tries to give the customer a feeling of a 'true,' 'authentic,' and as is accepted within this, a somewhat 'dirty' stall where, therefore, the products are also 'true' and 'authentic.' On a higher level, the market also seems to be different from its surrounding area as well as fusing into it at the same time. As I noticed during my con­ versation with Jeremy, the market, because the deterritorialisation is relative and always involves a re-territorialisation, seems to merge with the surrounding area. Various pubs, restaurants and shops in the area explicitly make reference to the market. In other cases, activities arise near the market with similar inter­ ests, making the area like one large market (see figure 16). Some traders of the Borough Market, moreover, also trade in other markets, like White Cross Street Market, where they are recognised by customers as 'Borough Market traders.'

Dislocation, Mobility and Mutability At the same time, the market of­ fers, as I experienced during Celia's tour, a unique space in London which cannot be found anywhere else. Even the market's history, as I read in the archives, shows a conflict with the City. In this sense, the market works to fragment the area by Wood's third strategy, dislocation. By entering the market, I stay in

49 (a) The words 'Borough (b) Neal's Yard Dairy in (c) Further down Stoney Market' are spelled above Park Street also uses the Street Vinopolis, Brew the restaurant Ta pas words 'Borough Market' to Wharf Yard and Wine Brindisa, which also has a claim being part of it (here Wharf seem to be part stall inside the market (in also, the owner has a big in­ of Borough Market (they fact, the owner of Brindisa fluence in the market and have, however, no formal has a big influence in the the Trustees own the build­ relation to the markeL). market and this building ing). is property of the market's Trustees).

Figure 16: Conflation in the Borough Market area.

London and in Southwark, but I also enter a radically different space, a dislo­ cated space. I encounter Neal's Yard Dairy and Monmouth Coffee, two shops that I know from Monmouth Street and Neal's Yard in Camden. While South­ wark houses a large part of London's African and African-Caribbean people (Mackintosh 2005; Dobbs & Goldblatt 2006), they do not in general come to Borough Market. Because of the recent developments in Bankside, of which the market is an important element, prices of houses and rents went up quickly and many people who used to live in this area of Southwark had to move further south. This is represented in the market by a total absence of African traders; while there are traders from all over the world, not a single stall represents African or African-Caribbean gastronomy. In this sense, it is clear that the market is dislocated from the area and even stimulates a further dislocation of Bankside from the Borough of Southwark. Moreover, Borough Market stands out because it does not fit the category of 'markets' in London. Covent Garden, in the centre London, although it looks like a market, is in fact a mere touristic place (see figure 17a), while , to the east of the City, invokes the image of a , with cheap products and stolen bikes (see also Mann & Pfeiffer 2006). White Cross Street Market, on the other hand, looks hygienic and clean because every trader has its own white tent in which he presents his products. Marylebone Market, in the more expensive west-side of London, is very similar to White Cross Street Market. Lewisham Market sells mainly fruit and vegetables and is very inexpensive. , on the other hand, evokes a feeling of quality, but not of food. This market, in the centre of the City, is small and mostly used as a place to have a drink after work (see figure 17b). , again, attracts people who want to buy cheap products mostly clothes (see figure 17c). , then, seems to resemble Borough Market a

50 (a) Covent Garden (b) Leadenhall Market

(c) Petticoat Lane Market (d)

Figure 17: Markets in London.

bit. However, this market is architecturally as well as culturally divided into two very different parts. One part is more like a classic market, selling mostly LP's and CD's and occasionally food to eat right away. Here, in contrast to Borough Market, is a common phenomenon. This part is divided from the second part by a section of trader selling cheap clothes. The second part is very modern, with only restaurants and attracting mainly office people. However, different than in Borough Market, the office people at Spitalfields Market do not go to the market part; here, one only finds people alone, searching for their favourite music. In terms of food the famous Harrods seems to approach Borough Market. The main difference is, however, that the people who sell the food in Harrods are 'just' employees without any connection to the food they are offering. This is made explicitly visible by the animals that are part of Harrods decoration: they are, as opposed to Borough Market, made from plastic (see figure l7d). Finally, then, the market that I visited which comes closest to Borough Market would be a market that is not in London: Florance's San Lorenzo market. Like Borough Market, it is situated in a history-loaden building and area, serving the richer inhabitants of the city fresh, organic, international and expensive food (see figure 18). Once I am inside this dislocated space of Borough Market, I loose even

51 (a) Here, like Turnips in Borough Market (b) This trader communicates 'quality' and (see figure 5b), a Garden of Eden is re­ 'authenticity,' like the tomato-trader in Bor­ created. ough Market (see figure 5a), by offering his products in a marble stand.

(c) Like Borough Market, sampling is custom in San Lorenzo.

Figure 18: San Lorenzo market in Florance, Italy.

52 more the connections to the outside world. The architecture presents, as Ken Greig explained, an historical pa.rt of the old City to me, while the rest of the market has deep links with Southwark. The moment I step ii1side, moreover, the 1-3igns indicating where all the various attractions in Southwark and Ba.nksicle are located a.re replaced by the market's own auto-referentia.l sign-system. No reference exists in the market to other places in Banksicle, let alone London. This sign-system could not prevent, however, that Borough JV!arket is a difficult place for people to navigate. As one customer explains: 'Every time l come here, I get lost.' Every Lime a customer goes to Borough Market, he gets cli::;connected from the area and fincb hiim;clf wandering through the market's pathways. From the market's gates at , the observant cu:oLomer will notice white footprints painted on the floor. When I follow these footprints straight ahead, I arrive in the Middle Row (see figure 2 again), where the white feet turn left, to Stoney Street. From here, they take me underneath the portico of the Floral Hall and via the two fruit and vegetable traders Booth and Turnips back to the Middle Row, where I go left, to Bedale Street. Walking in the di­ rection of Cathedral Street, the footprints take me finally to the Jubilee Market - the, by this time, closed wholesale market. Even more confm;ed than I was before, these footprints - as I learn later, they were pa.in tee! to lea.cl people to the wholesale market during the spring wholesale promotion in 2007 and who, as a trader tells me, 'didn't really work' had the effect of blurring the fragile map I was making in my head. The internal references and the footprints in the market which support the market's dislocation from the area. also works as Wood's fourth strategy: mobil­ ity. The signs create a movement in the market, a circulation of people, where in ::;ome places they can move while in other places they are slowed clown, as in a 'bottle-neck' effect which is appearent in Three Crown Square. Here, a woman in a wheel-chair stops by a. Scottish stall informing about 'ordinary ml!::;tard.' The trader at the Scottioh stall explains to the woman that they only sell Scot­ tish honey-mirntard with whisky, but that there is also a Scandinavian stall in the market selling normal mustard. However, this stall i::; only open on Saturday - and today i::; a Tlmrnday. 'Ab!' the woman sighs, 'than I have to run over even more people! Today I already ran over one person and I can't run over all of your cu::;tomers, can I?' Especially on a Saturday, the market is ::;o bt1sy that the bottle-neck effect prevents wheel-chairs in the market. Upon trying a little bit of the Scottish wild-garlic ::;auce, the woman decides that 'this will do as well,' and she buys a bottle. Indifferently, however, of the good memory of the customers, every time they come back to the market at least some stalls have changed position. The market, of courne, is built up every weekend, whereby traders change their positions often. The Green Market totally disappears during the week, while the Three Crown Square, with the exception of the passing street, clo::;es. This movement of customers as well as traders in the market creates a feeling of mobility and, consequently, one of mutability, Wood's last strategy. M11,iabiliiy creates a perception of change and hence a place of potentiality. Every time a customer goes to the market, it i8 different. In a way, then, the market resembles

53 Bauman'::> city, in which 'traffic is daily re-routed and street names are liable to be changed without notice' (quoted in Favero 2003: 553). When, one clay, I am looking in the market for Simona's Antica Farmacia, a ::>tall selling products from Italian monks, I don't find it anymore. I am sure that it u::>ed to be on the eastern part of Three Crown Square every Friday ancl Saturday. However, since Simona decided to open also on Thursdays, she has her ::>tand now ::>ometimes on the west part of the square. On the eastern part, now, is a stall with wooden basket8 and dried salrnage8 on large iron hooks. It. is only when I look clo::;er and read the cards of the products that 1 recognise this ::;tall as Villanova, the stall that u::ied to be in the Green Market and that sells organically produced Sardinian ::>pecialities. Not only have they changed position, they also redecorated their stall, leaving me in a market which l have to discover all over again. For the longer term, Ken Greig predicts:

if you come back in another ten yearn it will look quite different. And in another twenty yearn, you know, it may not be anything the same. Nothing stays the 8ame for very long, does it?

Abruptly, then, a loud noi::>e come::; from above me. For a moment, I am pulled out of my market tour and start thinking what this sound could be. Then I rea.lbe: it's the train that runs acrrn;s the market. Every train leaving westwards goe::; acros::i the market, cutting not only the market in parts, but breaking the experience::; of the customers in the market. The railway-bridge, according to Ken Greig, creates sounds which give the market. a kind of 'pop and grid,' a. kind of 'unique, :subterranean kind of atmosphere.' In Borough Market, situated just beneath the level of the London Bridge, you are neither underground, nor above the ground, but standing in a loud, busy and famous space which resemble:;, for a. moment, a construction site; 'you feel like you're really part of something bigger,' as Ken says. After a. while, when the :;ound ha::; gone, I go back to my thoughts a.bout the market again. The railway has taken me for a moment out of t11e market, it has mutated the market as I wa::; in it. 16 In the market'::; history, the Gharing Cross/ South Eastern Railway-company was yet another party that corntantly has frustrated the market's flourishing. Already in 1863 the company took a part of the once so beautiful market's 'Globe' and a pa.rt of the market'::; land. The Trustees, of course, protested against this. As Joseph Gatey, a lawyer to which the Trustees direcLed their complaints, summari::;e::i the Tnrntees' stand in a letter, the railways operated in an 'unreasonable manner.' In the process of building the railway-bridge, namely, the company had build permanent structurec; on lands that the Trustees own. Alfred Thompson, of the company's estate-rent office, writes on the 26th of ,July 1895 in a reaction to the Trustee:o that 'J think £1000 would be a most liberal smn for the Company to pay and I am therefore not prepared to recommend any increase on that amount.' In the end, however, the entire Globe is removed aml

16 Bestor, in telling his story on Tokyo's, and the world's, largest fish-market, also ment.ions the noise as one of the key sensory elements (in White 2005: 30l).

54 although several new ones are being proposed, no new one is build. The railway company pays the market a compensation of £17,000 in total and rebuilds the parts of the market - except for the Globe - which were destructed during the construction of the bridge. As Ken Greig elaborates, You've got a kind of old, sort of eighteenth century roofo, diagonal roofs and everything else. That was based on the building:::: that were there before. Then the railways came through and smashed every­ thing down. And all the old roof~::;tructurcs now that you see arc actually railway engineering-structures, 'cause they replaced what they took away. And what they took a.way wa.8 much grander than it is now. It was in essential at the entrance to the restaurant Roast, in between Turnips and the fish-stall. That central 8pa.ce used to be a big dome, a big glass dome. It was a lot more formal. And then there were buildings within the market, which had ::;hops at ground­ floor level with basement-stores ... , and then offices and sometimes a little bit residential probably, illegally above. And they were bro­ ken down by the railways, and they were just demolished into the basement. Nowadays, the market a.gain faces problems with the the railway::;. In or­ der to connect cities north of London to cities south of London via the City's Thameslink Station, it is proposed that the existing bridge over the market is widened. In order to realise this, parts of the market as well as some historical buildings in the area have to be demolished. Many people who live in the area or who shop in the market therefore support a campaign which aims to save the area around the market. This, however, bad no effect and the market will soon be a construction place, whereby the traderc; a.re forced to"'trade in the whole­ ::;a]e part of the market. The market, tlm::;, constantly change::; - of which the coming of the railway::;, according to Ken Greig, is probably one of the biggest contributors (see, for an impre::;sion, figure 19). After walking through the market and listening to the variou::; storie:o of Celia and Jeremy and othern, it becornes clear to me that every strategy of Wood'::; concept of omnitopia occurs in the market. The experience of the market is broken up into variou:o part::; and brought back again into a whole. Tn this proce::;s, separate experiences arc merged into one, creating an experience of the market that is clearly detached from it::; surrounding area but also connected to its chaotic past. While I am in the market, I deconstruct it and con:otruct something new, something which is dynamic and changing. According to this, I mrn;t conclude that Borough Market must be an instance of omnitopia. As Wood argues (Wood 2003: 325), omnitopia blurs De Certeau's concept of space, with which we have started this section. Wood refers to this concept of space as being a singular place, while omnitopia is a matrix of spaces. However, omnilopfo i::; in fa.et nothing more that just this concept of De Certeau. Space, as [ use it here following De Certeau, is the dynamic meaningful connection of spaces. These spaces, in turn, a.re also the dynamic meaningful connection of ::;paces, which are the dynamic meaningful connection of spaces, and so forth. As

55 (a) The original market's dome in ea. 1860 (b) A plan (ea. 1869) for rebuilding the dome (Source: Nicholson et al. 2007). (Source: archives).

(c) A plan (3 August 1894) for rebuilding the (d) The present market with the railway- roof (Source: archives). bridges in Bedale Street.

(e) The market before the new railway con- (f) Impression of the market after the new structions (Borough High Street) (Source: railway constructions (Source: www.london- www.london-sel.co. uk/news/view /2437). sel.co.uk/news/view /2437).

Figure 19: Borough Market and the railways.

56 such, omnitopia is just another layer on this process, but it i;; not fundamentally different. The concept of omnitopia helps to deepen our understanding of space, because ornnitopia is space, and every ;;pace not every place ~ i;; an ornnitopos; it is an omnipresent, ever-changing matrix of possible relations, through scapes, of spaces.

2.3.2 Melissa's Tactical Tour in a Double-Faced Market-Place The relational spaces that create the market do not only reach 011t to the past and the future or the nearby and the far away. Not only detaches the market's space itself from its surrounding8, breaking itself up in variom; parts and rear­ ranging these parts in new, creative ways. The market's space alw reaches the imaginative, incorporating pure thought in its body. As Melissa, a young woman and shopper in the market, tells me, she was attracted to Dorough Market in the first place because of the movie Bridget Jones' Diary, which is partially shot around the market. She did not know the market before and she was not 1rned to shopping in markets regularly, but, as happens with other customer:-; as well, she changed her ideas about markets once she entered Borough.

Working in the City mearn that you work in a very busy area. The market is also busy, b11t in a different rnanner. Not only is the food amazing, but the "hustle and bustle" is a different bu:::yness than in the City,

Melissa explains to me. I agree with her, and rec;i,ll my memory of one of my first visits to the market, when l was walking through the market and got lost in its strange and chaotic paths which intersect in ways that seem totally illogical. 1 overheard a woman complaining bow awful a shopping experience this was. The market is really a mess, Ken Greig admits,

[b]ecause markets are quite intense in what they use of bits of space. And all the small businesses within markets are all fighting for a position and competing with each other.

This, indeed, 'makes it vibrant and interesting,' according to Ken. The experience of Borough Market as an illogica.l, me;,;sy space forces you to step outside your normal pattern of organised shopping. Thi;,; means, as Melissa insists, that Borough Market needs an active approach. As a customer, you not only create relations between different aspects of the market and the market's scapes, but you also have to accept the fad. that not all relations that you create can co-exist. It is the job of the customer to move around in a fragmented and mobile space which is also chaotic, missing certain linlrn or consisting of conflicting relations. Im:tea.cl of forcing these experiences into a coherent whole, customers are able to experience a non--logical, non ,'lingular market.

57 Shopping in the Market When Melissa goes to the market, she either goes for shopping or she goes with friends. These two occasions are totally different and unrelated to each other. In fact, one could question if she goes to the sarne market on these two occasion::;. When Melissa goes shopping, she makes sure she is in the market at 8.80 i\M, that is, half an hour before opnning time. Decat1se she arrives early, she can choose all the best quality food before someone else lmys it. Although Melissa does not have a plan before she goes to Borough Market, she is confident that the market itself will provide her with good ideas and all the necessary products. If she organises a dinner party, Melis:oa goe::; to the market with certain expectation::; of what to buy. On on other times, she docs not buy 'methodologically'; ;;he buys what looks nice that clay and let her lead by the market. This way of dealing with food was such an important change in Mclissa's life, that she has recently moved to an apartment clm;e to the market so that she can visit it more frequently and more easily. Now she enjoys going to the market and prepare a nice dinner in the weekends. It is hard work, still, to orientate in a market like Borough and the best things are gone very fast, so Melissa will not tolerate any distraction when she is shopping. She always goes alone and hopes to discover new things. The discovery she experiences in Dorough Market is one that t:>he cannot experience in any other market or in a supermarket, because the products that are for sale there are always the same. Moreover, if there would be any products in a supermarket that Melissa is not familiar with, ::;he would have no reason to trust the quality and good flavour that attribute to their products, even though ::;upermarkets will offer products of which the origin is guaranteed via labels like appellation d 'origine controlee or denominazione di origine controllata (Parrott, Wilson & Murdoch 2002: 243; see also Ilbery, Morris, Duller, JV!aye &. Knea.faey 2005; Ma.ye & Ilbery 2006). In Borough Market, on the other hand, ::;he can freely buy whatever she sees, becau;;e she trust::> the traders in that they would never sell anything of les::> quality (Plattner 1989a.: 209; Prigent-Simonin & Herault-Fournier 2005). The pork-pies, ::>o the trader claim::>, are hand-made by himself, and when Melissa considers buying a piece of pecorino, the trader explains to her that it b indeed much healthier than ordinary Parrne::;an chee::;e, because sheep-milk is more easily digesta.ble. l\folissa, thus, not only shops for products, but abo for knowledge aboui products (Appadurai 1986: 54; Barth 2007: 15), which is, in contrast to what classical economic theory suggests, not irrational in terms of profits (Plattner 1989b: 211), beca1me it keeps Melissa from making purchases which ::;be will later regret. As Geertz already noted with regard to the bazaar, the search for knowledge is the 'matter upon which everything turns' (Geertz 1978: :30; see also Fanselow 1990). This need to know about the origins of food, Cook, Crang and Thorpe immediately argue, is followed by an impulse to forget. Once home after shopping, by bracketing off the knowledge of the origin of the food, the pernonal autonomy is reestablished (1D98: 165). Hence, this 'forgetting' of part::; of the knowledge gained in the process of, for example, shopping i:o, according to Favero, 'counterprocluctive to the creation of dialogue a.cross cult.urn! borders'

58 (2007: 72). Indeed, the East Company in 1701 was proud to report that 'we taste the spices of Arabia yet never feel the scorching sun which brings them forth' (Belasco 2002: 8-9). The same is true, of course, of tbe present day food-industries. As Edward East remarks,

Today one sits down to breakfast, spreads out a napkin of Irish linen, opens the meal with a banana from Central America, follows with a. cereal of Minnesota sweetened with the product of Cuban cane, and ends with a Montana lamb chop and cup of Brazilian coffee. Our daily life is a trip around the world, yet the wonder of it gives us not a single thrill. We are obliviom; (in Belasco 2002: 9):

However, at the moment of the purchase, while in the mar}cet, Melissa happily consumes new knowledge and in addition she likes to engage in a place of 'fair­ trade' and 'organic production.' 'Lately I bought c;ome beautiful mushroomc; which I had never seen before,' Melissa explains, 'and I decided to make pasta.' In the 'traditional' idea of a market the quality of food is often thought of to be better than in the supermarket (Szmigin, Maddock & Carrigan 2003; Vignali­ Ryding, Garcia Sanches & Vignali 2003; Archer, Garcia Sanchez, Vigna.Ii & Chaillot 2003), because the products are fresher and the traders arc familiar with what they sell. Supermarket;;, which arc the exact opposite of marketplaces (Plattner 1989b: 174), are thought of to have originated abroad, mostly in the US, like the Whole Foods Market-chain, and are therefore not in a position to offer good food. Visually, this distinction with supermarkets i::; often made explicit by the way the tradern organise their products. As I encountered during Celia's tour, traders can either simulate a Garden of Eden or a preciom; rarity. The traders at Real France, for example, create an image of a true, 'allthentic' marketplace by presenting their various kind;, of high quality butter in one big, imperfectly shaped piece, rather than, as one would find in the 8Upermarket, neatly wrapped portions. More interesting, still, is the fact that although some traders do present their products in exact the same way as you would find them in a supermarket, for example the vacuum-packed smoked salrnon at Loch 8 Glen, customern would still experience the salmon from Loch f'j Glen as radically different than the ones they usually see in the supermarket. In the market, they consume, indeed, a shared belief in 'simulacrum' 17 (Baudrillard 1994) or, because the concept of simulacra always involves a relation with the real, 'authentic' world, 'phantasm' (Favero 2003: 576), which, according to Deleuze, \;hows more things, tells more stories at the i:;ame time' (quoted in Favero 2000: 9).18 Moreover, this idea of a market also introduces the concept of 'bargaining,' an event where both the customer and the trader engage in to find a good price for their proclucti:;. As De la Pradelle has shown for a southern French market

17 Favero, in discussing tourists' experiences of the midnight sun in North Cape, suggrnts t.o invert Baudrillard's concept of 'simulacra,' where, instead of a copy substituting the real, the real itself becomes a sign (Favero 2000: 8). 18 More extreme is the case whore 'alternative' production is and l(J{iks exactly the same as regular production; it is only experienced differently (Sonnino & Marsden 2006).

59 (2006: 166, 170), bargaining is today only an aspect that occurs in the market to add to an image of the traditional marketplace. At Borough Market, no real bargaining is done, only what De la Praclelle has labelled 'p:c;eudobargaining'; the event of bargaining functions here to give the customer an entrance to start a conversation with the trader. This conversation, then, shifts attention quickly front the price to other ac;pects of the market or subjects not. related to Lhe market at all. What remains is the experience of interacting with the traders. So Melissa not only tru::;ts the traders of Borough Market, tna.king it poc;sible for her to try new food-items, she also likes to socialise with them. She want::; to know the traders and through that., like Jeremy, she wants to become pa.rt of Borough Market and a wider network of 'honest' and 'worldly' people her,;e]f. When Melissa shops at the market, she creates a story in which c;he can perform acts of 'cosmopolitanism' (see also Besnier 2004; Phillips 2006), The world she engages in links her, without leaving London (Molz 2007: 80; Soderstrom 2006: 556), to various places, peoples and beliefs. Each product and each trader at Melistm.'s market comes from an identified elsewhere (Pradelle 2006: 129; Ver­ boeket 2006: 20), to which rohe can relate not by becoming a trader, but by simulating a social relation with the traders (Hannerz 1996: 109). Cosmopoli­ tanism, therefore, does not overcome the classical dichotomies between local and global or traditional and modern (Robbins 2007: '19; see a.lr:;o Morley 2001: 430). Rather, cosmopolitans draw links between the various elements in a world where locality and globa.lity, or traditionality and modernity occurs. Ferrero explains that 'in transnational consumer societies the market be­ comes the mirror of what consumers are, wha.t they wa.nt to be, and wba.t they can become.' In :ohort, then the market 'become::; the arena where individuals build up new social spaces for themselves' (2002: 195). In Melissa's case, this is mostly done through food, by which she expresses who 8he i:; and what she wants to be (Belasco 2002: 2), making a visit to the market at the same time in­ tensely personal a.nd thoroughly public (Cook et al. 1998: 162). In the market, Melissa is able to act 'cosmopolitan. '

Doing the Market Next to shopping at the market, Melissa also 'does' the market. When her family comes over from Australia. or when she invites friends, she often takes them to the Borough Market. In these occasions, Melissa. goes a.round 2 PM, when the market is at its busiest. This time, according Lo her, best shows the real experience of the ma.rket. Everywhere are people and all the stalls and shops are crowded. Around this hour, it is impossible to do shopping, so Melissa usually scrolls clown the market and ends up queueing for a sandwich somewhere, while she enjoys being in the market with friends (see figme 20). Here, Melissa does the market as a tourist. Important during these occasions, however, is to show her friends that 8he i:; pa.rt of this great market. By briefly and nonchalantly greeting some of the traders, she likes to show her involveness and hence her sta.tm> in socio-cultural terms ( Appa.durai 1981). 19 More exp lie-

19 Until now, however, she has never actually spoken to a trader nor greeted one during her strolling with friends.

60 Figure 20: The 'hustle and bustle' that Melissa enjoys when she 'does' the market in the afternoon.

itly, many people who come to Borough Market carry with them transparant plastic shopping bags through which everyone can see how ecologically justified they are with their fresh potatoes and turnips - both old-fashioned vegetables they never eat - or with their hessian cloth shopping bags - sometimes even bought at Tesco or Sainsbury's - out of which long vegetables like leek and carrots, especially bought for the occasion, appear, hereby demonstrating their involveness in environmental-friendly practices which are associated with the market. Both the shopping bag and Melissa's greetings to the traders are signs of insider status in the market. This shows that the atmosphere is one of the reasons that Melissa has for going to the market during the day. What Melissa consumes in the market is an ongoing process rather than a momentary act of purchase (Crewe 2000: 280). As De la Pradelle also found, [t]he market crowd, i.e., the necessary co-presence of a multitude of individuals ignorant of each other's identity, is not merely an ele­ ment of the setting, not merely a framework or backdrop for market relations. Most specialised analyses concentrate on the buyer-seller relation, relegating the situation of being "elbow to elbow" and the pleasure of "mingling in the crowd" to the relatively uninteresting status of "context." ... The crowd, the massive presence of an anony­ mous Other, is thus a feature internal to the market relations, not merely a contextual one, a kind of surrounding atmosphere (2006: 190-191; see also Applbaum et al. 1998).

61 So the fact that the market is chaotic, that it b, in the words of Ken Greig, a mess, is not only jm;t interesting, as he suggested above, but alw inherent to markets. As Sennet remarks, 'disturbance will infuc:e value into experience' (quoted in Favero 2003: 551). Also in the New Delhi Janpath market, Favero observes that it ic: the chaotic character of the market that attracts cuc:tomers (Favero 2003: 554). Greig continuec: convincingly: You can apply a certain lawfulness to [markets], bnt in the end they are quite lawless - which is the thing that has always been, in a lot of respects, quite attractive about marketa and •probably even more so today .. . Take the supermarkets, and regular convenience big c;tores and stuff like that with proper parking and everything, it's all a bit boring really. But people come to the market for a very much different experience. And I think in a market, like ::>uch ;i,:o Borough, they get different experiences at a number of levels. You get different experiences from the kind of trader':-> perspective, which is, most of the traders vary strong in their interec:ts in what they're doing. Not always just from an income point of view, but also from a lifestyle point of view. A lot of thern are producer-traders, or catering-traders that supply restaurant bm;inesse:,; and so on. No, they 're not just buying something and selling that at the market. They ustia.lly put quite a lot of them into their business. And for consumers' point of view, you get quite a good expertbe, so you're buying something, but you're also actually getting something with what you buy, which is [the trader's] speciality. It's a social space, and much more so than anything could ever com­ pete with it in terms of the supermarkets or hypermarkets, because people don't talk in these pla.cel:l. And when you come to the point of t1a.le, when you buy something, it's like a girl, or a man, swinging something up on their cash-register::;, with no knowledge a.bout any­ thing. I suppose that makes a difference, but there a.re a lot of other place::; in the world that ::;ell expertise in the same way, but I think buying from a market such as Borough is a very unique potential experience and there aren't quite a lot, you know ... It is perfectly clear to Mcli:osa that in the morning the market is a 'good market,' while during the day it is an 'experience.' Thit1 experience i::; perfect to ohow to people, but there a.re sorne aspects of the market which ::;he does not want to be as:oocia.tecl with. 'Offering samples i::; good,' ::;a.ys Melissa., 'but if you ju::;t take ta.stings, it i::; like you're stealing.' Ken Greig ha.s drawn ::;imilar conclu::;ions, when be explains about his occasional selling of olive oil in the market. Watching people i:; quite disappointing :;ometimes, like people be­ have. H's a.bo pretty embarrassing. [to ::;ee them ::;hopping] and not wanting to engage. I mean, we've all clone it and we've all been doing it. It'c: quite odd how people behave.

62 Melissa, however, immediately adds Lhat in her opinion, moi.;t people do not just accept samples without the intention of buying anything. Moreover, as a 'local market' in the morning, Borough Market needs the 'touristic attraction' it is in the afternoon in order to have more political power in Southwark, because in Meli::;:oa's view it is crucial for the area that Borough Market ::;tays where it is. ln our same conversation, Melissa says that the market is 'about people' during the morning and 'about food' during the day. This seems to contradict. her previous statement that in the morning the market i::; a good market and in the afternoon it is an experience. However, it becomes clear to me LhaL 'a good market' is a market 'about people' and a food-market which is brought back to its food only because any real comrnunication with traders is inipossible, is jusL an experience. lt is through the people, the traders, that Borough it-1 a good market in the morning. In the same way, it i8 by the impo8:oibility of inLeraction with traders due to the enormous number of vbitors that the afternoon-market is 'just' an experience. The two face:-; of the market that Melit-1sa experiences in her story a.re reflected in the way she judges the 8urrounding area. According to Melissa, Borough Market occupies a special place in the area. While the High Street i:o neglected and full of rubbish, the rest of Southbank looks very hygienic. Borough Market, in contrast, is chaotic but 'bright and pretty; the market is more like a jewel where the two different cultures of the High Street and of Southbank meet.' From this description of the market's space, I understand that Mclissa't-1 market is twofold: it is a good local market about people in the morning and a touristic experience centred on food in the afternoon. Both aspects of Borough Market are necessary and interdependent and make the market such a special place. This again is reflected by the fact that, according to Melissa, Borough Market is the place where the dirty High Street meets the fancy Southbank. As a chaotic space, the market offers Melissa two contrasting optiom; which both act as gateways to escape, perhaps briefiy, the everydayness of order a.nd uniformity (Lefebvre 1987). In this case, Melissa has chosen to embrace both. By practit:dng two different 'tactics' - actualised in relevant situatiom on im­ portant and specified limes she is able to manoeuvre in the chaotic world that the market is for her. Jn other words, by performing, in the Goffmanian :oense (Hannerz 1980: 205), these two tactics, Melissa is able to provide stable ground for identification in a market which, because it is an omnitopia in the sense it is described above, lacks any such ground (see also Favero 2003: 553, 572). By approaching the market ao a trusting customer in the morning, she is able to enjoy good food and the experience of being, a::; a cosmopolitan woman, close to the traders' world. By 'doing' the market in the afternoon, then, she can transform her relations into opportunities to show her connectiorrn to this world of market traders, in Bourdieu's terms, exposing her 'social capital.' As De Certeau puts it clearly,

The "proper" is a victory of space over time. On the contrary, because it does not have a place, a tactic depends on time -- it i:o alway:o on the watch for opportunities that must be :oeizecl "on the

63 wing." Whatever it wins, it does not keep. It must constantly manipulate events in order to turn them into "opportunities" (1981: xix, emphasis mine).

2.4 Conclusion The golden lettern spelling 'Borough Market' on the floor when exiting the tube station have led me to the market. Today is a Friday, I remind myself, and the market is already busy. If I look carefully beyond the hams in Stoney Street, I see a young man carving the ham by hand. This is Brindisa, the famous Spanish tapas bar at Borough Market. Further down the ~;treet, after passing the smell of Parmesan which mixes with the smell of beer and cigarettes, there is a man in an old brown, not too clean shirt waiting behind a small table where he displays cheeses. Pecorino Sardo, Pecorino Romano, Gorgonzola, and other cheeses which I have never seen before. The man, no more than twenty-five years old, sits on a threadbare office chair, which contrasts w_ith hi:o simple stall. He waits. I wonder if I can come closer, if I am allowed to distract him from what he is doing. Behind him, Elsey and Bent, or at least the people who work for Elsey fj Bent, are selling tomatoes and flat mushrooms as if their lives depend on it. No customer is given more than the absolute necessary time to buy the vegetables, and very soon all the bright and tasty .tomatoes arc gone. The man behind the cheeses is still sitting there. I do not understand why he is not selling anything. Do people not like his c:l1eese? That seems to be a wrong conclusion, I decide, because the smell of Parmesan which attract.eel me in the first place comes from a tiny Italian shop called Aroma which sells almost the same cheeses as this man - and their shop is quite busy. There must be some difference then between the two. Why can one shop sell so much chernm while the other does not? I would like to ask the man the reason for this, bllt I still have the feeling that he wants to be left alone. I leave him alone.

2.4.1 Wanting the Market After spending much time in this market, [ was able to find my way through it by smell only. l go straight ahead at the smell of fresh apples, then turn left when the coffee aromas enter my nose. At the smell of sausages, then, I turn right, only to take a right again at the smell of oysters and lemon. When [ recognise foh followed immediately by chocolate, I know I am on the right way and continue to walk ahead up until the smell of green tea. Here, a turn Jett leads me through the smell of nduja - spicy Calabrian salami to the Rake, a bar where I enjoy a good, chilled beer. Like many other customern, I take this route through the market very often. It is, as I have learnt during my visits, the act of sensing that actualises matter. Deleuze's transcendental empiricism, based on the notion of AND which holds as its two principles 'repetition' and 'difference,' leads to an ontology of becoming (Williams 2000: 203): it is not with the concepts of identity or reality that we can tell something about the market, rather, it is, in line with Bourdieu, the

64 changing of relationt> that I experience in the market and the dialogues that l practit>e that makes it. As Foucault has argued, we are now in an epoch of space, where space it>, according to De Certea.u, a practised place. In the case of the market, then, it is in the relation8 that I experience that the space of the market becomes. This became very clear to me while partaking in Celia't> ga.stro-tom. The sca.llops that Celia pret>ented to us were not ordinary scallops. And the tomatoes a.re not just tomatoes. Indeed, Borough Market, through the way I experience its food, becomes a morally just organic market.

By turning the place of the market into a spa.cc, I am creating a story about the market. This story is my being in the market and the relations that I make through it. Even more so, it is in my story that the market is created. While writing this story, time also contributes to my experience. The past, the present and the future ea.eh add their own independent aspect to the story. At the same time, however, that the past and the future a.re not dependent on the present, they both a.re changing and both change the present experience (Al-Sa.ji 2004: 203). This can be seen very clearly in Southwark's attempt to create a place called 'Ba.nkside.' The relationship of Southwark with the City of London is in genera.! very important to the experience of the market. Although the market's history cre­ ated an independent market in London, and although this is ma.de explicitly visible in the market's architecture, it is not always experienced as such by the customers. In the case of Jeremy, I learnt how he incorporates different times and different places into his story of the market. With thes~ different times and places, Jeremy creates another ethical market which is mostly actualised by his conception of the market's traders: Jeremy creates a. fair-trade market.

The clement::; of the stories that create Borough Market a.re the building-· blocks of a world - or, more specifically in Heideggeria.n terms, my 'being-in-the-world.' The::>e building-blocb, as I nndcrntood from Appa.dura.i, a.re accessible through 'c;ca.pes,' which a.re, however, always limited to the directions tha.t a.re open from my own position. Reality, thus, is perspectival. Jn the Porta Palazzo market it became clear to me that Borough Market wants to open up a route to an essentia.lised signifier of traditionality. This route, together with many more, create what Wood has ea.lied an omnilopia. However, a closer look at this concept reveals that ornnitopia is but a clearer understanding of the concept of space that I already had. Space, as omnilopia, is the changing relations of changing spaces and as such a never ending process of becoming. Melissa., while she found hernelf in a. contra.sting marketplace, made this idea very clear to me. Although the market is a necessarily chaot'ic space, Melissa. is able to think of the market in a cosmopolitan way. She creates her own story of a market based on chaos and the knowledge of the cosmopolitan. In the market, she can tmst people. By performing various tactics a.t the market, she raclica.lly redefines both the market and herself in it.

65 The Market's Stage Together, the stories I engaged in create a world or a pm;sibility of a world (Toorn 1997) where the market becomes visible. My being in tbe market and the potentiality of othern being in the market like Jeremy or Melissa make, in a Deleuzian sense, the market as a world wit bin which I can position myself (see Favero 2003: 568; Favero 2000: 10). It is the story, as De Certeau puts it, which 'opens a legitimate theatre for practical action' ( Certeau 1984: 125) and it is this theatre that expresses the relationships between people, mediated by a spectacle of storylines, ideas and images (Debord, quoted in Dasgupta 2004: 427). [n this theatre, the market's landscape can be understood as a relationship between the 'foreground' and the 'background' of social life (Hirnch 1995: 3) and is defined, in contrast to what is common in disciplines like geography, as a space of cultural process (Hirnch 1995: 5), an area for staging and playing (Favero 2003: 554). Behind the layer of food and people, the market presents itself as an experience beyond the everyday life (Hirsch 1995: 4; see also Favero 2000: 15), as an 'ethical' space which customers feel they want to enter. For Celia's guest, the market is an organic market. For Jeremy, it is a fair-trade market. And for Melissa, finally, it is a market based on trust and the knowledge of cosmopolitanism. Customers a.re attracted by this performance of an ethical market, because it is in this market that they can become pa.rt of a moral story themselves, albeit for a short moment of time (Hirnch 1995: 22). This becoming is possible only in an aesthetic (Bennett 2007; Ranci8re 2006) market of presentation, of a spatio­ tempora.l performance on stage (Toorn 1997). 'Life is becoming rnt.her than being,' Slaughter para.phrases Deleuze, 'natura natura.m; rather than natura naturata' (Slaughter 2004: 242). As such, tbe lived experi~nce of the market is a place where the market is a theatre and the customen; are audiences wishing to participate - wishing to be traders themselves and participate in this 'artistic' and 'ethical' lifestyle (Zukin 1998: 831). The cusLomern' world of the market is, in short, a play of belonging to "the market."

The young man on his office chair behind his cheeses slices a piece of Gorgonzola.. fo he going to sample it, or does he want to cat it himself, perhaps with a piece of bread and a few leafs of rucola? He looks around him. Looking for customers to buy his cheese, I guess. Or looking for bread to enjoy hi8 Gorgonzola? Still wondering why he sits behind his cheese withmiL selling any of them, 1 decide to look at the market from the other 8idc of the stage.

66 3 Fighting for the Market: A Traders' Perspec­ tive

A few month::; before I joined Celia'::; tour or even ::;poke to cu::;tomern like Jeremy and Melis::;a., on Sunday, 8 April 2007 a.round four o'clock in the afternoon, I entered Borough Market for the firnt time. While :oitting behind my de::;k in Amsterdam, I replied to a vivid discm;sion on SEl'::; local community website (Boro·ugh Market in the Washington Post 2007). Longlaner opened the dis­ cussion with a. reference to an article in the Washington Post which described Borough Market as a place to get a free lunch out of :oamples of luxury food (McDonough 2007). This was followed up by Pump lfouse Jon, Janefs, Mlis and others, who a.II accepted the view that the market suffered under its repre­ sentation in the Washington Post. ln less than 35 comrnents ma.de in two and a half weeks variorn; people expre::;sed several important concerns of the market and at the same time provided pos::;ible ::;olutions to them. First, they discus::;ed the flow of tourists every weekend which make::; it diffi­ cult for local people, like the participants in thi::; community-, to ::;hop at the market, because the tourist::; block the way to the c>tall::; wit'l'l large queues. As Jackie Rokotnitz puts it, 1 was there around the middle of the day on Saturday. It was jammed to the roof and horrendous... couldn't get near the stalls and it was, alas, not the experience we knew and loved before the people watchers arrived. The participants fear that because of articles like the one mentioned above, the market change::; from a place to buy good food into a touri::;tic attraction which is disconnected from the local area. Thi::; is made explicit by Spacemaker, who comments I stopped going to the market a couple of yearn a.go when it became ju::;t another ride on the London theme park. La.::;t time I was there it was very funny though. An American touri::;t turned to her churn and exclaimed "oh my god look at thrne mu::;hrooms ··· they're dirty!" The dirt in question being the soil they were grown in. Next, they commented on the ha.bit of people to cat fac;t-food at the market while wandering a.round, hereby dropping sauce and other wa::;te on the ::;tall­ holder\; display. In more broader terms, the sampling of people who are not intending to buy anything is seen an a problem. According to Pump House Jon, ::;omeone who combine::; a coffee with a free sample of organic smoked salmon is contradicting the idea of the market as a place where one someone interested in good food - can buy excellent qua.lity food. Janefs adds that this creates another problem, namely 'a horrendous a.mount of rubbish - which is often de­ posited by the "shopping" public on any convenient part of a sta.llholdern display that they can find.' Combined with the problems of touri::;ts and fast-food a.re the problems of the markets politics, which a.re a.ddrcs::;ed as following by Pitmp Hmtsc Jon: ' 67 One of the butchers recently started selling an appropriate regional dish to help cover his costs·- particularly on Thursdays. When told to stop, he said he would - when Turnips [a large and infiuential trader at the market] stopped s·elling their soups and wraps. Impasse and a confusing policy.

Several possible solutions a.re then offered and discussed. As indicated by Janefs, the solutions can be categorised as {a) road closures/ pedeslrianisalion to cope with the extreme busyness on Saturdays, {b) a food court for fast-food in a corner of the market and {c) stop offering free samples to avoid attracting more people with no intention to buy. For all three wlutiorrn, of courne, the participants in the forum. identified positive as well as negative outcomes. One semi-solution which is accepted by a.II is to go to the market during weekdays, when there a.re less tourists. I, however, had by this time already virtually entered the market by joining this discussion. Although the market is only held, until August 2007 a.t least, on Fridays and Saturdays, and although the market is held in Southwark, London, it stretches further to incorporate people in the local area. a.s well as overseas who engage in it every day for two and a. half weeks. Surely, then, the market is not strictly bound to the same kind of spatio-temporal di!iflem;iom; as was the idea when it was ::;o decided 250 yea.rs ago (Auge 1995). The market's space, as I know now, is a pmctised space, it is a space that, because I experience rny::;elf in it, becomes. And like other cu::;tomers of the market, I wished to learn more about it, to become pa.rt of it my::;elf. Unexpectedly, by becoming a customer while researching the market, I now had to become a. trader as well. The stations that the anthropologist pa::;ses a.re never clear on forehand - even when well prepared, I had to accept the risk that I might go in strange directions, that I might travel rhizornatically.

Two months or so later, I meet Pump House Jon, or Jon. While simultaneously shopping for food and introducing me to some market traders, I am astonished by ,Jon's enthousiasm. Half an hour later, Jon gives me the keys to the market. New possibilities open up for me - possible routes that were noL on my map and that I could not even have imagined. I change my plans. I adjust my route. This market, it seems, can only be nnderntood in uncommon, sometimes even chaotic ways, as shows my entrance as an anthropologh:it in the market.

Exploring the Other Side of the Curtain My firnt step::; into the market are characterised by an a.ma.zing amount of trust from .Jon. There was not the smallest doubt when .Jon - an energetic man in his forties who arrives at the market on his bike - gave me the keys to the market's cellar and the combination­ code Lo the market's gates. I was amazed and felt extremely happy Umt Jon ha.cl allowed me into the market in such a. way. Because .Jon lrnd to leave for Scotland the day after, however, l arranged that I would be helping Alistair, his partner, at Loch fi.1 Glen. Alistair, a long man with short grey hair who travels to the rnarket with the

68 underground, waits for me when I enter the same grey gate at the entrance of the market again the day after. Quiet and timid, he is the opposite of Jon. He will answer the questions that I ask, but he is much less of a talker than Jon. We walk a few paths down the market and I cautiously start to talk to him. Although T am the one who wants to know Borough Market, I get the feeling that Alistair is as nervous as I am. He plays with the zipper of his jacket and carefolly formulates answern to my questions. Doe:o he know that I migbt quote him in my thesis? Today the market is closed, :oo there is not much to see for me. The deliveries for Loch fj Glen, for which Alistair had to be in the market, have already arrived, but AliHtair's politenec;s commit::; him to stay in the market with me. We decide to eat something at Brindi.rn, the Spanish tapas bar at the corner of Borough High Street and Stoney Street. Just a simple compilation of variorn> tapas and a salad of different kinds of lettuce and leafs of mint, accompanied by a glass of a good quality wine. Alistair drinks rose. He carefully twirb his glass in his hand to let the aromas of the wine come up, while nonchalantly looking somewhere else. Between hi::; precise, somewhat stiff movements and his confident and almost artistic way of twirling his glass, Alistair manages to in1press me as an elegant man. 'He knows how to drink his wine,' 1 think by myself, while shyly sipping my own glass. 'Hey Alistair, how are you?' I hear from the kitchen. 'Very well, thank you. Thin is Freelc' Only two clays in a closed market and I already have the key, the access code and contact with traders and chefo at restaurants. It seems to me that everybody is excited about helping me with my research. During the next several months I worked every market-clay that is, in the beginning only Fridays and Saturdays, but later also Thursdays - in the market. Most of my time I spent working with Jon and Alistair at Loch fj Glen, a small company run, but not owned, by Jon and Alistair. J\t loch f1 Glen, T sold smoked salmon - classic, organic, wild or ma.de into a pa.te - smoked tronL and smoked eel. Furthermore, we had caviar, smoked cod roe, kippers and, as an almost nnicum in London, Arbroath smokies. Beside::> the fish, our products included Lanark Blue cheese, haggis, black-, white- and fruit-pudding, lorne­ sausage which is always called 'square sausage,' smoked veniHon, lamb, chicken, duck and goose, normal and organic oatcakes, Selkirk bannock and a variety of jams and sauces ranging from spicy tomato chutney and sauce for haggis Lo raspberry jam and orange and whisky rnarrnalade (see, again, figure 15). During this time I befriended many traders who wo.rked clm>e to me. started to consider Rose, from Orkney Rose selling products from the Orkney folands, as a friend, as well as Vicky and John from Mons Fmmagcrie, selling French cheeses, and Miguel who helped at various stalls when necessary, but who worked most of the time at Orkney Rose (see figure 22). Together, we made up Three Crown Square (see figure 21). Next to Loch EJ Glen I also worked various times at De Calabria,, where Giuseppe, an Italian guy in his twenties with little or no knowledge of English, selb Calabrian sausages, cheeses, spices, olive oils, honey, tuna and more. Dur­ ing a few days, I also helped Chris, a young man selling high quality organic

69 To Middle Road

Exit to Borough High Street market's cellars

Figure 21: A map of Three Crown Square seen from above. Loch €3 Glen is visible in the upper right corner. Just outside the picture on the left are Real France, Ceylon 1 and Flour Station, but also the Parma Ham Company, Monmouth Coffee and Chegworth Valley Apple Juice.

Dutch cheeses at Boerenkaas.

3.1 Preventing to Climb the Stage: How Customers are Excluded When you first come to Borough Market, you will look around you and see, like the guests in Celia's tour, many traders who offer you their best products, most of them organic and extremely healthy. Although you will not recognise all the foods you see in this market, you are reassured by the traders that their tea is fair-trade and their cheese is produced by a small, 'authentic' farmer. Actively, the traders will hand you the building blocks to construct your market as an ethical space (B. Anderson 1991; Appadurai 1996). Busyness is all around you and ~ what else could a market be? -- traders and customers constantly meet and interact in their mutual performance of the market's theatre. The market is no market if there were no traders, just as it would be no market if there were no customers. The two seem to be tightly interconnected. A smile here and there makes you wish, as happened to me, Jeremy and Melissa, to be part of this market. You will happily accept the traders' invitation to come closer, to take a look at the 'backstage' of the market. However, by working in the market I slowly come to understand that

70 Figure 22: In Three Crown Square - with, from left to right, a glimpse of Boerenkaas, the Veggie Table, Mons Fromagerie, Loch f3 Glen and a corner of Orkney Rose's display - I had the possibility to walk behind the stalls and socialise with other traders.

this relation is not as straightforward as it seems.

3.1.1 Making the Market a Place for Customers It seems that Melissa's idea of the market as a place where you can trust people is true. Jon and Alistair have accepted me in Loch f3 Glen, and allow me to work in the market next Saturday when Jon is still in Scotland and Alistair is at a wedding. Not only is there an immense confidence in me, also to other customers Borough Market traders seem to hide nothing. They are more than willing to explain to buying customers everything they know about their products. Rose, after a visit to the production-site of some of her ware in the Orkney Islands, often presents the pictures she has taken to customers so that they can see exactly where their bacon is coming from. The traders from the Borough Cheese Company do the same, as I have seen during Celia's tour (see again figure 4); they give a detailed description of the origins of their cheese. The atmosphere in the market is very good - traders always ask customers who are carrying luggage where they came from or where they are going to - and most of the products sold in Borough Market are in fact what the traders say they are: the organic smoked salmon is organic and the fair-trade tea is traded under conditions of fair-trade. The scene breaths good quality food De Calabria does it with dried chili pepper, Mons with lemons - and the traders

71 know what they are selling. Alistair, indeed, is extremely interested in the ethical pa.rt of food-consumption and as such he does represent a trader of an ethical market. Already in the first week that I meet A list air, he takes me to a presentation where Carlo Petrini, the Italian founder of the Slow Food movement, presents his new book (Petrini 2007). Here, Alistair introduces me to all kinds of people who actively promote a more ethical way of consumption, ranging from organising lectures to iucrease public awareness of ethical consumption and city markets as key actors in cultural interact.ion (MarketSquared 2005) to writing academic books (Steel 2008) and organising dinners to explore the origin:o of food. To­ gether, they form London's network of ethical foodways, linking the market to just those aspects that both .Jeremy and Melissa recognised in it. By actualising precisely these links to organisations like Slow Food, the market becomes, in this corntant play of interaction, an ethical market. Later that week, Alistair takes me after work to Wright Brnthers. This place -- an oyster bar in the market's Stoney Street - is known as 'the Office,' a place where traders come together after work to discuss work related issues and more. After Alistair introduces me to several traders, a huge silver bowl is carried out of the restaurant to the street where we are drinking. The bowl it> filled with oysters and sauces of various kinds and colours. 'Try this one,' someone says to me, handing over a small bottle with a green liquid inside. It tastes spicy and gives the oyster precisely the 'bom;t' it needs to fully develop its taste. A few oysters and a couple of pints rose for Alistair - later, about five of the traders go inside to have a dinner and continue discussing the market. Alistair plays a key role in thhi, since he has been around in the market for a long time is therefore in a position where he can facilitate communication between both the traders and the market\; management. He i:,; trusted by the market's chief-executive, Simone, who often asks Alistair's opinion on issues relating the market's management, as well as by the market's traders, who direct their comments on the management often to Alistair. The trader from Herbs from Heaven, for example, often comes to Afo;tair to complain about. the way she is treated by the management. As an elegant, educated man, Alistair is able to move between the traders and the management, impre:,;t>ing Simone by his delicate choice of words when formula.ting a sentence. In the rnarket, Alistair is considered a serious, trustworthy and refined person, who does not order one beer after another, but who enjoys a fine glass of rose. As such, Alistair blurs the distinction between traders on the one hand, and management personel on the other. In 'the Office,' it is the drinking of rose rat.her than beer that present.c; Alistair as trust.worthy, just that characteristic that l\folissa ascribes to the market. On one evening in 'the Office' I met Giuseppe who, while standing against the wall with in his one hand a pint of lager and in his other a cigarette, cxpla.ins to me that he sees his work in Borough Market a::; a first step to create a financial base from which he can some day realise his dream, which is making a documentary on -workers in . Furthermore, Girn>eppe also wantl'l to support. the local, small-scale production in Calabria. Wo1J

72 is therefore perfect for Girn.;eppe, because he can work towards his dream while simultaneously support the local producers of Calabria. He is dedicated to his products and he doe8 not care about the fa.et that at lea;;t percent of his product8 'comes without an invoice.' Tn his ideas about the future, Giuseppe echoes Jeremy's story of a. fair-trade market. The market, tlllrn, is based on trust. When Alistair goes to see ;;omeone in the market, be leaves his stall to Rose or Vicky, fully trusting them in that they will look a.fter his ;;tall (see again figme 15). Nobody in Three Crown Square worries about their ;;tall if they leave it unattended while going to the toilets or taking a cigarette-break. It is not even necessary to inform the other traders that you are going somewhere you just know that they will keep an eye on your stall. Often it happened to me that Alistair was a.way to some place unknown to all of us, while Vicky was at the same time getting a cup of tea from Maria's Market Cafe and Rose was talking with some friends outside the market, leaving me to cover three stalls at the same time. If Rose happens to be talking to Rachael from Kase Swiss, the stall next to her, when a customer arrives, I will sell this customer peppered mackerel for her. Once you a.re behind the stalh; in the market, all traders walk back and forth between the various stalls, helping ea.eh other and trusting that others will do the same for them when they a.re gone. When I am working at Loch CJ Glen, I am therefore working in the whole of Three Crown Square. However, rather than a. market based on trust an sich, it is the trust between traders that makes the market. This trust is of a radically different kind than the trust in relation to the customers. The market does indeed present itself as true, authentic, fair-trade and organic, of which many aspects a.re very true, but the stories that the customers are creating when they a.re in the market contrast sharply with the stories that tbe tra.dern create about this sa.rne place. The things cu::0tomern sec and hear in the market a.re radically different from Lhe ways the traders experience the market. Although Alistair and Jon, by wearing a. Scottish kilt, present themselves as ScoLtisb tra.clern, they a.re in fa.et not. Both Jon and Alistair a.re not even born in Scotland and both are not particularly fond of Scottish food. Afota.ir started his career in Borough l\!la.rket as a manager in Brindisa, the Spanish food importer, and befriended many people in the market during that period. Brindi8a was growing rapidly, opening up a. ta.pas bar and planning yet another restaurant, and Alistair, a.round the encl of 2006, took over the management of' Loch fj Glen together with Jon~ originally a. whit;ky-writer -- from their common Scottbh friend who passed a.way. The same is true for many other traders. Although Giuseppe comes from Calabria. and Silljield Farm's Peter is in fa.et a. farmer, a. lot of people working in the market a.re in no way connected to the food they sell. Miguel, for example, is a Portuguese actor. He works in the market in various stalls - in the beginning at Topolski, selling Polish sausages, and now mostly at Orkney Rose - but never in a. Portuguese stall. When selling Orcadia.n mackerel, he sell::; something from a. place that he has never been nor plans to go. R.ose, who has been in Orkney often, sells mostly fish, which ::;he does not ea.t herself. Sebastian, in the same way, is born in Argentina and dreams about opening his own Argentinian steak­ house in London. At the moment, he sells freshly pressed juices and srnoothics from English fruits, a job he got through his Spanish room-mate who works in an Italian stall in the market. The owner of this smoothies-stall, Liz, has never grown a strawberry in her life. When she first came to Borough Market, she thought that smoothies where a new thing that would sell good. Now she makes and sells smoothies in the market for more than seven years. At the French cheese stall next to us works an Irish girl, at the Dutch chee:-;e stall an English man, at the Sardinian :-;tall in front of us a Spanish guy, at the English bakery a Malaysian woman and so on. Many people work, like Miguel, in variom; stalls in the market and change stalls as they go along. 'On Friday I sell English preserves,' says an Indian woman to me, 'while on Saturday I sell pies.' For me, in the months J have worked in the market, I was mostly selling Scottish food, sometimes Cala.bria.n and occasionally I sold some Dutch cheeses, 'to add to the authenticity,' accord­ ing to the Chris, the British owner of the stall. Not only if; there often no relation between the trader and the products, in various occasions the stall is also, in contrast to the way customers experience it, part of a large cornpa.ny, selling products in Borough Market without the owner attaining the stall a single time. Eileen, who selh; pies at Pie Minister, has never actually met the owner of the stall. She jm;t works there, as well as in other stalls at the market, to earn money. Also the Brazilian trader at Artisan Foods - who dreams about selling Brazilian coconut-milk and fruits in the market · has never met the German owner of the company he~ works for. Slowly, I realised that there is a. big difference between the stories that are created by cm;tomers in Borough Market, based on the way they experience the market, and the market as it is shaped by the traders. The traders' market. is not a place where people sell products that they a.re familiar with often, [ had to talk myself out of situa,tions where people asked me about a typically Scottish product like bannocks - but a place where people give customern the feeling that they are selling products they are familiar with. When they are doing this well, they are actually related to the products they sell. I realised, by working in the market every week, that the market presents itself as being all that the customers ascribe to it. The market presents itself as a cosmopolitan market where people can be trusted, a. place that offers a. unique selection of fair-trade and organic products. While the market shows itself like this, customers like Jeremy and Melissa. create their story a.bout the market. As in a theatre, the traders play certain roles and give away a show which are the building blocks of the customers' stories. With these building blocks, customers can see the market's frontsta.ge a stage which they, as I understood earlier, want to climb. The stage on which the traders perform this show is a place which is acces­ sible to all. In order to convince the customers that the 11\.arket not only plays organic, fair-trade and honesty but is in fact organic, fair-trade and honest, traders have to invite the customers to approach the stage and allow them to look what is going on behind the curtains. What really makes up the market

74 for customers like Meli8sa and Jererny i::; the back-stage, that part of the mar­ ket that remairn invisible to the genera.I public, but to which a select group of cu;;tomerr-; have acce::;s. In the back-stage, a place where ordinary customern arc not welcome, people like Melisr-;a and Jeremy a.re able to see the 'real' market, the lraders' market.

3.1.2 Making the Market a Place Nol for Customers The experience::; in the market give traders the elements to create an autonomous, novel ::;tory. 'Look at him,' Jon says, while pointing at a man with a long grey beard and a grey coat, 'he come::; here every week.' Jt is true, I have seen this man every week since I began working in the market. It is also true, as Jon told me in the beginning, that as a trader you easily see who is going to buy something from you and who i8 not. If you think someone is going to buy, you 8pend time on him, give him a sample or talk to him. In some cases, it could work to actually step forward to the customer and ask if he is interested in bacon today. As soon a8 you realit>e someone is not going to buy - you can see it from the clothes ('We like people with nice shoes, they buy more'), the attributes they carry ('If you ;;pot someone with a big carrier-bag, that'8 a good ;;ign') and the accent ('Americans are never going to buy anything, they can't take it with them on the plane') - you drop him. Immediately all the attention is gone, and the person is nothing more than a body standing between you and the potential buyern in the market.

Customers as Buyers It is common in the market to differentiate customer:-; who are buying food from customers who only come to the market to collect free samplec;. During my time in the market, in which I ;;lowly became a Lra.der myself, I started to ;;plit up the customer;; in a category of 'bodies' and a category of 'buyers. '28 Because one of the reasons to work in the market is to earn money, traders are forced to spend time on customers, to persuade thern to buy not only a piece of nduja, but also a ::;lice of the unique sheep chee:oe and possibly a bottle of extra. virgin olive oil. 'Some people have a good palate,' Giuseppe instructs me, 'and you have to recognise that and u::;e it.' If Giuseppe understands that someone is in the mood for buying things, or if he feels that someone has a developed ta::;te and would appreciate good products, he will not let her go with only a piece of nduja. Rather, he fincfo his spoon and a piece of bread and let the customer taste some of hi;; extraordinary olive oil. 'You don't have to do that with all the people,' Giuseppe explains, 'it's no use: most people won't even taste it.' However, if people are going to spend money, that is, if people are buyer8, than it is important to get as much money out. of them afi possible . 20 When l talk to Ben Coles about his study on Borough Market, he explains that he recognises three different customers; regular shoppers who buy their ingredients, quasi-reg1Llar shoppers who eat right away and non-shoppers who come to the market only to eat hamburgers et cetera. These different types are, according to Coles, mostly blurred. In my opinion, however, it makes more sense to divide the customers in buyers and bodies, because the traders in Three Crown Square do not offer ready-to-eat food and consider Coles' last two categories as one: customers who do not buy - 'bodies.'

75 Buyers can be tourists visiting the market, but mostly they are people who live in London and shop in the market regularly. It is important, therefore, to bind these people to your stall, so that they will come back to you every week. In the case of Giuseppe, it is the nduja that attracts people, being a. :otrangc kind of extremely spicy, spreadable salami in fact, nd71ja is ma.de from raw minced meat from the pig's head mixed with twenty percent chili peppers and smoked, for two hourn a. clay during two weeks, inside a. pig's stomach - which can only be bought at his stall. Giving thotrnancls of samples of nduja to people in the Green Market, I directed many people to Giuseppe's stall. Howe.vcr, it is important to convince people to buy also the other products from his stall, because nd1ija it; someLhing which you will not buy very often. These other products, cheeses, oils and more, can abo be bought in other stalls at the market, so by giving away a c;how, by stressing the good taste of the customer and by offering a small discount, Giuseppe binds his 'buyers' to him. For Jon and Alistair, selling Scottish products next to a. stall selling products from the Orkney Islands, it is much more diflicult to attract buyers with their wares. There is not very much that they sell which cannot be bought at another stall in the market -· and mo::;t of it, with some exceptions like the 'square sausage,' can be bought in the stall right next to them. At Loch f/j Glen, therefore, it is necessary to bind people to the sta.11 through quality. Rather than just offering organic smoked salmon, Loch & Glen sells the 'best' smoked salmon. Also the kippers, which a.re for sale at both Loch f/j Glen and Orkney Ro.se, a.re of a. superior quality than a.II the others. This means that Alistair and .Jon have to convince people about the quality and they have to convince them over and over again. An important aspect in this is that people who bought smoked salmon a.t Loch €1 Glen last week, have to find the stall again the week after. Therefore, Jon is always very frustrated when the lay-out of the market has changed a.gain. In the few months that I worked a.t the market, the position of the ::;talls ha::; often changed, leaving people confused and in search of their favourite stall. lt is not uncommon, then, that customers encl up in a. different sta.11 buying their smoked salmon a.ncl kippers. In this way, Jon and Alistair kiose their 'buyers.' Although the market today is completely different from the one described on page 30 - the dome, visible in figure 19a., and the granite drinking-fountain being replaced by a roof of much less grandeur and a. dirty, plastic toilet it nevertheless continue8 to change. One problem that frustrates the traders in Three Crown Square is the pathway that leads to the Middle Roa.cl. Because this pathway is so narrow, and because people often queue right here for Baxter's c;andwiches on one side and Gustibus' sandwiches on the other side, the Three Crown Square is cut off from the rest of the market. The traders occupy too much of the 'customers' space,' according to A Jex from East Tea.s. Customers now make it to the Middle Road from Stoney Street, or Che Green Market, but turn around when they see that Three Crown Square is simply too busy to reach. After some stalls were then placed a little to the back, allowing more space for the customers, traders were ::;till not satisfied: they worry that this change might confuse customers and also give them a feeling that they arc being

76 watched, because there is now too much empty space. 21 However, after a few days when tradern heavily discussed this problem, they agreed that the 'audience now circulate:-; much better.'

Customers as Bodies In the market, buyern are a minority. Most people vit;iting the market are there for the atmosphere, for a quick bite or just to take free samples. If these people are concerned, traders of Borough Market find them nothing but annoying and not worthy of any serious attention. These customers, I understood, are nothing more than 'bodies' blocking the way for the buyern. 'Those two are coming every week,' Jon continues his exarnination of the people passing by, referring to a man and a woman talking to Vicky in the cheese-stall next to us. 'I don't know what they are doi;ng here.' .Jon talks about the customers, how they behave and especially how annoying they are: 'look, they even have matching shopping bags now - I'm sure they're abo always talking about the same things.' While talking to Vicky, I see the man and the woman tasting a piece of cheese Vicky has sliced for them. 'You have to write something about the sampling,' Jon advises me. Sampling is an activity that is much contested in the market, and with it the customers who come to the market to accept samples without the intention of buying anything. When the market opened as a market of excellent quality food, some tradern gave people samples of their products to pursue them to buy. 'There has to be some activity at your sta.11 in order to get people to buy something,' Alistair explains to me litter, 'we need to have oome theatre!' What he does when giving away samples, is in fact playing out the market as an 'authentic' and true market. It is clear from the beginning that Borough Market is not a real market, but it is important to give the customer the feeling that they are in a real, authentic market, where they can try the products before they buy them and where they can talk to the people who produced them. Alistair tells me that he wants to have a whole side of a smoked 8almon instead of a pack of sliced salmon, because - as a former worker in the Spanish stall of Brindisa - he can carve the ::mlmon by hand, creating a spectacle to attract customerc;. Vicky, at the same time, enthusiastically keeps the convernation going that the man and woman started with her. The woman shows Vicky a picture of their new baby on her cell-phone and Vicky responds in a way that confirms her being a caring person. Meanwhile, she offers the man a piece of cheese. After tasting at least five different kinds of cheese, they buy a tiny piece for which they pay one pound. Also Rogier, who works in the Sardinian stall in front of me, engage:,; in a lively play with a customer who demonstrates how good his salami it>. When the woman waves her hand to express her joy, Rogier imitates her by waving his hand even higher. The woman respond::; by waving in turn higher than Rogier and in a continue:,; play Rogier and the customer create a place of entertainment. Both acts chatting with customers and offering them samples - are played in order to give a show to the customern, to entertain them and

21 This was discussed earlier on page 5:l in relation to the customers' experience of the space.

77 let them forget they are spending too much money on food. By offering certain samplc:o, traders produce the building blocks with which customers build their world, their story of the market - be it organic, fair-trade or cosmopolitan. Although customers at the market present themselves as 'food-lovern' who care about the origin of food, Chris explains to me that people are not attracted by Dutch cheeses as ::mch. They sec rnany different stalls in the market :oelling cheeses from all over the world, and every cheese is - at leaot for n10st ctrntomern - as good as any other. Therefore, it is neces::mry to give samples. 'Would you like to try some of this gouda'!' Chris asks, while leaning forward over his stall with a slice of chee:;e on his knife. The woman looks up, quickly scam; the i:itall and accepts the slice of cheese. 'Lovely,' she judges, after which she takes a. sip from her coffee bought at the market. Chris turns to me, having realised that this woman is not going to buy anything, to talk further. Later on, another woman walks near hio otall. She is ea.ting a strawberry ice-cream and holds a cup of coffee in her other hand. With much effort, she tries to hold both the coffee and the dripping ice-cream in one hand, because she has noticed the little squases of cheese which Chris displays at the front part of his :-;tall. Chrio does not even look up as the woman grabs a a hand full of cheese and puts it - almost comical to see in her mouth. While making polite noises of enjoyment, she continues eating her strawberry ice-cream as :ohc walks to the Sardinian :oausages which arc offered in a stall nearby. I wonder how anyone can truly taste a piece of cheese let alone enjoy it when eating a strawberry ice-cream. Although the traders acknowledge that they 'need to have some theatre' in order to bring the market alive and to attract buyers, this theatre, which is mostly played out by giving samples to the 'bodies,' has ~reated an audience which has become too large to manage. Overwhelming the customers who come to the market to buy products, the people who only come to the nmrket to collect a free lunch in samples are the customers that traders find irritating. They cat samples and block the way for the buyers, but they have no intention of buying anything. One Friday afternoon, Vicky is working in her stall on her own, selling cheese and chatting with traders. A man - middle-aged, wearing glasses comes to Mons to inform about a kind of cheese that is displayed on top of Vicky's stall in small squares to sample. After listening to Vicky's explanation, the man is offered a sample of the cheese, which he accepts. He likes the cheese and decide:o to buy a piece not too big, a slice of no more tban one centimetre thick. When Vicky turns around to weigh the piece she has ju:ot cut, the man uses the situation to try yet another piece of the same cheese he hat> just bought. 'That'll be one pound fifty,' Vicky ::mys, upon which tbe man searchec; for bis wallet and gives Vicky a note of five pounds. Perhaps knowing that the cash­ register stanclo next to the weighing scale, he quickly and almost secretly pick;; up another sample of the same cheese from Vicky's stall when she is getting his change. Having put all the::;e :,;ample::; in his mouth now, the man leaves, carrying with him a piece of chec::;e he bougl1t for a price not more than the value of the amount of cheese he has eaten already. H a.re these people, Vicky commentc; on the t>ituation later, that are removing the market's history of 'being a market'

78

·' (a) Customers come to the market to col­ (b) ... and to drip food and drinks on stall­ lect free samples ... holders' displays.

Figure 23: Sampling and Dripping. where people come to buy good quality food. Instead, they reshape the market as a mere touristic place. This is also the reason that Simona, from Simona 's Antica Farmacia who sells honey and chocolate made by Italian monks, does not give samples at all. 'No freebies here,' Simona makes clear to me. According to her, too many traders are giving samples, attracting a crowd of people who have no intention to buy. It is difficult not to give samples, because the market has now become a 'place where you can get samples.' Sampling has become one of the reasons that people come to this market -- some people even bring toothpicks to use after the samples - and therefore, Simona argues, the market is destroying itself by its own success, because it now attracts customers that are not the ones that traders like to have. These customers in their turn like the two girls I followed who rapidly passed by all the stalls in the market, slowing down only to grab a free sample of any kind - change how the market is. No longer does the market attract people who are truly interested in excellent food - today it attracts the customer who takes twenty minutes of Simona's time, listening to her stories about all the different kinds of jams and honeys ranging from figs and chestnut to eucalyptus and arbutus, only to leave with a conventional jar of strawberry jam. Alistair agrees on Simona's statement. In his opinion, the market has to re-invent itself. The traders should come together and act in a unified way to prevent the market's self-destruction. The traders should stop giving samples, should stop selling ready-to-eat food and should concentrate on selling good quality food to people who want to buy it. While Simona is telling me all this, I see a customer with a big sandwich of lettuce, meat and a fat sauce leaning over a trader's stall while dripping his sauce all over the place (see also figure 23). Simona sighs. Simona is, however, almost the only trader who does not give samples. Even when most of the crowd around the stalls are just 'bodies' instead of 'buyers,' traders have to hold up this tradition of giving samples, because it attracts people and thus potential buyers. This does not mean that you have to spend

79 more than the absolute necessary time to these people. John, working next to me at the cheese stall, demonstrates this perfectly when he continues talking to me while cutting a piece of soft cheese and sLretching his arm toward::; the customers. Not for a ::;ingle moment has he looked at the customer::;; he does not care whether they like the cheese or not. Around this tirne, all that the market has to offer to John are 'bodies' who want to be entertained. Many groups attend the market, either organised througb schools or through food-specialists like Celia. Whenever Celia organises a tour in the market, she informs certain trader::; aboL1t it and arranges a paid tastir'.g of their products. Loch & Glen is one of the stalls that Celia includes in her tour and Afo;tair always makes sure that he has a nice chopping board of organic smoked salmon with organic dill sauce for Celia's guests in fact, he 8pends almost an hour preparing the samples for Celia's tour. In principle, the idea is that by tasting samples together with such an authority like Celia, people are more willing to buy the food they have just tasted. In the case of Loch €1 Glen, however, it is common that nobody from Celia's tour buys anything. Many people are not even listening when Celia explain::; why organic smoked salmon is much paler than non-organic smoked salmon; they arc only interested in the ::;amples. Chris, therefore, comments on Celia's tour by arguing that tours like that make the market a place known for its free sample::;. Celia is not helping the traders at all, according to Chris, but she is frustrating them by promoting the sampling­ behaviour and overspilling the market with 'bodies.' Still, I think that Chris, who is not included in Celia's tour, fails to see Celia's broader goal of educat­ ing people in the world of good quality food - a goal which she, as far as I experienced it, convincingly reaches.

A Market Without Customers If they could choose, traders of the Bor­ ough Market - at least the ones in Three Crown Square which a.re selling food that is not ready to eat and to an extent the ones in the Green Market which are selling the same kind of food - would have no c1rntomers at all. They would prefer working on the market and making profits without the problems of the cm;tomers. Of course, there are some customers that you like, but in general they distract you from what you are really doing: working in the market. In the beginning, I was wondering what this working was if it is not the customers that the traders like in the market. Some traders like the principle of having contact with customers; they would like to give a message to customers, varying from 'Calabria is a region in Italy where the food is spicy and the quality is excellent' to 'organically grown herbs are better for you, and taste good as well.' It is only to the lost customer which less and les:o often tries to find his way into the market that the tradern can send this message. In other cases, it gets lm;t somewhere in between the tasting of a cheesu and the tasting of strawberry ice-cream. Stefano, a Sardinian born trader who sells his products j11st in front of Loch fl1 Glen, tells me that he would like to sell chee::;e from local who produce out::;ide the scope of the cooperatives. This can, however, not be clone in an

80 official way, but Stefano is proud of expressing a 'Sardinian•identity.' Sardinian are rebels, they re,,ist Italian culture and they are, above anything, Sardinians, not Italians, Stefano entrusts me. This is the message he wishes to comrmmicate to the customers in London. At the same time, he realises that in most cases this rncssa.ge will not be received. Therefore, he does not even bother to try and sell the forbidden caw marzu in the rnarket. 22 . Alistair and Jon in the same way took much effort in p~inting an large blue map of Scotland (vi1:>ible in figure 15), on which Ali::;tair pinned the names of the producers which they represent. Ea.eh producer'l:i name wa.s pinned on the location where it ea.me from, making a. total map of Scotland on which customers could trace their smoked salmon or bacon. However, during the entire :oummer of 2007 there was probably only one customer who noticed the ma.p a.nd informed a.bout the origin of the food in this case, he wanted to verily his own knowledge a.bout the product. It is indeed conspicuous that most people who a.re only in the market for the free samples actively a.void every eye-contact with traders. While picking up a piece of Emmenta.l cheese from Kase Swiss, people look the other way or start a seemingly important conversation with each other to escape the uneasy condition of ta.king a sample without the intention of buying anything. When confronted with the trader, for example when the trader offers a sample directly to a. customer instead of leaving the customer to pick up :mmples herself, cus­ tomern a.re less likely to accept the sample a.nd hence to accept the status of being a person who only takes samples. I often found that people to whom I offered a piece of smoked salmon politely refused the offer, while they had been taking samples from all other titalls on their way through the market. John, at times irritated by this behaviour of customers, a.ddt> 'you can try stuff, you don't have to buy it!' It is clear, thus, that there is little real communication in the market between trader and customer. While John sometimes reacts irritated to this behaviour of c1rntorners, I learn that his way of giving samples - by just ignoring the customer while stretching out his arm with a piece of cheese - is in faet a highly efficient way (see also Pradelle 2006: 94). When I give customers a. sample, I pretend that I am not interested in them, that I hardly even notice them. By continue talking with other traders, or by reading a. magazine while offering samples, custorners a.re allowed to accept the sample while keeping at the same time their distance and the freedom not to interact. Vicky, for instance, is reading a newspaper while sipping a cup of tea.. When customers approach, she doet> not c;ta.nd up, but simply says 'hi, if you want to taste something, just let me know.' She continues reading. John, in another situation, praise::; the colour of a. woman's drest>, further leaving her a.lone to try some cheese if she wants. As I noticed in the stall that sells truffles, but abo at Mons and a.t Loch fj Glen, traders a.re very busy to do other things than ma.king contact with custmners. By giving the impression that they pay no attention to customern -- although they sec of

22 Casn marzn is a Sardinian cheese made from sheep's milk whieb has larvae in it. It. is eonsiderecl a typical Sardinian product and the consumption of it is interpreted as an act of expressing a distinct. Sardinian identity (Jansscns 2007).

81 course everything - customers are allowed to .take samples. There is therefore no typical market-shouting here to attract the customers .. This could also be one of the reasons that while Alistair is always extremely slow in setting up his stall, often pausing for a cup of coffee and often leaving his stall alone, this rnornent during the clay is attracting many customers; they like the fact that the trader is not ready to help them yet. Money, a motivation that is often put forth by economists, is also not the reason that people work in the market. Of course, when they work in the market, they like to earn as much as possible, but earning money can be clone in different, often more efficient, ways. Here, however, it i~ important to note that there is a difference between people who work in a stall which they own or which they are affiliated with and people who work in a stall as a sideline to earn some extra money. The latter will be paid by the hour or day, and a.re therefore much less interested in the profit of the company. For these people, the reason that they work in the market is often financial: to earn extra income or to eventually start their own 'real' shop. In this case, the market is used as a springboard to other businesses. Alistair, in contrast, works in the market for other reasons than the money he earns with Loch fl3 Glen. Being married to a woman who has a satisfying income, Alistair can allow himself to spend his time in a place dedicated to food, without worrying about generating an income. Perfectly aware of what [ am doing, Alistair tells me that he enjoys 'the anthropology of the market.' As Jon rephrases it, 'Alistair has fallen in love with the market.' When I discuss the amounts of money that traders make in the market, I see that economic reasonti cannot be the sole motivations. lt often happened to me, while I worked in the market, that the stall I was working for earned lesH than the costs: often I did not even make a hundred pounds a day and on one day we did not even reach thirty pounds. 'I thiuk I'm getting crazy,' complains Vicky, who, because she is so bored, is hitting hernelf on her head with one of our black puddings. When the spot in the market costs between £35 and £45 a day and the use of storage in the cellar about £35 a week, average earnings of £250 per day will never be sufficient to cover all the costs to purchase the wares and still leave something as a profit for, in Loch €1 Glen's case, two people.23 One trader commented on this to me with the phrase lt's just a dark November day in the middle of August... 13ut, no, otherwise it's been a steady fifty, seventy quid loss every day... Three Crown Square is like a dying pool: fish die, buffaloes fall in and drown ... While the a.mount of earnings is almost. equal for all stalls in, at least, Three Crown Square, Loch fl3 Glen still occupy a special position, since they do only retail and no wholesale. 24 Most of the other traders in this square have a wholesale-business as well. Orkney Rose, Boerenkaas and Villanova all actively

23 Jon and Alistair are thinking about changing the concept of Loch fj Glen, however, because they want to earn money from it. 24 An additional problem of retail compared to wholesale is that cnstomern tend to buy

82 engage in wholesaling, a part of their business which does make a profit. This part, however, is outside of the market. Rose, who also makes no profit at all in the market, explains to me why trading in Borough Market i::; ::;till, at least for her, economically worthy. Next to selling her products in Borough Market, Ro:oe sells to shop::; and restaurant-chefs in and around London. This part of her busine0::; i:o in fact the part that generates most money and she can only afford to trade in the market becau::;e ::;he makes a profit outside of the market. As Rose explains it to me:

The retailers' function in Borough Market is to create an atmosphere that attracts people ctnd tha.t makes people buy food at 'ready-to-eat stalls. The retailers themselves [who do not sell ready-to-eat food], however, make little to no money in the market. They only make a profit by wholesaling to restaurants and so.

Rose's presence in the market, thus, is only indirectly economic to her. Dy presenting, together with the other stall0 who do not 0ell ready-to-eat food, interesting and fa:ocinating foods from all over the world, Rose attribute::; to a market which is exciting, vibrant and nice to visit. A0 .Tad, the trader of Arabica, agrees, the market is not to buy food - that can be clone everywhere - but rather to experience, discover and taste food. Upon visit, then, customers do not buy the food Rose offers - apart from a small number of cu::;tomern - hut they buy sandwiches and fresh oysters in::;tead. However, the sandwiches alone would not attract such a number of customers and would certainly not create a market with an atmosphere like Dorough Market. The market, then, defines itself as a place of fine food and it builds a reputation acrost> London and beyond, which in turn attracts chefs and restaurant-owners. These chefr; and restaurant-owners come and visit the market, they see RosQ's stall and contact her at :oome time to purchase her product::; on a regular basi::;. It is, in t:>hort, the function of being a display window that makes trading in Borough Market profitable in the encl for Rose - and witb her, many others. Rose's reasoning does not mean that traders prefer people to buy noth­ ing. They are in fact concerned about the development of the market into a purely dic;play window and they blame for this tbe traders who sell ready-to-eat food. According to many tradern, it would be beneficial to the rnarket if tradern :otopped selling ready-to-eat food, or perhaps did thi0 in a designated corner of the market, so that the 'true' shopper, the cu::;tomers who comes to the market to buy excellent quality food, is no longer blocked by the crowd. Thi:o is also the reason, together with tbe fact that it attracts, according to .Jon, terrible people, that Loch fi:j Glen does not want to sell ready-to-cat salmon sandwiches or ready-to-eat Scottish breakfa.st, even if they could make good money with it. Still, the market is a popular place for traders to work and they would in general not voluntarily trade in another market instead. At the moment, illogically, based on feelings of joy and pride. For example, upon raising the price of black pudding at Loch fj Glen to £8 per kilogramme, customers wero more willing to buy the black pudding because they believed that the quality and exclusivity is mirtored in the price.

83 the market keep::; wa.iting-li:ots for future tradern and a. committee i::; im;ta.lled which guarantees that not everyone can trade in the market. After excluding communication and money from the possible motives of frading in Borough Market and after learning that the market's function as a. display window might indeed be economic to some traders but it also causes great concern among them, I could still not understand why traders are so much attracted to this market. To a degree, the traders appreciate the freedom that the market givm. Work­ ing on Friday and Saturday, selling products that you like, and being your own boss these a.re characteristics of a. trader'ti life that are mentioned if I ask why someone is trading in the market Simona. reveals that she always wanted to be independent and have a. business of her own. This is one of the reasorn; that i:;he started trading in the market. Also Mario, a. tall young man who is always reading a book while presenting a large glass bowl covered with a. wooden lid in front of him, often only opens at one o' clock and starts pa.eking up a.round three, when he is finic;hecl reading or when he just feels like going home. The market closes at :::ix, and although he might get some customer::; who will dis­ tract him from his reading while exclaiming 'Wow!' after they put their nose in the bowl, he just feels like packing up. And right under tlieir no::;e::;, the black Apulian truHle::; are gone. The leaving-when-you-please behaviour - not prevented by the rents of the c;pots, which are lower than other London market::> - is less obvious with traders who have a more permanent stall. In the Middle Roa.cl, moot tradern will ::;ta.y open until the encl of the clay, while in the Green Market, :mme tra.dern ::>tart packing earlier - to great di8content of other traders, who see, together with the closing of the ::>ta.lb, the clisa.ppeara.nce of the market's atmosphere and hence the cu:otomern. But freedom and career-planning cannot be the wle reawno that attract. tra.dern to Borough Market. After a.ll, all markets provide the trader with a certain arnount of freedom and all markets allow the trader to build on hio career. What attracts tra.dern are the other traders. As De la Pra.delle observes in the Provence, the market becomes an end in itself (Pra.delle 2006: 54). Working with Ali;;tair and other tradern in the market ma.de me underntand that the market i::; a theatre, a place where customers a.re welcomed and in fact invited by presenting a show of authenticity, of fair-trade cfild organic food. In thi::; ::;how, traders act at the ::>ame time friendly and unintere::>ted. By reading a new::>paper, b.y being late in setting up the stall and by talking to other traders while cm;tomers approach your stall, the traders allow c110tomern to climb the ;;tage and look behind the curtain. Carefully, however, the bodie::; are :ocpara.ted from the buyers, and only the latter get the attention of the traclern beyond the absolute neces8ary. Only buying customers, like .Jeremy and Melissa, are allowed to get an 'insiclern' view,' to ::>ee what is going on behind the curtain that seperates the frontstage from the back::;ta.ge. Only they receive an an::;wcr in their play of belonging, in their wish to be pa.rt of this market. A:; De la. Pradellc comment::>, '[a]ll ;;tall holder behaviour i:; aimed at developing a. "::;how" in which customers waiting their turn will become implicated in spite of them8elves as

84 Figure 24: Diagram of the Borough Market theatre with a multiple layered frontstage. The custorners (alldience) are allowed to sec behind the stage (1) to get an impression of the backotage. This ::;up­ posed backstage, however, is just another frontotage (2). The real backstage, the traders' space, is behind the second curtain (3). both audience and actors' (Pradelle 2006: 191). Still, this show does at no point reveal the true market of the traders. At all timeo, bodies are prevented to climb the stage and customern are prevented, if they happen to meet the traders backstage because they present theim:elves as bL1yern, to enter the traders' world. In the market, cmitomern will never really become the actors of the show. By hanging up a second curtain, the traders act as if the customers are given a view of the backstage. As Hannerz hao ohown, the traders present the frontstage as if it is the backstage (Hannerz 1980: 206 207). In reality, however, the market has a multiple layered frontstage. Customers, at least when they are buyers, are given hints of a backstage, they are given some of the words with which they create their ;;tory about the market, but they can at no time see what i8 going on behind the second curtain (see figure 24). Like Hasmik Papian who plays Maria Callas who in turn plays Norma in the opera by the same name (Joosten 2005), the so perceived backstage in the cL1stomers' market is only but a second fro11t0tage in the trader::;' market. This is the traders' space. Backstage, the traders are together. It is backstage where (;he traders make their own community. This community is not based on the principle of commu­ nication, money or freedom, but on a totally different parameter, namely, the social aspects of the community which the tradern form by and for themselves. The traders' community is a community based on e:r;clusfon as an answer to the ctrntomers play of belonging. By exclllding first the bodies but finally a.loo the buyers, the traders create a space which is exclusively their:::.

85 3.2 Dumping in the Orchestra Pit: How Wholesalers are Dismissed Although it is given not very much attention in official public;ations of the market (Dean et al. 2005; Webster et al. 2006), Boro11gh Market has for the major part of its history been a wholesale market in vegetables and fruit. The retail market that is now becoming more popular every clay has only bec;n set up in 1997 in order to revitalise the dying wholesale market and to avoid a general bankruptcy of the market. In the first half of the twentieth century, Borough Market was still a prof­ itable market, its gross profit ri8ing from just below £8000 in financial yeetr 1909 to £18000 in financial year 1935. 25 When the City of London relocated its rnajor whole8ale markets out of the centre to confine trucks entering the centre, to find better transport connections, cheaper ground and modern facilitie8 - Spita!fields moved in 1991 from Brushlield Street just outside the City in Tower Hamlett> to a. new complex in Leyton, within ea8ier reach of the M11, BiLlingsgate moved in 1982 from the riverside in the City to Trafalgar Way in Ca.nary Wharf, comfort­ ably outt;ide of the centre (COL n.cl.) and Covent Garden, although not owned by the City of London, moved westward;o in 1974 from the City of Westmirnter to Nine Elms, closer to the M4, just as Western International Market, which is practically in - Borough Market was left as the only fruit and vegetable wholesale market in the centre.26 Since then, businesses dropped because many retailers chose to buy their products in one of the new, modern wholesale markets and becaus

Those wholesale people are crazy - they are like monstern and they all do drugs to make it through the night. However, they a.re ex-· tremely wealthy... Greedy individuals!

The fact that the market is originally a wholesale market is reason for the retail­ tradern to aosume every wholesaler as arrogantly claiming the market as theiT market.

25 Source: archives. 26 8mithfield Market in the northeastern part of the City is a wholesale market of meat. 27 Financial statements of the market reveal that this initiative was successful, increasing the ha.lance from £15,575,921 in 2002 to £18,500,746 in 2006.

86 During my time in the market, [ have not spoken to a' single retail-trader who has visited the market during the night. Jn order to understand this part of the market, I decided to help Andy Sugarman, one of the four wholetmlers left in Borough :Market.

Jubilee by Night Lt is two AM, and although Andy would call this a 1uorning, Tam sure that it is still night. As l walk through the market and try to orientate myself, 1 notice that the market is almost empty. All the stalls in Three Crown Square a.re covered with large blue plastic sheet::; and closed off by a met.al fence, which, however, still shows an opening for anyone to enter. T walk on to Middle Hoad and see that all the stalls are closed here aH well. H. is Augl1st, tra.clit.ionally a quite period because people are on vacation or saving money for when the schools start.. 'Watch out!' yells a man to me from behind. With high Hpeed he iH driving towards me on his forklift truck, carrying a box of fresh mnshroorrn. He passes the entrance of Roast and heads for Stoney Street. Here, about three large lorries line up, all with their backs open from which forklift trucks m1ter and leave. They pass the market, but they deliver their products in the Jubilee Market, that part of the market which if:; used for whole:·mling and which is therefore always closed when the market is open for customers during the day. When I see Andy, be is driving a forklift truck him;;elf. Andy, a. short man, wearing boots and a pullover, is not much of a ta.Iker. Before 1 approach him, I watch him driving back and forth between the Jubilee Market a.ncl the lorries. He only reduces his speed to say hello to me, but furthermore he seems in a hurry. I try to figure out why, because I see no customers at all in the market.. In fa.et, besides from Andy, there a.re only three or w other wholesalers with their pcrnonnel, making a. total of about twenty people in the market. It is unclernta.ndable, therefore, that there is no need for a. rna.na.ger on the floor during the night. Inside its classic, green iron-roofed market ha.11, the wholesale market is, in an almost unimaginable contrast to the market during the clay, quiet at night (see figure 25). l don't even hear a single radio turned on. For four companies, this market is their life, they work here ;;ix nights a. week when the rest of London is sleeping. As in a fantasy story, the quietness of the market allows me to imagine how this place was like a hundred years ago, or·.t.wo-hunclrcd years. I feel how the history is present all around this place -- it could not be morn different than London's other wholesale markets.

3.2.1 New Spitalfields and Billingsgate The most striking difference between the wholesale market of Boro11gh Market and other London wholesale markets is the fact that only Borcmgh Market has been on the same location for centuries. As two important markets in London, both Sp·italfields and Hillingsgate have been relocated outside of the centre. The first, in its new location in Leyton, has all the characteristics that you would expect from a wholesale market. It is extremely large, in a. practical

87 Figure 25: The Jubilee Market.

building with an enormous amount of parking places in front of the market (see figure 26a). Here, about 300 lorries come and go in a continues flow, taken over by smaller vans as the night passes into the day and peaking at a total of 6500 vehicles a day, six days a week, making New Spitalfields UK's leading horticultural market (COL 2005). On this new site, Spitalfields has all the modern facilities that a market could want. There are no practical restrictions in trading, since transport and communication are optimal in this place. There are storage rooms, ripening rooms, a catering distributors centre and the services of a diesel and propane supplier. Because there are so many people working in the market, the market has its own police officers - fifteen in total, three each shift - as well as its own supplier of wrappings, plastic bags, gift-wrapping and so on. There is a staff of maintenance, security and administrative personnel counting 31 people, of which one is a full time rat-catcher. The price to trade in Spitalfields is higher than Borough Market, namely £3,50 per square foot and an additional service charge of £14 per square foot a year. The annual turn-over is, according to the Ken, the Superintendent, half a billion pounds. With the relocation came not just an increase in facilities, but also a change in supply. From selling fruit and vegetables to shops and streetmarkets Spital­ fields changed into a market famous for its exotic fruit sold to 'ethnic shops' in London. Five years ago, forty percent of the trade in Spitalfields was in 'ethnic food.' Today this percentage is sixty and in another five years, the Superinten­ dent predicts, more than eighty percent of Spitalfields' products will be 'ethnic' (see also Saphir 2002). This is precisely one of the reasons, a trader explains

88 to me, that he prefers Spitalfields above Borough Ivlarket. In Svitaljields there is much more choice for the customers as well as for the ::;alcsmen, resulting in faster l:lales and hence better price;; for fresher products. An occ;isio11al rat sprinting away from the lettuce cannot change this. Abont 230 forklift truck::; drive around as if their lives depend on it, trying not to hit one of Lhe 3500 people occupying the nrnrket in a 24-hour ::;hift (see figure 26b). S'pitalfields i::; huge and the tradern, in order to hand le the amount of people, recognise three types of traders among them::;elve;;, each forming their own independent group. The market i;; indeed ma;;::;ive, the SupcrintemlenL admits, with a.lrnrnt a bundred wholesale companies, and the competition is fierce as well. As I learn during this night, Spitalficlds may very wdl have better facilities than Borougb Market and it may also offer rnore choice to the customer, but the feeling of a market, of being a community of market tradern together drinking a beer in one of the pubs around the market, did not return to the traders after 1991. When the market moved outside of the centre, the traders had to be con­ vinced to agree. They accepted the relocation only after tl'!ey knew they wmild be financially compensated for it. Despite the advantages of thi::; new location, the trader of Fntitl, U explains to me, Old Spitalfields was better. There, the restaurant::; were close by, so the chefs could eai:iily come to the market. It was therefore always busier than it is today. You could build up a bond of Lrnst with your customers in Old Spitalficlds, ::;ays thi::; man who has been working on the market for twenty years. That is important, because 'customers often move around.' A woman approaches us, disrupting me in my conversation with the trader. 'Why sell me for fourteen, while they ;;ell me for thirteen'!,' she aokc; with a loud voice. ln her hand::; i:ihe carries a tray of apricots, which she had just bought at Frv,it4 U. She wants one pound off the price, but the trader decides to give her the money back and let her buy the apricots at another ;;tall. People argue all the time, he complains to me. Restaurant people would not argue so much. The Superintendent should not allow citizens in the market. Spdalficlds il:i in fact an exception to the rule that citizen are allowed to buy at wholesale markets in the UK without paying VAT. In contrast to other markets, in Spitalfields citi:cen are not allowed, only tolerated. When the ::;m1 already shinei:i, P('ople arrive in their vans - by this tirne full of fish and other product::; they bought in other whole;;alc markets -- all of them buying fruit and vegetable;; in the market which they divide between therrnelves to sell later that day in small corner-shop;; in London (sec figure 26c). While the Superintendent tolerates citizen at Lhe encl of the night, in Borough Market and Billingsgatc citizen are o/Iicially allowed. In the Hixteenth century - Billingsgate ha;; evolved by now from a market selling corn, coal, iron, wine, salt, pottery, fish and rn iscellaneous goods to a wholesale market dedicated to fish (Saphir 2002: 30) the people in London complained that they had to pay Huch high prices for foih in shops. In re::;ponse, King George III, in 1776, granted the citizen the right to acces::; Billingsgatc as a public market. All membern of the pubic could from now on buy their fish

89 (a) . (b) Inside the market.

(c) Shop-owners dividing their purchases among each other.

Figure 26: New Spitalfields Market.

90 cheaper in the market. After its relocation from the City to its present site about twenty-five yearn ago, Billingsgale Fish Market became, in the sarne way as New Spitalfields, UK';; largest inland lfab-market, trading fifteen thousand tonne::> of fre::;h fish and an additional ten thmrnand tonnes of frozen fish from all over the world each year. On a good day, Chris, the Chief Fish Jrnpector explairn, the market has 140 clifforent varietie::; of shellfi::;h and a huge amount of cod and salrnon, the top two product,;; of the market. Although the 1776 act delined Bilfrng8gale as a public market, until ten years ag-ci the market was only wholesale and access of the public was actively discouraged. Today, in contrast, citizen are actively invited to buy in the market. One way of encouraging this is the abolislnnent of the purchase of a minimum amount of fish. Traders in Billingsgale are free to decide on a minimum amount, which gives them the possibility to ~-;ell more easily to individual customers and ::;mall shop-holclen;. A part from the lack of rninimum quota for fish, traders in Billingsgate enjoy a relative autonomous position. They each individually rent the spot in Lhe market from the Corporation of London, who, in its turn, lea.srni the ground from the Borough of Tower Hamlets. Within this con1:>truction, the Corpora­ tion acts a::> a guarantee for the traders, who have no direct contract with the Borough. Next to Lhe rent, traden; pay an additional charge for ::>ervices, like tbe market's own police force. Jn the market, the traclern are organised in an association, which represents them in dealing with the Corporation. The same as::>ociation also runs various facilities in the market, like an unloading team, two ice-making machines, colcl-::>tores, overall shops and two ca.fe's, ma.king the market eomplctcly self-supplying. With the relocation of the market the financial condition:::; as well as the infrastrncture and facilities improved. While Old Billingsgatc nea1· the River Thames sold most of its foh to the domestic retail market, supplying fishmon­ gers, shops in the High Streets and fish & chips restaurants; the present market, according to Chris, sells exotic and processed value added -- fish. When I arrive in the market at 5 AM, however, I :::;ee almost no customern. The fi::>h has for most part been sold it arrives, by road because the new market has no acces::> to the nearby water in the former clocks, between HJ PM and ;3 AM - and the area is freezingly cold. There is a lot of noiHe and a penetrnLing 1:nnell of foh. Like the traders in New Spdaljiclds, the traders in Hillingsgale had to be convinced and in fact, according to C::hric;, forced to move to thic; spot, which was, until the rnarket arrived, deserted. IL was the fish-market that founded the :::;ite and from there it developed into the financial district known today a8 . Although the market is, like New 8pitalfield8, housed in a large, struc1.urecl and, according to Chris, soul-less building (see figttre 27), traders complain that it is not efficient. Cranes have LR.ken over the work of mm1 in Che unloading of containers, but from here the fish ha::; to be moved From one location to another 1nultiple times. According to Chris, the market shrndd be redesigned t.o c;o]ve this problem. Generalised onto all or· London's wholesale market::;, Saphir conclude:::; that much of the Corporation'::> legislation has Llms far only re:::;trnincd

91 (a) Inside the market. (b) Outside the market.

Figure 27: . trade, leading to 'inefficiency, uneconomic distribution and waste' (Saphir 2002: 57). Political enthusiasm for the centralisation of wholesale markets and a rise of property value in Canary Wharf (which is clearly visible in figure 27b) has made the Corporation to plan a new, large market around the present site of New Spitalfields. After the Olympic Games in London in 2012, which take place just next to New Spitalfields, the Corporation wants to concentrate the wholesale markets of fruit and vegetables (New Spitalfields), fish ( Billingsgate) and meat and poultry (Smithfield) here. There is one market, however, which stays outside the legal powers of the City: Borough Market.

3.2.2 The Surviving Traders Around two AM, the cold, open space in the Jubilee Market is brightly illumi­ nated (see figure 25), a kind of space that is no longer part of the markets of Spitalfields and Billingsgate. Attracted by the stars in the sky, I see the ancient and impressive tower of Southwark Cathedral rising above the market. This beautiful place smells of rotten fruit and vegetables. While I try to roll tobacco into a smokeable cigarette - I left my cigarettes at home and bought tobacco, which I thought would fit in better tonight - one of the traders lights up a Marlboro cigarette. Inside Andy Sugarman's large section, I smell fresh fruit and herbs. Andy has two cold-stores - one for fruit and another for salad - and a small office, where two men are chatting with each other. Here, a new laptop and a man in a clean white shirt contrasts with a poster of a naked woman provided by Attila Frozen Foods Ltd.. While Job, who works in Borough Market for twenty years now, walks around, he accuses Martin of doing nothing, leaving all the work to him. 'I walk around with a chip-board,' Martin explains to me, 'trying to look efficient.' Both men laugh, and I understand that a little humour is vital during the long nights. Andy himself, dressed in a pair of three-quarter trousers, a red shirt with a body-warmer on top, white sporting shoes and socks an a pen behind his

92 ear, has studied at the univernity. Still, he started working in the market right after graduating, taking over the company from bis father. Being a wholesaler i::; the 'only job T've ever had since T left. univernity twenty-seven years ago,' Andy explains. Like himself, the other trader::; at the market are around fifty yearn old. They do their job whistling a.nd provide a contim.iou::; flow of jokes. However, there is little to no contact between the traders, only between the people of one company. Andy drives back and forth between the lorries and his secLion. Here, the otl1er men carry the heavy boxes from the pallets onto neat piles, occasionally opening one box to show it.::; content to the potential customer . .Job arranges pallets with various boxe::; these a.re pre-ordered by customern who will pick them up later tonight. One man pulls the sticker saying 'Sugarman, Borough' frorn a box of Kenyan mangoes and sticlrn it on Job's back -- a.II rnen la.ugh. Later, J see the sa.me joke being repeated in the section of A €1 W Bonrnc next to us. 'Yeah, yeah, that's very good!' comments Job when l explain him a.bout my research. Apa.rt. from him - and ::;ome jokes a.bout me writing how lazy they a.re - nobody ha.:o asked me what I am doing here and I am mo:ot.ly ignored. The same treatment is given to a customer when he arrives: a. customer takes a pallet by himself and put::; it on the ground in the middle of Andy's sect.ion. He sta.rt:o filling the pallet. with boxes of vegetables and fruit. 'How much for the tomatoes?,' he a.::;Jrn Job. Job explains the prices of the different. types of tomatoes and adds, upon seeing the customern doubtful face, 'probably the Dutch a.re the best for you.' The customer agrees, and picks up one box of Dutch tomatoes priced at £4 a. box. 'Mille gra.zie!,' he tha.nb, after paying for everything. This cu:-;torner is relatively early, ::;ince most people arrive between five and ::;even, after the lorrie::; a.re gone. Today, a Monday, i::; normally, like Tuesday, a good day. On Weclnescla.y, Andy continues, many :-;hops a.re clo::;ecl for !Ja.If t.he clay, so then it i::; often much quieter. On Thursday, most of the :ohop-holclers a.re fini::>l1i11g their products, so that is also a quiet day. Friday;.;, then, i::; bu::;y a.ga.in, beca.u::;c tbe :-;hop-holdern buy their ::;upply for the weekend, and depending on how trade i::; going, Saturday is bu:-;y too. Twenty yearn a.go, Andy explains, the wholesale market in Borough bad about forty traders. In that time, Andy organi::;ed the yearly whole::;alc dinner. Today, there a.re only four big tradern ldt28 and Andy :-;a.ys that he is 1rncertnin about the future. Although Andy is head of the Wholesale Tenantc; As::;ociations, be is also no longer organising the dinner for only four wh,olcsalcrs. However, besides from the fact that he got into this market through his father, Andy would never want. to work in a.not.her market than Borough. In t.hoc;c 'concrete places' like Spilalficlds and C011ent Garden, Andy explain::;, everything is impersonal and a.nt.i-socia.1, while Borough Market has a. nice a.tmosrhere ai;id allow::; the tra.dern

28 These arc A. Sugarman, A f'j W Bourne, C fj C Pruit Co. (Borough) !Ad. and G. liow Ltd. (Mushroom Sales). 'I\;rnips and Booth, who trade also during the day, are not counted as wholesalers by Andy, because the first is a catering company and Lhe second a ret,ailer. They buy their products from Andy.

93 to socialise. Hence, Borough Market is much more lively and forms, according to Andy, a 'community.' Especially after the refurbishment, the markeL has changed frorn a place with extremely bad infrastructure to a place which loob beautiful, has good working lights and a decent floor Andy knows that both Covent Garden and 8pitalfields always Lalk in negative terms a.bout Borough Market, that they ::my Borough Market is a dying business and that it is similar to the pseudo-market Covent Garden is today, but that is, according Lo him, only out ofjcalonsy. Covent Garden is no(,,going very well, and Spitalfields only manage::; to survive clue to a reorientation, as I3'illingsgate did, on 'ethnic' cm;tomern. Borough Market, in contrast, still attracts mo::;t customern f'rorn the nearby area.. Many kebab-shops buy their vegetables here, as well as a steady amount of people who buy their fruit every night in the market. There is, according to Andy, a strong connection with the neighbomhoocl. Traders socialise a lot with their customern and they know mrnt of them by name. CLrntomern a.re greeted when they enter the market: 'Hey, you normally come on TueHday, right? Good business with this nice weather? Good!' Since the Trustees launched the retail market, trade h~s improved. Wlien the retail market boost.eel, the image of the market in general improved, which led to new customers. In the past, nobody knew about the market, but now it attracts more local people. Of courne, Andy explains, the traders in the retail market have to buy their own fruit and vegetablm> as well, which Lhey do in the Jubilee Market during the night. For Andy, it is a possibility to start doing retail as well in the future. It would be ideal for him to do that from the section he has now, because in that case be would not have the riHk of 8pencling money without the certainty of making a. profit. Moreover, Andy explains, the retail market is being moved to the Ju bilec Market anyway in two years time, when the construction works of the rail ways start. At the beginning of the next clay, a.round 6 Al\11, Andy's section is filled Llp with freshly arrived vegetables and fruit. The jokes are over now and although Andy has defended working in the wholesale market dnring the night, he has to admit. now that it does re8trict you in your 80cial life. Most wholesalers sleep three hours before they start working and another three hourn a.fLer they lrnve finished. Ju this case, they can still live a. little bit during the day. H is the hard working-conclitiom; that arc, according to the reta.ilern at Bor­ ough l\/farket, the reason that the wholesalern have become such nasty people. Indeed, it is very clifiieult to develop a. network of friends during the day while you work every night. However, 1 cannot help but notice an anxious undertone in the retailers' voices. After all, the wholesalers are the oneH who consl.i­ tL1te the market's history, they ma.de this unique market for centuries and they have survived, as wholesale market, the City'H cleaning of ~be centre. Only the wholcHalers have a real connection to the area and therefore, perhaps, only the wholeHalers can claim Borough Market as theirs. In rcspons, traders of t.he retail market describe wholesalers in negative terms. Not only are they 'nasty' and 'greedy,' but they are, most of all, in­ human. Retailer:-> exclude whole~a.lcrs frorn the category of people, or at least.

94 from the category of market people. By carefully defining the wholesale market out of Borough Market, by excluding the nightly tradern from it, the retailer::; create a market of their own.

3.3 Creating a Theatre: How Traders Form a Community By looking at the way tradcrn engage with and talk a.bout customers, I recdh;ecl that they work in Lhe market. because it allows them to work with other traders. The spa.cc that the trn.ders crea.tc1 in the market - that i8, the practised place of

3.3.1 Jon: Setting Today's Scene Vicky if:i not ;;ure at what time the market officially opens ··· she j m;t, comes in when ;;he expects that customers will come. The day a.lway8 ;;tarts with a coffee from Monmouth, an excellent quality coffee stall in front of us, after which we

95

.. take the salmon and bacon and other products from the ::>torage in the bascrncnt. While T am taking notes and Alistair is making phone-calls, Jon finishe:o his re­ decoration of the stall. As a. repeating ritual which he performs almost daily - that is, the clays Jon is not working anywhere else and therefore is 'free' to come to the market Jon puts himself bluntly before the stall. .Jon asked me to arrange the products in the vitrine, because, as Alistair confirms, l a.m much more organised than Jon and display the products rnucb more carefully. Jon just stands there in front of the stall, completely ignoring the few cus­ tomers who have already arrived and want to take a look. Not now, a,pparently, because now Jon has to im;pcct his stall first. He has never told me that l arranged something wrongly, nor is that the reason that he inspects the stall. According to him, it is important to stand in front of your stall for a while and look if it appem::> attractive to customern. It is not possible to see this while you a.re arranging the products and only by distancing yourself from iL a bit - anc1 dit;tancing yournelf from the market a.s a. whole you can see if the stall 'works.' The stall never 'worb:;.' At least, the ritual always continues with some changes in the decoration or the arrangement of the product;;. Mrnt of thme changes are insignificant and only of any relevance to .Jon himself. When the goose-breast leans too much over the duck-breast, Jon makes sure that both are put in the stall perfectly, only to be mixed up by careles;; customers two minutes later. Or when the colour of the raspberry jam c1oes not match very well witli the colour of the wild cherry a.nd brambk jam, Jon switches Urn two, ending up with a. composition where the wild cherry and bramble jam stands next to the spicy tomato chutney - an even worse combination. This re-decoration is crucial to Jon. 29 H gives him the time to organise the stall in the way he is comfortable with, while at the same time it gives him an excuse of not having to deal with customer::;. Once in a. while, .Jon has bigger plans concerning the decoration of the stall. As he stand before it, blocking the view of potential 'buyers' but probably 'bodie::;,' he explain;; to me that the market gets so busy during the day that it has to be more clear for customers at a distance what tbey are ;;elling. At the moment, the stall is recognisable from a distance by a white screen with a small blue Loch flj Glen logo on it and the words, in blue, 'Great Scottish Fooch' This is not enough, according to .Jon, beca!lse people now cannot know whether or not they a.re sdling sq1u1rc sausage, jr-uil p1tdding or haggis and the market is so crowded that people cannot just walk by and check it out. They have to be certain to find what they are looking for in order to take Lhe pa.in of mixing them;;elves with the crowd. With an unstable chair and a blne ma,rker, .Jon writes clown tbe products they offer on the screen (the result can be seen in figure 15). This has taken him almost an hour in total -- including the time to carefnlly make a decision on what to write and how an hour that he pretended to be in the market alone. ~When I ;;ee later that .Jon rcrnoved the logo from the bottom of the ;;crcen to the top, Alistair admits that he has no idea why Jon has done it. The time .Jon

29 Roso, in the same way, often comments on the wa.y Miguel decorates t.he stall and Giuseppe comments on the way I decor'1te his st1tll.

96 spend::; on decorating and redecorating the stall has nothing to do with better attracting ctrntomern, it has to clo with enjoying working in the market, with bt1ilding a space Urn.t i::; his own space . .Jon enjoys working in the market a lot. A!though he n~peatedJy tell::; me that he does not understand why Albtair b working here, and a.ltho11gh he says that he is sure that he will not work for a very long time in the market, .Jon enjoys corning and being pa.rt of it. After he has removed all packages of the . roast smoked salrno11 all the other salmon comes 111 green. package::;, and tl18se do therefore not match the other:; - he searches for pieces of paper to write the name::; of the products on. The little boards that he makes are placed between the smokics, the roast smoked snJmon and the black pudding ( thi;o too can be seen in figure 15) . .Jon ii; making a scenic design of hii; stall, he i::; creating a scene to play the Borough Markd again today.

3.3.2 Writing the Script When .Jon carefully sets up his scene, he i::; aware of the fact that Dach f1 Glen is only one scene of the total play of the market. His scene cannot be tmderntoocl in itself, it is necessary to see it in perspective with the rec;t of the market. Jo11, therefore, i::; constantly busy with his fellow actors. Standing in the middle of Three Crown Square, four traders show a complete lack of interest in possible customers coming to their stalls - rather, they enjoy chatting with each other. This, according to Alistair, is a positive aspect of the fact that Thurndays are going bad: the traders have now more time to socialise and laugh with each other. 'Talking and laughing i::; important,' a::;sures Andrew Sharp, the trader of Farmer Sharp. Jn this talking and laughing, traclern form a bond, the create their own community which Alistair, as he explains to rne, likes to be a part oL Not all the people in the market arc part of this community of tradern. Beside::; from the exclusion of the customers and wholesalers, Alistair tells rnc that the people wbo sell sandwiches in Bedale Street - Hobbs Pie c9 Mash - are not part of the rnarket.. They, according to him, only ruin the market by selling extremely bad quality hamburger::>. One property of the community of traders, Urns, seems to be the selling of qtiality food. Food is the reason that the market exists and the quality of the food ncccb to correc;poncl to the quality of the market in terms of tlte community which the traders form. When we have all finished the coffee that Alistair bougbt for u;; thiH morning, we excbange wme fruit and cheese to make sure nobody ;;tarts with an empty ;;tornach. There is also alway::; someone who goe::; Lo Chegworih Valley Apple Juice and buys a bottle of fresh apple juice-~ tbis iH a delight, in it::;elf, because it really tastes like apples. As traclern, we look after each other - Sirnona is therefore concerned when .Jon iH sick one weekend and i11forms to me fl.bout bis health every day. When 1 have to skip a Saturday myself', Rose tells me the next week that they have all missed me. ln the market, the traders form a very loyal group. Besides from the di:ocoun(. that varies between ten and thirty percent when one trader buys something from another trader, there is an active promotion of other traders',. prod11d. which

97 sometimes gives a. feeling tha.t a. trader is promoting the products of another stall more tha.n the ones he sells himself. 'Where did you get your cheese from'!,' Rose asks a customer who, while holding a wrapped piece of cheese, looks a.t her stall. 'Oh, from the Dutch guy,' he replies, referring t.o Bocrenkaas. 'Ah, tlmt's cleliciOL10!,' Ro::;e comments. Loyalty and fun often go hand in hand, since the trader::; a.et loyal not to help the customer finding the best products, but to stress the fa.et that they enjoy working together. When a. woman stands before Loch c'J Glen's stall watching the smoked duck brea..':it and deciding whether or not she is going to buy it, .John comes over from Mons and starts explaining the woman why she should definitely buy this duck breast. 'I get a piece every week,' John jokes, telling her how great it is. The woman i8 truly entertained and interested in the dLtck breast, but decides to wa.lk further to Mons to see the cheesec;. 'That cheese is fantastic:, by the way!,' .Jon shouts at her while pointing to a cheese clispla.yecl in .John's litall, hereby arnwcring John's joke. 111 hi::; stall John is often promoting products from other traders. One day he bought some parma ham at the Parma Harn Company at the other side of Three Crown Square and displayed it on his stall next to his own cheeses. 'Try some of this parma. ham, you can buy it over there!,' he inforrns the customern who come to his sta.11. Although there a.re wme storie;; of competition in the market - for example, Giuseppe did not agree on Stefano selling bottarga in the market, because he already did acts of loyalty a.re often u;;ed as a. way of crna.ting a.nd affirming the community of traders. In the market, furthermore, traders see themselves a.;; a.rti;;ts. Rather than the annoying cu;;tomers and the monstrous wholesalers, traders a.re people who can relate to ea.eh other because they a.re both well educated and artistic. A lmo::>t three quarters of the traders I spoke with ha.ve an academic background ranging from economics and history to French and philosophy and many of them a.re in one way or another related to arts. 30 A lista.ir, for example., has ;;tudied history of arts as well a.s history and a.lso .John has finished an ar.tistic education. In the market I spoke to actors, dancers, sculptors, musicians"a.nd photographers. Vicky explains to me that before she started working in the market, she studied fine arts in Wales. Working in the market is for her both a pos;;ibility to have time to focm; on her artistic career a.s well a.s a. pos::;ibility to rn_eet other a.rti::;ts. Food, after all, is a form of art according to Vicky and 11lthougb she enjoy::; selling French cheeses and has more cookery-books than a.~t-books, art always comes before the cheese to her. This might also be one of the reasons that there a.re so' many artists in the market. As one trader, himself a. writer, explained to me, artists need to do ;;uch work to earn a. living. At the same time, he continues, the environment of the market is fantastic, 'there are always pa.rtie::;, because every body knows everybody.'

30 l also conduct.eel a background research among t.hc traders that 1 did not have the change to talk t.o in person, for which l dist.ribut.cd questionnaires.

98 3.3.3 Jon: Playing the Play This partying that the trader I mentioned above talks about begins right aJter Jon bas finished redecorating his stall and after we have exchanged breakfast and coffee. Full of energy, ahnost nervously, Jon starts walking between om stall, H.osc' stall and the cheese stall of .John and Vicky. The amount of crn;torm:rn can easily be handled by Alistair or by rne, am! .Jon has plenty of' time to socialise with the traders, who themselves a.re also not very busy. He now takes a piece of bright pink paper and starts writing worclo on it, which he then carefully cuts into little cards. Used to Jon's bebavionr, no one is asking what he is doing, until he is finished and sticks a piece of paper on all of us hchind the stall. On one star-shaped piece Jon has written the words 'the profes:mr,' which he sticks to my shirt. Everyone of the three stalls has got ·a. piece of pa.per on his shirt now, and nobody really understands what it means. A li::;t that Jon has made, based on a game where you can choose several things that you can take with you to an uninhabited island, has occupied him the entire morning already. Now and then, Rose tries to sell something to a customer, but she has to be careful that .Jon does not interrupt. Thi:o does not bother her, because on the one hand she also just enjoys being in the market and on the other hand customern seem to like the chaotic way of trading in the market. After filling in his list, .Jon starts a new project to entertain everyone. As we have all noticed, Miguel h; much better in selling mackerel than Rrn;e is, so from now on he is the 'mackerel-seller.' In order to 'help' hiJT1, .Jon writes on a large paper 'Help Miguel Hit His Mackerel Sales Target For Today Please,' followed by a picture of Miguel with a mackerel in his hands standing next to a bar cha.rt indicating his sa.les at the moment at the extreme bottorn of the chart, the sa.les at which he 'might, just might keep his job' halfway the chart and ending in a maximum of two million fillets. .Jon sticks the drawing on the front of Orkney Rose's display. Rose responds by removing the pa.per Crom her display and sticking it, to .Jon's chest, together with a small note saying 'plonker' on his back. By now, however, other mattern have become important: it is 11ea.rly noon, which meam; lunch-time. In a market like Borough Market it is always diflirnlt to decide what to cat for lunch. The food that the market offers is endless and the quality is amazing. Ea.eh day, we have to find a. way to make a.n inLeresUng, smprisi11g and exciting lunch for us, that is, the tradern at Loch (9 Olen, Orkney Rose and Mons. Most of the time, this is Jon'::; task. I had noticed the bottle of sparkling soda water that .Jon has put in the fridge together with the salmon and the bacon and T also already assumed that this was for the lunch ..Jon has also brought with him a pack of maize flour, because today, he hi going to make haggi8-lempmu, a self-invented creation bnsed on haggis and a Japanese style of coating and frying it. Behind the stall of Loch EJ Olen, .Jon :-;ets him:-;elf down to prepare hio:; cooking, getting some a.s:-;istance from Miguel (see figure 28). 31 On a large table normally used to keep the boxes

31 An interesting coincidence would be the fact that lempnrn, a Japanese dish that .fon prepares today in a Scottish variation, was originally introduced in Japan by t.he Port.ttguese.

99 Figure 28: Jon and Miguel are preparing haggis-tempura.

of jams and bannocks -- they are put on the ground now - Jon places his camping gas cooker and his pans. Carefully he opens one of the haggis and makes tiny balls out of the meat, which he rolls in the tempurar-mix he has made. One at a time Jon fries the small haggis-tempura, while Miguel is getting one of those fantastic breads from The Flour Station across Three Crown Square. Earlier, Jon has arranged some excellent butter from Real France, which he combines with pieces of our own organically smoked Scottish salmon. The lunch is going to be delicious and we are all waiting for Jon to finish his cooking. However, haggis-tempura would not be so great if we did not have a nice drink accompanying it. Alistair, therefore, went to Utobeer to get us all a bottle of a special kind of beer. For himself, he brought a glass of white wine from Bedales. It is not uncommon that we set for lunch in the market. Normally, Jon is always, from the moment he finishes his redecoration of the stall, busy with preparing lunch - be it a nice summer salad, smoked duck with cheese and figs, a compilation of bacon, black pudding and square sausage or, as in this case, a more experimental haggis-tempura. After lunch, around three o' clock, Alistair goes away to take a little walk and often comes back with a bottle of wine and a couple of glasses. From behind the stall, then, we sip our wines, talk about everything and let the customers be where they are. Many times Jon, being a whisky expert, brings a couple of bottles to the market. With great enthusiasm he prepares everything for a professional whisky tasting: all the bottles are carefully displayed and glasses of water are filled to

Miguel, however, seems not to be aware of this.

100 reduce the percentage of alcohol in the whisky in order to let the flavour come out. Today, we Jirnt taste Oban, mixed with a drop of water . .Jon looks at our faces to see if we enjoy the whisky. He explains us everything about it and indicatei:l the position of the distillery on the blue map of Scotland. Next, we taste, Lagavulin, followed by Talisker, a tasteful, smokey whisky. We all enjoy our whiskies, accompm1ied by the small pieces of square sausage Urnt Jon has prepared to sample, but which he does not like to do and has therefore decided to eat. Our clay in the market resembles a day of leil:lurc, a clay where people come together to talk and, indeed, have a laugh. Occasionally the customers arc the focm; of our humour. When a man is extremely serious in tat>ting all Mons' cheeses and while he i::; busy for more than fifteen minutes comparing all the kinds of cheese, Miguel and Rose arc making fun of him while Alistair is imitating him in a highly ironic way and Jon, although he cannot stop langhing, is making pictures of the whole scene. Al;.;o, when an old man who regularly vi;.;iti:l Orkney Rose forget;.; his walking ;.;tick, everybody is making jokes about him, imitating him by walking through the market with the walking t>tick. Most of the time, however, traclcrn arc making fun of each other, as Jon did when he made his t'iim1y name-signs or l\ifiguel't> mackerel target. 'Have you seen him. when he's drunk? - really an old lady!' Jon argues, referring to Alex from the tea stall. 'Ah!,' Alit>tair imitates Alex :oarcastically, 'do you want a cup of coffee, Alex? - No, I haven't been drinking coffee for eighteen month>;, it pollutes your body.' Together, Jon and Alistair stumble behind the stall and pretend that they are drunk. Everybody is laughing and, as a consequence, nobody notices the customer:,; a.nymore. When, on a sweaty summer day, a young trader working randomly at Pie Minister and England Preserves taket> off his shirt, Chris complains abont thi;.;. People should keep there clothes on in a food market, according to him, because hygiene is important. Concerned about losing customers, C11ris tries to convince me by explaining that customers already complain wben traders touch money and food with the same gloves, let a.lone touching it without gloves or standing between pork-pies and blueberry jam without wearing a shirt. The other traders at Three Crown Square, however, see absolutely no harm in this trader ta.king off his shirt. After all, it is hot and why wouldn't you take off your ;;hirt if yo11 want to? The irnporta.nt thing is that you have a good time in tbe market. llogier, who worki-3 in front of us at Villanova, used to work with Ali;;tair in Rrindisa. As such, they know each other very well and Rogier is often ma.king fun of Alistair. Jn return, then, A lista.ir chases Rogier with a huge knife as if he is going to ;;tab him. On other occasions, of course, Alistair i::; ma.king fun of R.ogier, for example when he is singing and pole dancing around the parasol. The market, after all, is about being together as traders, about having a good time. A clear example of thi;; i::; the scene I witnet>::;ed in the market, prcc:entcd in figure 29. [fore, the artistic nature of the tradern beccmies perfectly visib.lc together with their total la.ck of interest in ctrntorners and their way of spending the day .in the market: having fun!

101 the market next to the Jubilee Market, trader,; come togetlier Lo have a drink if they have not planned a 'meeting' in 'the Office' in Stoney Street. During the month::; I worked in the market, there were not many days that we did not went to The Rake. Here, everybody knows every one, becau::;e we arc all traclern here - even the bartendern arc tradern and part of the market'H community. Because The Rake is extremely small, we normally clq not find a place to ::;it together. lm>tead of splitting up in various groups, we decide to use a pallet in the deserted Jubilee Market as a combined chair and table. The speciality of The Ra.kc is beer -- they have hundreds of from all over the world, ranging from organic beer from the US to unknown beer from Corsica but we, educated and sophisticated as we imagine ourselves Lo be, often choose wine above beer. In first sight, thic; seems to make no ::;em>e, because The Rake offern only a limited amount of wines and a huge amount of beers. However, by drinking wine, we can buy one bottle and share the ~mme bottle among UH. Drinking wine is more social than drinking beer. The white and red wines of The Rake are undrinkable, according to Alistair, so we are bound to the only rose they have. Together, our ages varying from twenty to almost sixty, Alistair, .Jon, Rose, Liz and I sit on pallets and sip from our rose. Soon, the conversation focuses 011 sex; the various positions, the frequency and the partners are all discussed. Jokes are made and before anyone realises it, we open our third bottle of rose. In the window of an apartment in Winchester Walk we see two men deliberately showing themselves off in front of the window. Liz cannot :;top laughing, and Ro,;e jokes that Jon might want to join. Alistair, who would not make such banal jokes, standc; up to get another bottle of rose. When Alistair returns, Liz is explaining to everyone how Holly, a. track~r in U1e market, got her into yoga. She now practise8 it regularly and thinlrn that it is beneficial for her. Jon listens, while his facial expreHsion betrays his clisbelief. Rose, however, supports Liz' claim and trieH to convince u::; that alternative medication doe8 really work. When Alistair he Beclale Street, Rose ha8 got some Hopi Ear Candles, which should work agaim;t earache. Ten minutes later, Alistair i,; lying on a pallet, his feet on the cold street and hie; head resting on a. jacket. Rose has lit the joint-shapes ear candle and put::; it in Ali::;tair's ear. Like Jon, I have trouble not to la.ugh when I c;ee this strange :ocene of a man lying on the floor of the wholesale rrmrket with a 'joint' in his ear. Alistair foeb uncomfortable t.oo, but Rose insists that'he lie::> still, making sure the ear candle stays in his ear. For the next twenty mim~ttes, A li::;tair has to lie like thiH and the rec;t of us are rolling on the ground out of amusemcnti:i2

32 Alistair used !Topi Ear Candles, a thermal-auricular therapy described by Neal '8 Yard Remedies as follows: Traditionally hand-made, these candles are ma.do of pure booswax and raw cot-

103 After a while, Rogier and later a.lso John join us. Although it is only a Friday and everyone has to be in the market the next day around eight o' clock, nobody 0eem0 to worry about it. Another few bottle0 of ro::>e pass by and as we 0it here, I realise that thi::; i::> the mo::>t important part of the clay. Talking with each other, drinking a glass of wine, smoking a cigarette and making lots of fun - the day has found its culminatiou in The Rake. Without leaving the market properly, the after-hours are the time when the market ic: considered to be in its purest, barest form. The community that the traders form, I believe, is based firnt on the exclusion or customers and whole:,;alern and next on the articulation of creating an autonornou::; ::;pace or loyal and a.rt.i:,;tic people who, most irnportantly, have a good time together. Fun create::; a community of tradern precicely by it0 dual characteristics (Verkaaik 2003: 15). One the one hand, making jokes arid laughing at each other is a means of arnbiguou::; communication; it allows tr~ders to articulate a community without any fixed borders. By making joke::;, traders comment 011 themselve::; in ways that are ::;erious enough to be understood by all, but at the ::;a.me time are funny as to allow the meaning of the joke to change and even contradict without any problem. On the other hand, by making hrn tra.dern exclude the customer::; and the wholesalers. The ability to laugh at each other strengthens the bounclarie8 of the tradern community. Although thrne bound­ aries a.re not fixed, it are the tradern who decide who transgresse0 it and who docs not. Fun, indeed, is a boundary marker (Verkaa.ik 2004: 5; see abo Johns­ ::>on 2001) which creates an autonomous realit.y. It creates the tra.c!ern' space. l am affirmed in my view when Liz, herself an important pa.rt of the community of traders, says to me: 'Now you're really pa.rt of the market.' The fun of the evening, I learn, is the true backstage of the market, it blurs the fronLstage of the day ancl celebrates the traders' way of life. 3.4 Stealing the Show: the War with the "Big. Four" Fun, drinking and laughing -- all are building bloclrn of the community of traders. After another glass of wine, however, Liz clmngec; the conver:mtion to another subject: the market's management, its Trustees and the power of Lhe founding traders of the retail market . .John agrees and puts forward arguments supporting his view on the nmnagement. As a matter of great concern, there are some elements in the market thaL cannot, in contrast to cust01rn1rs, be excluded, or, in contrast to the wholesalers, be dismissed. The:oe elements are the subject of' much debate, in the market as well as out.side on a pallet with a cigarette.

1.on, and indnde a cot.ton filtor to prevent. residue from falling in,to the ear. Being hollow, these draw impuril.ies and deep deposits ont. of' t.he ear. This leads Lo a regulation of prrnsure in l.bc sinuses and a feeling of well being in t.he ear and head (somce: shop .ncalsyardrenwdim.com/product/974/Ear_Candles). However, scientists judge car candles ineffective and even dangerous (Seely, Quigley & Lang­ man L996; Ernst 2004).

104 3.4.1 The Management: "They Don't Understand" John likes the idea tha.t 1 am going to ta.lk to Simone, the Chief Executive of the market, a11cl he hopes that l will intimidate her by reading her my field­ notes. According to him, Simone talks through her nose; she insists Lo be called 'Simone,' with a French pronunciation, but everyone in the market calls her 'Simone,' the English pronunciation. Making an appointii1ent with her, how­ ever, b not as ern;y as it sounds. Firnt, I have to get past the whole structure of a bureaucratic organisation, in which I ta.lk to Jnliet, Simone's assistant, when 1 try to call Simone and I talk to Louise, Juliet's assistant, when T try to call Juliet, only to be told that what a coincidence Simone'.s agenda is lost and I better call back the next clay. At this point I did not know yet that it would take me three months calling and mailing to get in touch with Simone When we have a drink in The Rake, Jon often tells me his litory about the time tha.t he wanted to have a 8tall in the in 2006 and that Simone never answered his request. Only one or two clays before the event, .Jon ran into Simone and she told him that everything was OK, that he could have a stall in the Christmas Market. With only a few clays left, .Jon was extremely frustrated about this behaviour of Simone. It soon turns out that Jon is not the only one who complains about Simone's work and the work of her ;.;ta.ff, like Chris, the Market Manager who deals with the daily affairs on the floor. When the position of chief ex~~utive of the market was vacant, only three people applied, so the story goes. Simone was going to be the best out of these three - although the trader::; agree tbat she is certa.inly underqua1ifiecl for this job - and she now gets paid very well:

R.OSE: Why can't I get a salary from the market for part-time man­ agement and do a better job [than Simone]? .JOHN: And we're paying seventy quid for this! ALISTAIR: And then there's .Juliet, and her assistant ...

When it comes to spending money, the traclern all agree that the management does a bad job. As John explains to me, the market's management spent £20.000 on the screern that hang in the market (see figure 13), but they forgot that the most important thing is to get customers in the market in the fin;t place. They should concentrate more on external advertisement than on things like screens. The reason that the management is so bad is, accoreling to the tra.dern, because they have no real contact with the traclern. Neither the management not the Trustees are in any way related to the market traders and Simone, who makes the decisions, is hardly ever in the market. The website of the market (www.boroughmarket.org.uk) has co:ot £11.000, but nobod.y i8 doing anything with i1. The same io true for the Borough Market office ju;;t on your left hand when you enter the market at Three Crown Square: it was only used, as Alistair explains, to collect the rents on Prida.y, but it b c:lo.c;ed for a long time now. The market has its own police force -- friendly men called 'beadle;,;,' wearing an oflic:ial looking 'Borough Market Police' cap who make their roundo and greet every trader but for the rest, the market's management is not able to provide

105 the traders with a good market or keep maintenance on an acceptable level. One afternoon in .July, what started as a light summer rain in London evolved into a heavy storm. Clrntomern fled from the Green Market to the covered buildings of the Middle Roa.cl. There was no possibility to sell anything, because the sound of the rain on the market's roof made it impossible t.o understand anyone. For minutes the loud nohie of the clattering rain went on, giving me a terrible headache. But there wa.s no tirne to think about headaches: Vicky's cheeses had to be saved! From the leaking roof Vicky's stall was getting water and the cheeses had to be covered and removed. A ftcr we saved some chem;cs, we realised that. it. almost made no sense. It was not just a tiny leak in the roof, but the entire roof was like a colander. From everywhere rain ea.me clown on us, and the little bucket Alista.ir and I had placed before our stall looked stupid. Quickly, we tried to move the entire stalls nnclerneath the umbrella's, hoping that thi::; conlcl save some of the product;>. Alter just fifteen minutes of rain, the water started to come up through the surface water system in the market, creating a buge pool bet.ween the t.raclern at one side of Three Crown Square and the traders a.t. the other side of the square. When the alarm in the market went off, the chaos was complete. People were totally wet, a siren sounded loudly and a.11 the stalls were moved backward, unreachable beyond a pool of water. Tben, the lights fused - there was no more electricity. When the elect.ricity is off, ::;o a.re the fridges in which the fre::;l1 products a.re stored. Everybody worked together to keep their products a::; cool a.8 pos8ible, but t.he genera.! feeling was clear: how could this happen? How can a market a.::; popular and farno\18 as Borough Market be run by a team of ma.nageme11t who is not able to provide the basic facilities of a market. The next clay, the power was still off. A week later, after a few hours of trading, the power was off again. Traders started to react mechanically I started to forget mentioning it in my notebooks: the power ha.s been off so many times now. It is the Trustees' historical duty to enable the people to hold a market here. After so many days when the power wa.s off, I started to understand the traders' n.rgmnents that the Trustees do not perform their job very well. However, .Jon is not. only negative about the Trustees. Rather, it is the managernellt. that. needs to change. There is no leaclen;hip, according to Jon, and no quality, but. the problem is that in order to comrnunica.t.e with the Trustees, the traders have to geL through the management first a.nd it is exactly in the communication, according to t.he trn.ders, that the management shows its d~epec>t Haws.

Thursday

SIMONA: Was it a.clvert.isecl? Cmus (market. manager): Apparently, but I haven't seen it.

106 SIMONA: It would be better if it's being advertised. CHRIS: Yeah, go for it! vVhen Simona asks Chris about the new opening day of the market on Thnrs­ clays, Chris shows little interest in helping her. In fact, I have to agree with .Jon that Chris is indeed very rude: he :-;ends let.Lers that are very cl iscourteous, like the letter from A uglrnL 24, in which he refers to his letter of .July 13. This letter ends as follows: IF YOU DO NOT HAVE A VALlD BOROUGH MARKET PARK­ ING PERJ\HT DISPLAYED IN YOUR WINDSCREEN, YOU WILL BE CLAMPED. THOSE TRADERS WHO DO HAVE A l\IARKET PARKING PERMIT AND PARK HERE ON A MARKET DAY ARE DEPRIVING THEIR OWN CUSTONfERS OF PARKING SPACES (YOUf{ CUSTOMERS, YOUR CHOICE). OVERNIGHT PARKING IS NOT ALLOWED UNLESS YOU ARE A WHOLE­ SALER AND YOUR BUSINESS IS OPEN OVERNIGHT. (sic] I do hope that this has clarified tbe situation once and for all. It was decided, and circulated in a letter much like the one above, that every trader in Three Crown Square had to open on Thurndays, otherwise they would have to move to the Green Market. Tbis happened to the trader selling cheddar in Three Crown Square: he moved to the Green Market. However, what Simona finds fru::;trating is that while she is trading on Thursday now, many traders on Thn~e Crown Square still do not, giving the potential customer a feeling of a closed market. She nmkes almo::;t no money, but 8he has to be in the market all clay. It i::> unfair, ::>he says, the market should not u;;e a double :-;tandard. Even a.fter a fow weeks, the market is still extremely quiet on Thursdays, ca.u;,;ing much frustration not only with Simona.. It is a. Thursday in Augmit, two o' clock, a.ncl still no customers to be 8eC11. The rnarket i;; de;;erted, and John join;; a discussion between Alistair and Leila, a trader from Topolski. Soon, Rme, Anna, Chris and the whole of Three Crown Square gets involved in the di::>cu;;sion: LEILA: So black and white, just trying to make a revenue by mak­ ing the traders tra.cle on Thursday! It's against the rrinciple of the market. If trading is profitable of Thurnday, traders will come by themselves. But. now they make us trade without any customers. It'::> mad! Everybody is ma.king a loss on Thursday! ALISTAIR: Yes, and when they would give us six month free of rent and promote everything good, but... LEILA: Ninety percent of the tradcrn are not happy trading on Thursday. They're making a lo;;s, or at least no rnoncy and the only reason that they trade on Thurnday is to kcep.,their pitches. It's not right! Thi::> is an issue that everybody i8 pissed off about! Leila then suggests that perhaps Rob, who is now the ;;ecreta.ry of the tradern committee, it; not the right pernon to represenL the tra.clern. Alistair agrees, pointing at how long it took Rob to solve Che bottle-neck woblem.

107 ROB: I am prepared to do Thursday evening, but only if it's being promoted, like the Covent Garden . .JOHN: Right now l'm a charity. I compensate tbe Thursday with Saturday and I'm feeding London's mouths for free! It's norrnense! Leila proposes to write a letter of protest and to start a weh--pa.gc on the Internet (www.boroughmarkettradern.org.uk) where traders can communicate and share ideas. As .John already expressed earlier with regard to the large screens, the Thursday market should be promoted better. Every month, three new markets are launched with much publicity in London, according to John, 'and in Borough Market there is no more fresh... They should do more on publicity.' He proposes that for the time being, the traders should consider paying for a decent promotion thernselves, accepting to rnake no profit until half a year later. 'Do it, or be rubbish!' John summarises his proposal for action rather than talking. I1, is like a Ferrari picking up, the prettiest girl in London, he explains, fast and straight at the target. The management, it is the general feeling, does not understaud the traders and they a.re not qualified for the job. Two weekH before this discussion, for example, two parasols were missing from the market. John comments: '01LT Trustees [sarcastically] have decided that it it> an inside job.' He continues, .JOI-IN: The simplicity of human beings ... They were freaking out in their offices and decided that they could solve the problem by closing the market until nine thirty [AM]! [sarcastically] Sherlock Holmes! ALISTAIR: If it wasn't so frustrating, it would almost be comical... ROSE: So I start next wePk [trading on Thursday] and I loose a hundred quid a week ... That's cool, l can't wait ... ! I'm gorma give it one week, but then I'm gonna. give it up. According to .John, the market's management should realise that they arc em­ ployed by the market, they are working for the tradern and not the other way around. In that position, John argues, you have to be able to communicate with traders: 'that's the most frustrating thing of this market, that nobody talks!' Around that time, Jina.lly, T walked into Simone while buying vegetables at Hooth and asked her for an appointment. 'Now she coulcln 't avoid you any longer,' Alistair comments.

The Executive's Response After I rnet Simone once at Loch E1 Glen and subsequently tried to make an appointment with her, I had not c;een her in Lhe market anymore. ,Just as Andy Leib me that Simone has never been in the wholesale market - even though she is chief executive of this pa.rt of the market too she is abo hardly ever in the retail markd. Tornorrow, I was going to meet Simone, but today Alistair has invited me to join him on a meeting with the market's management and some other traden:;. 'Ah, they will behave clifforenLly when they know you're observing everything,' Jon expects. On Southwark Street, the nmrket's management has itc: of-!ices right above the nmrket. Through the windows, l can see the roof of the Three Crown Square

LOS and the tower of St Paul's Cathedral in The City (see figure 30). When I enter the building, the names of Lhe previous Trustees are writ.ten in white marble on the wall. lJpstairn, on the highest floor, Simone haH planned her meeting in a classic meeting room the Board Room -- with a large niassive wooden table and black leather covered chairn. Here, goklen letters on the wall are telling me the history of the market and all around me I see names of previous Trustees in golden letters spelled on the wainscoting. Simone has called this meeting - Lo which twelve people attend -- Lo cliscttss the Wholesalers event to present the autumn produce. Various plans regarding the advertisement of the event arc discussed as well as possible ideas for the event itself. Although Simone is heading the meeting, the trader from Utober:r is making many suggestiom; to attract customers to the event. He wants to organise sausage-competitions between Oinger Pig and Sillfield Farm. and he wants to set up a vip-lounge, all suggestions that everybody agrees on. Also the suggestions that the market sends out invitations of the event (,.;ee figure 31), that it offers jute 'Borough Market shopping bags' for sale and that Tony from Booth is attracting the culinary magazine Rcstauranl are well received. When Alistair makes a suggestion next, the other traders disapprove, putting Simone in an uncomfortable position. She always waits for Alistair's opinion when decisiorn have to be made, but now Alistair i,.; on his own. 'Arc you OK with that...?,' she tries. It is clear that all.hough Simone is officially lea.cling the discussion, she feels like she has to listen to Alistair, a gentleman who speaks polite and precise, revealing a greater amount of cultural capital than Simone herself. Ali::;ta.ir is, however, not around when l meet her the next day in this same room. During the rneeting, Simone as well as her as8istent Juliet and Jnliet's assis­ tant Louise had ignored me. They did not protest against my presence either, as I was coming with Alistair. Today, Simone has prepared herself for a conver­ sation with me and she is making even more notes while talking than me. She tells me that she is interested in my research, because I am the firnt one doing participant observation in the market. 'What are your conclusions?,' she ash. Simone starts our conversation by defending herself agaim;t the accusation that. the market's management is responsible for the losses on Thursdays. 'Tt takes time,' she says, '[but] I'm q11ict pleased with t.he number of people who come through the door.' In her opi11ion, the traders are responsible for the trading on Thursday themselves. 'I'm desperate to get people to agree to do Thursday, but it's very hard .. .' She cannot force people to be open on Thursday, but she promises that the traders on Three Crown Square will no longer be trading between closed stalls: They're gonna get kicked out! It's not fair to the customers. It's disappointing [becau8e] Thursday is twenty pounds [rent]. Simone thus stresses the fact that the tradern themselves are to blame, while !.he management is trying to make it a good clay. They charge very little and tbey do not want to make money out of Thursday. All they wan I. to do is give citstomers a cha1ice to visit the market 011!.side the busy weekend and hence to

109 Figure 30: The view from the market's offices over the roof of Three Crown Square. St Paul's Cathedral is visible in the background.

110 Figure 31: The Borough Market Autumn Event invitation.

111 give traders a chance to sell more. Simone, moreover, does not believe the story that the traders in the market are making a. loss. According t.o her, the market is an inexpensive way of having a shopping window for wholesale-customers: 'Just being here is good for their businesses elsewhere.' Simone continues to explain that being in Borough Market is a. privilege for traders. The market is a 'quality insurance stamp.' Here Simone describes the working of the market in the same way as H.ose did. Retailers in Borough Market. a.re sta.rting to do a. specialist kind of whole­ saling, which is tmiquc in the UK This change in the relation between retailing and wholesaling is making businesses of the market traders, according t.o Si­ mone, 'future-proof.' Some t.radern, especially the old ones, do reali::;c this: 'some people get it - :mme people don't.' She continues:

There a.re lots of traders who bLtild this here up. They. inve;;t and 80 they have ownership of the success. They understand that tmmctimes you have to do things for a while and then they're successfnl. Talk to people, to customers -- and that's very important.

In the end, however, she is the chief executive and as such, she has other responsibilities than making the Thursday a ,.;ucces8. The things that she does have to do with other aspects of the market, like the management of the prop­ erties, the legal reforms, the charitable status of the market and the national and international connectiorn of the rnarket.33 With respect to the last one, Simone explains to me that Borough Market is involved in Emporion (see a.gain page 41), which is based on three principles, namely the sharing of knowledge on a European basis, the creation of a platforrn to represent Europe's market to institutions such as the EU and finally the creation of a vehicle to have bet­ ter access to fundings. 'It's got a lot of momentum,' Simone explains, and the organisation will be built out further, especially in northern Europe. When it comes to the charitable status of the market, Simone explains that there a.re plans for a Food School in which children will be educated for free and where additional commercial activities will pay for the education of these children. Up until today, however, Cathedral Street number one, the building next to the wholesale market where the School is planned, is still empty. Simone's other function, the management of the market's properties, is linked with the market's charitable deed of conservation of the historical area. Due to old Acts of Parliament, Simone explains to me, the market owns a. lot of buildings - 'we've got the land, and we've got it for ever!' Before she be­ came the chief executive, about two yearn a.go, the market owned everything from Southwark Street and Borough High Street up to the bank of the River Thames. However, the financial problems which started in the 1970s made the Trustees decide to sell the riverside warehouses a.nd use the money t.o pay for the rel'urbishrnent of the market (for which they hired Ken'°Greig, see page :30).

3:1Still, Simone took it upon her to write a short reply to the an article in t.he Time Ont magazine which, in the same way as the Washington Post article cl.id (McDonough 2007), presented Borough Market as a. place to get a. free lunch (Crofton 2007).

112 When Simone, who has a background in law and inve:,;ting, en.me in, she made sure that the market would stop selling 'the family's silver.: She prevented the sale of a very big property, because these properties, she explains, arc crucial for the market,· since they provide its financial basis: the inco'.ine that the market generates with it supports the holding of a market. The rent for stall holders iu BoroHgh Market is very low and in order to keep the market financially healthy, Simone has to make sure they earn a profit from their properties, from filming permission::;, car-parking on the market's premises and :oo on. By property management, Simone wants to safeguard the market's income. She wants to close off Stoney Street, w that it can become a real market street and provide the cu::;tomers with a way to move around in the market. 'We have to work on consumer behaviour, Lo get them go around there,' Simone explains. However, the market does not own Stoney Street nor Park Street, so she has to get thic; through the Council, which, of course, takes much time. At the ;,arne time, Simone is slowed down in her work by variou:o 'crazy' old Acts which, if she wants to change them, have to go through Parliament. For example, Simone want;, to make a food-epicentre around Park Street up to the river side, but for this they have to buy the properties on Park Street. However, the market has no money:

We can't even borrow five pounds, because of the Acts. And that's very unusual for modern businesses, 'cause normally with a modern bm;iness if you've got a good asset-base ~ which we do, because we have all these properties and they've got value you do borrow against it so there through you develop a market: can't. We can't borrow anything at all and we only charge thirty-five pounds a clay so it's not easy to generate money. I have to be creative and generate money frorn other places.

At the moment, Simone is working on a bill to change tbi::;. By developing the market, Simone explaim;, they gave a boost to the impov­ erished area of Borough. 'The market's role in the regeneration of the arect is very significant,' Simone tells me, 'when the market ;,old the warehouse;, near the River, these warehouses were built into expensive apartments.' As such, she argues, the image of the area improved, a::; did the property value. 'The market has been a big contribution to the area,' Simone concludes. AL the rnonwnt, all the shops and restaurant:o in the area are starting to develop retail, becau;,c, as Simone explains, they want to attract the Borough Market cu;,tomer. Much more than any other shop, she continues, the market is an experience: because you engage with people, Simone tells me that there are many more social interactions taking place in the market compared to the interactions in supcrmarkets.34 Therefore, Simone is not negative about the railway con;,truc­ tion work;; which are beginning soon. The market ha::; survived the railways 150 years ago and will survive them now. Furthermore, Simone expects, 'in 250

:Jtruction], because iti:l jtrnt tbe nature of the tbing1:3 it'i:l a blink of the moment.' Besidel:l, she arguel:l, the market will gain more ::;pace to extend north of Bedale Street (see figure l9f). Simone ii) aware of the fact tbat traders l:lee this development differently. A;; with other problcrm; in the market, Simone's job is to find the be8t solution for all parties involved. When it comes to the problem of touri;;ts, 8he comment::;:

There',, a ten8ion - are we a food-plaza where people eat hot food and people don't shop? - that's a real dilemma and it"'s one that we really ;;trugglc with. Hot food ::;crvcd a purpose an<;\ attracted the customcrn, it i::; part and pa.reel of it, but it is a problem. I think there should be hot food on Thurnclays to build the market, but then you get hot food al:l an is:-me.

Simone proprne::; to make a second level floor in the market and relocate the hot food there, like they do in the K ozponti V asrfrcsarnok market in .

And then everybody is happy. In the future we will be able to deal with it, but for the pre8<:mt ... [t'8 hard, it\.; tricky. It's very tricky, there arc dilemma'::> all the time. It's not perfect, but ...

Here, Simone explain:o to me that it is in the nature of her position as a chief executive that she will always have to cfomppoint people in the rnarket when she docs nothing but trying to improve Lhe market. For example, when it comes to Lhc bad communication between the traders and the Trustees, Simone proposel:l that the Trustees 8pencl the rnorning behind the stall8 with tlic stallholders and just experience what it is like to be a trader. 'The people down there are business-people, they understand their marketplace, and it's really important for the 'Thustees to understand - it's fundamental to understand what happens clown there ... fundamental.' Despite these good intentions, however, traders still do not like her. She cannot in8ta.ntly improve the communication with the Trm>tecl:l or the profit on Thurnda.ys by herself. 'It's a tough job,' she explains,

It';; Lough being a chief executive. lt'i:l tough, becam;e people arc getting angry with you and they don't like things, but you have to ... My job if:; trying to make the right deci;.;ions for everybody, not f'or one or two or three. So it's not like l'm gonna be popular, if T say different things. But someone has to do it.

The things that Simone does as a chief executive, thus, are important to the market. She make::; 8Ure that the market as an organbation i8 profit.able and l:ltays profitable in the longer term. The actions ::lhe takes for this, however, a.re of a kind that are not directly vi;;ible for the tradcm and therefore they do not understand it, Simone argue.o. Tn her response to the traders' critique, she stresse8 that the traders 1:Jimply do not like her hcca.trne they do not imderstancl her. The traders complain about trading on Thursday under the1:Je conditions, but tlx~y do not understand that it is an inve1:Jtment, that the profits will go up

L11 in the longer term. Simone is not doing anything wrong, it is just that you have to have the complete picture of the market to see how things work - a picture that she, frorn her window in the office, ha.::;, but the traders have not. However, T come to think that an overview over the market's roof might provide her with a map of the market, but not with what is happening undei·neath the roof: the space of the market that b created by the traders. Tt is only the practised place that turns a place into a space only by engaging in the space can Simone move a.round in the world of the market. Looking over the market; to the famous and important St Paul'::; Cathedral will not enable Simone, nor any other member of the management, to really 'enter' the marketplace (see again figure :30).

3.4.2 The Trustees: "They Don't Know" Decided in the Act of 1756 and later Acts, the market is to be run by a Board consisting of 'Churchwardens, Oven>eers, a.nd Inhabitants, or any Seven or more of them' (see page 29). The members of this Board, which made tlic market a charity in 1999, a.re called Trnstees and they a.re responsible for the running of the market and the charitable deeds that the market provides. As the Central Regi::.;ter of Charities states (Charity-Comission n.d.), these acts c:onsi;.;t in edu­ cation and training, relief of poverty, conservation of the environmental heritage and economic development of the community. These charities a.re, according to the same register, directed to young a.swell as old people, that is, to mankind in general. The way the Tnrntces should do this is by providing buildings, fa.cilitie::; and open spaces to hold a market. Not so long a.go, five of the twenty-one Trustees were ex officio Trustees be­ ca.u::;e they were members of the Corpora.t.ion of Warclern> in St Saviour's parish. The other sixteen, who have to be liable for council tax for a. property within the St Saviour's pari::.;h, were appointed and accepted on a ba::.;is of four each year by the Council for a period of three to tive yearn. Sin(;e the Council is no longer appointing Wardens, the number of Trn::-;tee:,; has dropped to a. Lota] of sixteen. a5 Today, Simone expla.im; to me, the Trm;tecs can abo live in other areas even though most of the, at pre.oent fourteen, Trustees who accepted this unpaid job :,;till live in the area.. Although the Tnrntees are generally appointed for periods not exceeding five yearn, one Trustee, George Nichol::mn, has been Cha.irr:na.n of the Board of Trnstees for a. long time and member of the Board for over thirty years. In forewords to books and lea.Hets (for example in Webster et al. 2006), he claims to have initiated the retail market which has become :mch a success. Due to him, the market is now no longer in financial problems. Also Simone praises George, when she says that 'George is great ... George has ·been very influential, he's a market man .... He's a very important person in th,is market's history.' Alistair comment:; that George is indeed very enthusiastic: in his work f'or the market. However, he is not a real manager and this is the~ point were Simone came in; to take ea.re of the practical running of the market.' Since then, George

35Inforrnal;ion regarding the appoint.rnent. of' Trustees can be found on the Council';; website: www.sonthwark.gov.uk.

115 has stepped back as Chairman. As Jon comments on iL, 'he left under a cloud ... kind of a disgrace.' The relation between the Trustees and the traders is more complicated than the relation between management and the traders. When it comes to the Trustees, t.hey are at. the same time the traders' hope for improvement as well as the source of the wrongdoing of the rnairngement. Wh~re the management is unprofessional and unable to do good advertisement, the Trnstern have set up a 'Borongh Market J'vfagazine' to promote the maxket. However, the other side of the coin is that, as a writ.er l'or this magazine explains to me, it is in fact only propaganda of the Trustees. They completely own the magazine and they decide what is written in it. There is no freedom for the (.radern to express their thoughts in this magazine. As Coles explains when sharing his ideas ol' the market with me, the market's Trustees create, through this and other media outlets, their own market: in the magazine, the concept of 'fine food' is defined, created and cont.rolled. The Trustees do have significant power in Lhe rnarket. They am the ones who, although not practical, a.t least theoretically create the market: they decide what good food is. They employ the Executive Team and the management and they have the final word in deciding who is trading in the market and who is not. On paper the Trustee::; have the absolute power. ln reality, on the other hand, it is not that easy. That the Trustees have more power than one would initially expect i8 ex­ plained to me by many tradern. Alistair, for example, stresses the fact tbat George has build a tight network of inftuential people around him. He has friends on many important positions in the local politics and is himself involved in many developmenta.1 projects in the area, like Better Bankside, Coin Street and the project regarding the famous OXO-tower. The traders of the market often suggest that George's involvement in all these organisations allow him to route money to his Labour party in Southwark Council. The corrupt reputaLion that George has in the market is also of great concern to one of the market's Trustee8, Margaret.

Margaret: A Traders' Trustee I n1eet Margaret in front of 'the Oflic:e' 011 a day 1.hat the market itself is closed. 'The Office' is open, as well as Monm01dh, the bar where I used to get my coffee in the mornings. However, Margaret cannot afford the food and drinks that the market offers. Being a mother with little income, Margaret live8 in the nearby Peabody Estate social bmtsing prnjcct and has :oecn the market evolve into a place exclu:oivcly for the rich. We walk a few streets and have a less expensive tea. Becau::;e JVIargaret has seen the market change like this, she i:o aware of the contrast that the market makes with its neighbourhood. In the encl, she is afraid, the market might collapse under its own wcce::;::;, 0ince only fr~w of the people who live near by can afford to shop in the market. The of tbc lUver Thames used to be an area were both richer and poorer people lived, but clue to a rise in property price::;, it now becomes more and more an exclmiive area

116 for the rich people. The market itself is also one of Lhe reasons that poor people need to move out of the area. According to her, the price,; in the market are high because tradern a.re asking unfair prices: the market hcis become pop1tlar, ::;o the prices are adjusted to that. Part of the price, according to her, is the popularity ol' the market and the nice di::;play that the trader::; build. Once, Margaret asked the traders of the market to give ber a recipe for a meal for four people which cm;ts only four pounds: ::;he got almost no respon::;c and out of the few re::;ponse::; that she got, one was a recipe that took over three houn; to cook. Clearly, the trader::; have no iclea who the pmple a.re who live in the area. Still, Margaret feeb that she can understand most traclern, ;.;he feels Umt she, in contrast to most other member of the Board of Trustees, can really communicate with the traders. According to her, many traders are Ktill dow11-to­ earth people who simply try to make a market. Alistair, for example, has alway:o helped her in the organisation of the annual Borough Market Barbecue for the inhabitants of the Peabody Estate. In the same way, Margaret unden:;ta.nds why the relationship between the management of the market. and the tradern is so bad. In her opinion, thi;; is due to a few members of the Board of Trustee::; who employ the management. Together with herself, there arc a few other Trustees who live in the Pea.body Estate. The other::; arc rich people, who 'have no idea.' M~rgaret has been a Trustee for over ten yearn now and she experienced a. change in the Board of Trustees. In the past, the Board used to meet every month, but there was not much activity in running the market. Today, Trustees only meet every other month for two hourn and more and more of the powers of the Trm;tces arc being handed down to the managemenL. This system, according to l\!Iargaret, is very unclernocratic: people arc members of the Board for ever and nobody knows why and how they were elected. George Nichobon is one example of a member of the Board who has much power. IIc made the Board extremely bureaucratic, hereby implicitly excluding Truc;tees who are not familiar with the working of tbe::;e kinds of instit1t1.ioirn, like Margaret. She tells me that it took her eight yearn to undernt.and the procedures of the Board and to be able to sec how things work. She was given a huge document in which her job as a Trustee was explained. It is, she explain::;, extremely difficult to cooperate when you a.re not from ~uch a background. ln addition to this, a few Trustees organi:oed a course in running a charitable organisation, for which the Trustees would not have to pay. Upon joining the course, then, she was told to pay fifteen pounds, which, in her case, is a lot of money. As a Trustee with no real powern to inlluence the local politics, Margaret ha.::; the feeling that she is pushed out of the Board. Not only members like George but abo the management of the market is trying to get rid of' her, she explaine>. When she asks, as part of her duty as a Trustee, c;omething to .Juliet, for example, she never receives an an:ower. She even tellK me a.bout. the manipulation of secret voting in the Board and bla.ckrna.iling and threathcning by other Trm:teeH. JVIa.rgaret therefore feel::; that she can understand the traders

117 in their complaints about the unprofessional and even corrupt nature of some of the people in the market's management or the Board of Trustees. However, she has not been able to resolve any of the problems of the market and there a.re other Trustees, like Camilla., who argue that the market needs precicely people who are in a position to make a. change.

Camilla: a Management's Trustee Camilla is a. totally different type of Trustee than Margaret. Serious and calm, Camilla mistrusts me and, while ::;ipping her cappuccino at Monmo1dh, ha.:o decided not. to tell me anything sig- 11ificant. Like Margaret, Camilla sees me as a trader. Unlike l\[argaret, however, she does not recede hernelf from the Trustees, bnt she represents the Trustees. Sbe explains to me that sbe has been a Trustee for t.wo yearn now and Lha.L she has recently taken over the role of Chairman in the Board of Trustees. Her aims as Chairman a.re precit-1ely what Margaret explained to me: to attract influential people in the Board and to loose the useless Tnrntee:o. In her positive confir­ mation of l'vlargarct's complaints, Camilla, although she intended not t.o tell me anything, provides me with a va.luablc insight in the Board of Trustees. Borough Market is, according to Camilla., a 'success story' which she is pas­ sionate a.bout to be involved with. Like Simone, Camilla is concerned about the restrictiorn that are placed upon the Board by a couple of old traditions which ::;he, a::; well as Simone, want::; to change. As I explained above (sec pages 113 and 115), the Trustees are appointed by the local Council and have to live in the historical parish of St Saviour's. This is slowing down the development of the market, according to Camilla, because it needs a Board of qualified people. Since March, therefore, she has arranged that the Board of Trustees can ap­ point their own members, which gives them a poc;:oibility to choose people who are in important positions and who can really do something fot· the market. Camilla. wants to transform the Board into a Board com;isting of people with national political power::; and expertise. In the longer tcrr:n, she want to make Borough Market more international, releasing the ties with the neighbomhood completely. As such, Camilla explains, the market is now in a. trarisition period. She is bu:oy to change the ancient rule that the market's profit goes to a. relief of local taxes for people who live in St Saviour'::; parit>h. This rule, according t.o Camilla., is extremely dated, since it makes no sense anymorc; to give money to a very small number of people who, by this, have t.o pay about five pounds less in a.nnnal tax. Still, Camilla. insists, the market is a charity. ln her expla.na.tion, the rnarket i:o a business and it provides a community :oervicc at the same time. By being a charity, the market can now choose to engage in Jess profitable a.ctivitic;,; by attracting funds. Upon asking what this charitable adiv'ity of the market is, Camilla answers that providing a market is a. charitable deed it inself nowacla.ys with ::;nperma.rlrnts. What the ma.rket doe::;, is not so much the relief of tltc local tax -- certainly not after this i:o abolished but the education or the people. Through the Food School and the trndern in the market, cnstorners learn a.bout

118 food in ways they otherwi8e would not be able to. A8 such, the charitable scope of the market is much wider than the parish of St Saviour's. Another aspect of the charitable work of the market is the conservation of the market's historical propertie8. The Trustees decide which properties are sole!, which are rented out and which a.re used f'or market purposes -- all powers that they were given in the original Act presented on page 29. However, even when the Trustees a.re doing a.II these charitable dcecb, Camilla is a.ware of the fact Chat the relationship between the Trustees and the traders is far from optima.I. She defends herself by arguing that even though 'the retail might go slow now, it docs attract new wholesale to the market, of which trndern like Rose and John profit. 'The wholesale is no longer dying, but, it is growi11g in a completely different way,' a way described by Simone earlier as 'specialised wholesale.' As Camilla 8ee8 it, the market is a shopping-window for poLential customern of wholesalers. As such, the 'retail grows its own whole;mle.' Camilla want;,; to inake Borough Market a 'place you have to be' if you want good food. Moreover, Camilla continues her defence, the task of the Trustee;,; is not to run a market. Their job is to provide all the facilities to enable the traders to run a market. That includes providing buildings, storage-rooms, waste-facilities and so forth. In general, the Trustees deal with the spa.cc of the market -- their business in the market's land. As Camilla explains, the first role of the 1h1stern,; b to sa.foguard the land they own and to provide an infrastructure on it which is suitable for a market. Camilla. thus clearly separates two ways of seeing tbe niarkct. In one per­ spective, a. market is defined by trading in a spl:cific place. This is the tradern' perspective. However, they ignore the fact that at the same Lime a. market is defined by the la.nd cm which it is held - this is the Trustee;,;' perspective. As such, the Trustees do not have to clo any publicity for the market. Rather, tbey support the traders by creating the infrastructure. In terms of a theatre, this would mean that the Trustees provide the stage on which the traders can build there scene and perform their play. Tbe problern is, however, that the t,radern clo not know this. They complain that the Trustees do nothing for the market, but they do not realise that the Board is buHy with very important developments. 'Everybody,' according to Camilla., 'thinko they know all a.bout the market.' There is a big difference between what traders see a.ncl what they do not see. U takes much time to secure the market't> longer term financial base and the present focus of the Board is on ;,;treugthening the Board by atl.racting the 'right' members. Thus, as Camilla explained to rne, the task of the Tnrntecs is not the rnrming of the actual market, but the providing of facilities to run a market -- which corresponds to the description in the Register of Charities. The Trustees make a market pos;,;ible, but the traders make the market. The fi:1ct that the traders complain about the Trustees and the management is, according t.o Camilla, because they do not know what the Trn.~tees a.re supposed to do. Echoing Simone, Camilla stresses that the traders are not able Lo see the complete picture of the market and the wider charitable network in which it is situated. However, as J ha.ve learnt, the charitable deed:,; of' the market which the

119 Trustees claim they are working for are at least questionable. Apart From the plan to abolish the ancient local tax relief, the education of the people and the conservation of tbe cultural heritage -- both activities that Camilla considers charitable are not very visible in the market. The traders in general do not communicate with the customers on a significant scale and one of the reasons for this seems to be the fact that the management is not able to provide a good market ancl attract the right eustornern. The Food School, moreover, exists only as a plan for many yearn now. The historical buildings of the market, finally, are being destroyed by the Thameslink Rail Project soon, a development that the Trnstee:o oflicially approve. Camilla explain::; to me that the Tnrntees were f'orced to purcha:oe the gronml we:;t frorn Bedale street, but she immediately adds that the new b11ilding that will be realised here will provide the market with a fiexible, open :otructure (see figure 19f). ln what they do, thus, some Trmitees, like Margaret, have not enough power to help the tradern, while othern, like Camilla, use their power to support people like George and Simone. To the traders, thi:s causes much frustration.

3.4.3 The "Big Four" 'There are a handful of people who are re:opon:oible for this market,' Simone explairn to me, 'there is Peter, Randolph, George, Monika - the early people.' Still today, the founders of four businessec; in the market have mm:h influence. They are identified different,ly by different people - c;orne, for example, include Booth':s Tony, Bedalcs' Steven and David or Roast'::; Iqbal, while Simone includes also one Trustee, George - but in general the 'Big Four' a.re Neal's Yard Dairy's founder Randolph together with his ex-wife Anita from Monrnov,th, 8illfield Farm's founder Peter, Turnip's founder Fred and Brindisa':o founder Monika. These four have powers that reach further than their own shops or stalls and, as Liz explains to me, they are in fact more powerful than the Trustees in the market. When Freel, for example, started to do hot food, again:ot the will of both tbe tradern and the Trn:otees, the Tru:-;tees were not able to stop him. lJ pon their request Lo stop doing hot food, Fred responded angrily and built a thirty feet srnoothie-bar. As Simone also admits, 'he's a monster.' Also other tra.dern commented on him with the description of him being 'utterly greedy,' and John rhetorically asks himself why he cannot do hot food while Freel can. To some traders, the 'Big Four' are an important aspect of the market. Many of the cheese stalls, for example, are supported by Randolph, who wants to make Borough Market the only true destiny for Londoners looking [or good chee:oc~. While lie himself speciali:oes in Brifo;h farmhouse cheese like cheddar -- as .Jon tells me, he is 'very mucb part of the establishment,' doing business with, among others, Palace be support::; otber traders in the market to ::>ell other cheeocs. Boerenkaas, for example, has storage facilities throug·h Randolph because they c;ell Dutch cheeses and Mons ha'> office::; and other equipment to :oell French cheeses in the market. According to Randolph, by selling a. specialised selection of cheeses inotead of a. wide range of cheeses, the customer will experience the cheese as more exclusive and therefore more

120 ..

desirable. This is the reason that he supports stalls selling other that British cheeses. John explains to me that without Randolph, he would never have been able to run his stall. Randolph facilitates Mons with stora.ge-space, offices and wholesale - he provlcles John with the knowledge, the practical side of running a stall and the financial side by lending money. In return, Randolph owns five percent of Mons ancl receives five percent of Mons' profit. Both Rose and Liz came in the market through Randolph. However, Liz tells me, if they like you, you get what you want. If they don't like you, you don't get it. They have much power and decide who gets in and ont, even now there's a food committee, which isn't democratic at all. They move stallholders around, who have no voice and never know what':-> going on. Liz, who has been moved around in the market fourteen times, proposed that the traders form a union to be able to resist the power of the 'Big Fom,' but the communication at that time was bad and the trader::; did not see the need for it. According to Liz, they only looked at their own businesses. Now it is too late: the traders still have no power, but the market ha::; grown too big to form a union. Because of this initiative, Liz was threatened by the 'Dig Four.' They told her that they would throw her out of the market, and since ::;he has no other income, ::;he was not able to keep up the fight. Liz :oighs, 'now it's getting worse and worse every year.' The other two tra.dern of the 'Big Four' also have exten0ive inffoence ln the market. In Brindisa's ca:oe, for example, I realised one evening in The Rake that all the people around me, who all worked in various stalls, started !.heir career in the market at Brindisa. Some of them still work for Monika now, while others, like Rogier, work for other traders and still othern, like .Jean-Paul, work for the Borrmgh Market Magazine. Even Afo;tair, although he run::; a Scottish stall, entered the market through Brindisa. As such, Monika's influence reaches further than BrindLsa. Also Peter, a farmer who ended up trading in London'::; rnost popnlar market., ha,.; power::; that reach far. As a. member of various organisation::; like Market Sqnared, the same organisation that the architect Ken Greig is a member ol' (see page 30), the Spccfolisl Cheese Makers' Association UK €3 Ireland, the lfrilish Wild Boar' Association, the Enropcan Markel Festivals, the Nalional Market Traders Federation and the northwest England convivium of Slowfood, of which he is the frrnnder, Peter theorises about the ::;ocial interactions that make a good market. Through this and other media. - like his own radio show and occasional television appearances in, among othern, BBC'::; Open University progrmnme Peter define::; tbe essence of quality food and of the market in general. lf he wants, Peter can make a trader in the market. At the same time, he can, together with the other three tradern, decide which direction the market will take and which tra.clers will be part of it. The management who, according t.o the customers, does not unclerntand the grass-root::; of the market and the, in the cnstomer::;' opinion, useless Trustees

121 who do not care about the tradern rely for their work on the cooperation of traders like Randolph and Peter. The only information that they get from the market floor i::>, according to Liz, from the 'Big Four,' becau:-;e, unlike before, there are no more meetingc; organised between the traders and tbe Trustees.

It's all very political. Any cage-bolder [pennanent stall holders] can sell and do what they like, but stall holdern can't: the food commit­ tee will interfere. Thb is something that the Tru:-;tecs :-;hould have sorted out, because it is the stallbolclcrn that make the market, bring in the birniness, but don't get anything in return, not even respect. When the rail works :-;ta.rt, traders a.re moved into the .Jubilee, but that market is too small to provide room for all Lhe traders, so some are going to be thrown out. Traders from the Green Market were asked to come and trade at Three Crown Square, but if they did, there would be no guarantee that they could come to the .Jubilee M.arket wben the work starts, so hardly anybody accepted the offer. The tradcrc; are very dependent now, becam;e it is their income.

Li:t, herself thinks about quitting when Network Rail starts working, or at least keeping her options open and try to be less dependent on the 'Big Four.' The market. has lost its charm, according to Liz, 'its community spirit,' and she is fed up with it.

The feeling is gone, because everybody is only thinking about their own bmlinest:1. The hot food is a monopoly, but it takes away the sales. The management only sem> that the hot food generates more money.

Also the other traders feel that the 'Big Four' are having too much power. For example, Maria from Maria's Market Cafe was a friend of George who is a friend of the 'Big Four,' and consequently she wat:1 given a huge space in the middle of the market while she i:,; not even selling anything (except for coffee and ::;a.ndwiches of course). In addition to thic;, the t:1tallholders in the market, although their pitch is smaller, pay, as one trader argued, double the rent of the cagcholclers. In this way, the 'Big Four' a.re increasi1{g their influence in the market. When it comes to wine, for example, the trader of f,c Man;he dn (Jnartier married one of the t.raclers of Cartwright Brothers' Wines and set up Bedales, a place which offcrn winc) and French food. By crn~tting one big family, they control a.n important pa.rt of the market. One problem which was much discussed among tbe traders of Three Crown Square is the fence that closes off the space to sit in front of !Jedalcs. This fonce, which providet:1 a place for only one table, cuts of the connection bdween Bedalc Street and Three Crown Square, leaving the customers with no other option than to reach Three Crown Square via the Middle Road. ln this situation, the customers cannot circulate: after they have seen Three Crown Square, they have to go back exactly the same route. Many customers, therefore, do not even go to the overcrowded Three Crown Square. A solution for this would be,

122 according to John, the opening up of the fence, but because them is one table, Bedales doe::: not want to do that. .John propo:oe:o that every trader in Three Crown Square pay:-; five pmmds a week to remove the table and pay Bedalcs, because customers will spend much more if they can f'redy circulate around the market.. The market's manager 'gives no ::;hit,' according to John, and Beda.lcs does neither. 'It i:-; always easy to see tbe market from one perspective,' he comments, but he a.deb, 'so lovely if they open it up down here [at Beclales], bnt., YEAH, only because I give a shit a.bout myself.' Jon a.bo judges that 'this is the rnost political office I've ever worked with.' Through various institutions, namely, the 'Big Four' uc;e their power to make the market the way they like it, that is, they try to influence the spa.et~ of' the market that the traders create. Two of these institutions a.re the Food Advisory Panel and the Health and Safety Organisation.

Food Advisory Panel Tbe Food Selection Committee was officially created to guarantee the quality of the food traded in the rnarket and thus to h~ep the standards of the market high. Recently, the Food Selection Committee is replaced by a Food Advisor'y Panel, FAP, which has almo::;t the same function as the Selection Committee. The Panel judges the quality of the food and divernity of the rna.rket and advises the Trustees about whether or not they sho11ld allow a particular trader in the market. The Trustees formally make the final decisiou and they are also formally respom;ible for the implementation of their decisions by the chief executive and the manager. When a pot,ential trader wishes to trade in Borough Market or after a trader has been in the market for two yearn - he or she has to present. his products to the Panel, which is ma.de up of traders, Trustees and the rnarke(.'s management who provide, in case of the traders, their specialist knowledge and expertise to advise the Tru::;tees and they do 'not represent any c;pecific market or trader interest' (FAP 2007). When the Trustees feel at any moment that one or more of the membern of the Panel a.re not upholding this stance, they 'have the right to suspend their nomination to the FAP.' The Panel keep;; track of tbe various products that a.re offered in the market and encourages diversity. From this idea, the Panel would prefer a trader selling Dutch products, which officially makes up 0% of the market now, than a trader seJling Italian products, which already makes up 7%, 36 Furthermore, the Panel formally takes into account the following criteria. upon judging a possible fut me trader: the quality of the food; the traceability; the authenticity; the seasonal character; the ::;pecialist character; the hone::;ty of the trader; tbe price of the products; the hygiene of the trader; and the presentation of the trader. At present, the following people a.re recommended for the Panel:

TRUSTEES: Camilla., George, Dorothy, Celia and Annie; FOOD EXPERTS: Pet.er, Tony, Randolph, Monika, Freel, Lawrence, Robin and Aliotair; 36Thcse figmes seem not. to correspond to I.be acl.ual market., however, since I know of' at least one trader selling Dul.eh products (Boercnkaas).

123 EXECUTIVE TEAM: Chris (as Chair of the Panel), Simone and Philip.

Besides advising the Trustees on who to accept and who to reject to the market, the Panel will abo provide the Trustees with recommendation::; on re-location of stalls and they will give 'warnings' to tradern who fail to meet the criteria. When needed, the Panel will advise the Trustees to 'de-select' certain trnclern. Since both the executive team of the market and the Trustees have very little contact with the traders and rely for their inJormation on traders imch as Peter and Randolph, it is clear that it is tbcy who, in the encl, d,ecicle who is trading and who is not. This gives them an immense nmount of power in the rrmrket. Although, as the official document quoted above state,,,, the 'food experts' will not represent any specific market or trader interest, Liz is forceful when she judges tbat the mernbern of the Panel arc 'bastards.' As Liz tells me, they have always been the same. In fact, the 'Dig Four' are all rnembern of Lhe Panel, by which they have power over all other traders. Jon agrees, when he explains that many traders, like Real France, did not went through the Panel when they got into the rnarket: they were befriended with one or more of the 'Big Four' and could enter the market without any problems, like Maria ha.cl, while Stefano, for example, is not allowed to sell a single item more than what is officially agreed on by the Panel. The trader from Real Franr:e, Jon comment;::;, 'came in over the back of others.' He is confident that the Panel is a way by which the 'Big Four' can control the whole market and get rid of people who ask too many questions, like Liz.

Deleting by Hygiene Next to the Food Advisory Panel the 'Big Four' have another forceful instrument to control the market. Although officially hired by the market's management - Homething which Margaret vainly opposed the 'Big Four' use an organi::;a.tion to safeguard hygiene in the market to get t'id of trader::: with arguments based on health and safety. The tradern are confident, they tell me, that it, is just another tactic of the 'Dig Four' to eliminate some trader:::. For a hnnclrccl grand a. year the market hired Moonli:ghi Environrncntal Ltd., a company that specialises in food hygiene and safety and provides training in food hygiene. This is, as l\!largarct explain<;, a lot of money, especially since the company delivers bad work by, for example, impeding properLie:o that are not even owned nor part of tbc market. During the 'big cleaniqg' in the smnrner of 2007, I witnessed the rncthocls by which traders were removed from the market. On a normal market day, I sell bacon and cheese while rats a.re rnnning next to my foet. If I am lucky, the toilets will Hush and if it is not raining, l will stay dry. When I look up to the closed information centre in the corner of Three Crown Square, I see a. fox sleeping quietly, while beneath him people taste fresh apple and pear juices. Hygiene is not a problc111 that the market's management is extremely concerned about. Also the Trustees, who have Lhe obligation to facilitate the market by creating the infrastructure, seem to have other worries than organising a centralised 8torage room or clear direct.ions in the market: when the deliverer of Findlay 's of Portobello could not find Three

124 Crown Square, he just left the sausage and bacon in the market to rot. All in all, I do not get the [eeling that hygiene is an issue in Borough Market.. Giuseppe tells me that I have to keep a bucket filled with water next to me when I work at De Calabria, so that [ can claim that l clean the stall and the knifes regularly. He does not go as far as Chris in using alcohol soaked paper every fif(,ecn minutes, but Giuseppe does agree that it i1:1 important. to keep the stall clean. After all, you do not want people to become sick after ea.Ling a piece of nduja. At the same time, however, Giuseppe realisec; !.hat a stall which look:-; 'authentic,' 'trnditiona.l' and 'improvised' gives cL.tstomers a feeling of good quality, a feeling of the 'Italian style.' By presenting everything 'as it is,' nrntomers have the feeling that you a.re not hiding thi1igs or ma.king your cheese look better than it is. Giuseppe solves this by bringing only just a few cheeses up from the fridge in the market's ba.~ement everyday, more or less Lhe amount of cheese he expects to sell. The ::;ame rule works for ndv,ja and sausage, while other products, like olive oil, chili pepper and and anchovies, do not need to stay in the fridge. These prod11cts, then, a.re ta.ken out of their packaging, to give an impression of hand-ma.de, 'authentic' cheese and sau::;a.ge. 37 Giuseppe, next to Cala.brian pecorino, al::;o sells smoked ricotta, a. small, yellowish cheese with a. soft, mnokey flavour. Because thi::; cheec;e i::; smoked, it can stay out.side of the fridge for at least one market day, similar to pecorino. Fresh cheeses, on the other hand, like fre::;h ricotta., ca.n sta.y outside of the fridge for only four hours. Since Giuseppe does not :::ell fresh cheese, he complies to all the hygiene regulations. However, when T go to Giu::;eppe for a. little chat on a. Friday afternoon in August, I see him pa.eking everything up. Glynis, a member of the market's management team, has visited him, he tells me. According to her, Moonlighl judged that Gimicppe leaves both bi::; ricotta. and hi::; ndi~ja outside the fridge [or too long. Becaite1e ricotta is a. fresh cheese and nd:uja is ra.w meet, it can stay, ac; Glynis tells Giusc)ppe, out of the fridge for no more Umn four hour::;. Giuseppe tries to explain to her that both his ricotta. and the nduja a.re smoked - the nduja, moreover, has twenty-five percent chili pepper a.::; a natural preservative - and can therefore easily stay out. of the fridge for more tha.n four hourn. Even Giuseppe's suggestion that he would buy a mobile fridge to keep the ricotta and the nduja in could not help: he was kicked out of Lhe market. I did not see Giuseppe or his stall anymorc for the re::;t of my sl.ay in London. The elimination of Giuseppe was the topic of much unrest in the market that week. Everyone worries, because from all sides rumours come up abrntL people being removed from the market. As I hear the next week when T talk to Francesco, the trader of La Tua Pasla, he was ordered to close clown as well. Moonlight claimed that they had sent him various letterl:l and e-mails regarding the fact tha.t he il:l not allowed to sell fresh pasta. and fresh pesto in !.he market witho11t the use of a fridge, because this does not correspond to the hygiene sl.andards. In fact, France:-;co did not receive a single letter or e-mail and he

17 : The cheeses and meats Giuseppe sells arc in fact. made by families Giuseppe knows per­ sonally. The plastic wrFtppings in which they are transported suggest Lhat the cheeses me made in a factory therefore Giuseppe removes the plastic.

125 selb his pnsta., as always, from a. huge, two metre::; wide fridge in the middle of Three Crown Square. Moonlight is 'terrori::;ing' all i;he ::;mall tradern, Liz tell::; me. The :->amc day that Giuseppe wa::; kicked out of the market,, another trader in Middle Roa.cl wa:-; slrnt down as well - in this case, he did :-;ell hi::; proclitcti:i without re;.;pecting the health and ::;a.foty regulations. However, having good relaLimm with the 'Big Four,' it was within that ::;ame day that the market's management spoke of ;i, rni0t;i,ke that was being made and they allowed him to keep trading. It, is only the small traclern, the ones tlrnt. frustrate the 'Big Four,' that arc removed from the nmrkeL by these actions. Stressed and frightened Li11 suddenly comes to our ::;tall. Glynis, she explain::;, came by her stall and gave her a pile of forms which :ohc has to fill in. Jn these forms as wdl as in Glynis' language, much prctentiouc; vocabulary and jargon is mmd to justify her superior position and the hundred grand that the market spends on her. Together with .Jon, Liz stares at a form which a.oks values for such abbreviations as 'CO,' '8!-lH' and 'S' x L = R.' Li11 already knows that this organisation which i::; supposed to guarnntee the hygiene ;md safety in the market is no more than a tool of the 'Big F'our' and the management to gua.rn11tcc their power to throw out whomever they do not like. After one summer in the market, I understand that the 'Dig Four' have much power in tbe market, both direct and indirect. The Trustees, on the other hand, have only very limited power. Today, they meet even less frequently than before and are dependent in their position as Trustees on the rnanagemcnt and the 'Big Four.' The only powers that the Trustee::; have is given to them by tbe 'I3ig Four.' Throngh such institutions as the Food Advisory Panel or health and safety companie:,;, the 'Big Four' provide the 'information' by which the Trn;.;!.ees officially judge the traders. When it comes to the daily running of the market, the Trustees abdicated their power to a team of executive a.11c1 management pcrnonnd, whose qualilicatiorrn are questioned by the traders and who repre::;c11t only a selection of the Trustees - precisely those who arc lwfriencled with !.he 'Big Four.' The market's management and !.he executive's tea.in are not able to fadlitatc the traders and cause much distress in the market indifferent.ly of the honest intentions of, for example, Simone. In general, the traclern foel that the Board of Trufitce:o i::; set offside by the 'Big Four,' who allow !.hem only 'ceremonial' powers. The other membern of !.he Board support the market'::; management and executive team and arc, as the traders ::;ay, corrupt;. They act only in their own personal interest or in the interest of' the management, which represents the 'Big Fom.' So neither the Boarcl of Trustee::; nor the market':,; management can hdp the traders in !.heir stntgglc aga.in::;t the 'Big Four,' 8.ncl in rnany cases, they eveu actLmlly work against them. In the market, the 'Big Four' interrnpt the Crader::;' stories - by forcing them in certain direction::; and preventing them to move as they want, the 'Big Four' colonise the tradern' world. But altbough the tradern' market i:o infoc:tcd by the 'Big Four,' the traders stay in the market and keep trading. A:; a parasite, then, the 'Big Fom' do not kill the body on which they feed thcmsdf - the para.site is dependent for it::; existence on the traders.

126 3.5 Conclusion Jon has been busy t:etting up hiH camping gas cooker -- not for a single moment did he worry about the fact that he is not allowed to prepare food behind his stall -- and frying some pieces of square saLtsage. Tims far, the customers were not lmying very much and Jon reasons that, because they probably wen1. out to the pub yesterday evening, they can be wakened by a good Scottish breakfast. With pride he prepare::; a tray of small pieces of square sausage and Hteps in front of the stall to sample it to the customers. After he addresses one or two customers, he gives up. Jon dorn:: not like to give samples to customern, he rather enjoys sqtiare sausage himself. •· Alistair already thinks of his glass of rose and Vicky ::;]ices some of her best cheeses while we all enjoy Jon's square sausage. We laugh about the customern and the traders and make fun of each other. Out of an empty box, Miguel creates a stool and while we are all chatting, we forget the customers that walk by, tasting a piece or a handful of smoked peppered mackerel. This is onr lime and onr space -- as traders, we create the Borough Market.

3.5.1 Exclusion Behind a Second Curtain In the market, traders respond to the customers' play of belonging by presenting a market that is indeed 'organic,' 'fair-trade' and 'cosmopolitan.' After separat­ ing tbc 'bodies' from the 'buyers,' the tradern actively encourage the last one to enter the theatre of the market. ln their show, the traders act as if' they lift the curtain, a;; if they allow the customers to have a look in the market's backstage. The backstage is the traders' ::;pace and the buying customers are attracted to the market becau::;e they experience a po::;::;ibility to enter thi::; traders' space, this backstage. Tn reality, however, the trader::; have build up a mvJliple layered fronlstage. They have created a second frontstage which is experienced by the customers as a backstage, but which is in fact ::;till only a frontstage. In the market, the traders carefully exclude all CL1stomers from their backstage, because this place i::; tbeirs. Also whole::;alers are not allowed in the backstage. Although it is the whole­ sale market that make::; Borough Market unique being 'the only wholesale market of vegetables and fruit left in London's centre - and although it is the wholesale market that makes up Borough Market's history .and has, in contrast Lo the retail market, real ties with the neighbourhood, making the wholesale market inevitably part of Dorough Market, the retailers exclude the wholesalers from their market. By defining the market as a retail market, the wholesalers are dismist::ed. As a com;equences of the presence of the wholet0ale market clo:oe by, traders talk about wholesalers in extremely negative terrns; they are all cra.zy monsters who are very rich and do drugs every night. In fact, the traders' narrativcH, the Htories they create about the world of the market, literally talk wbolesalers out of it. WholeHalern are not part of Borough Market. Tlic market's space that the traders create iH a world for themselve::;. This world, it seems, iH defined by the cornnmnity that the traders form, a comnmnity

L27 that becomes al its borders. Where the traders perform a play of belonging, they simultaneously exclude customers as well as wholesalern. Where trader::; present in the nmrket an aesthetically created frontstage, they move back behind tbe ::>econd curtR.in to have fun. Making rnu;;ic, cooking and laughing these are the activities that connect the traders as

3.5.2 Being Moved by Parasites A poor man is Htarving with a.n empty belly. He approaches i.he kitchen door of a restaurant and smelb the fine food inside, which sates bis hunger somewhat. An angry kitchen hand comes out and clema.nds that the poor man pay for the services rendered. An ar­ gument ensues. A third man arrives and offers to settle the matter: Give me a coin, he said. The wretch did so, frowning. He put the coin down on the sidewa.lk and with the heel of his shoe ma.de it ring a bit. This noise, he said, giving his decision, is pay enough for the aroma of the tasty dishes (Serres 1982: 34- 35).

Paying for smells with sounds and paying for food with money are two different forms of social order between which no communication was thought possible (Brown 2002: 16). The two exchanges a.re independent systerns of interaction which can impossibly be combined. By disturbing the argun1ent, however, by miinvitedly entering the discussion, the parasite shows how coins are in fa.et related to sounds like food is related to smell. The pa.raoite opens up a. poosibility for communication where it did not exist before. The parasite invento sornething new. Since he does not eat like everyone else he invents a new logic. He crosses the exchange, makes

128 it into a diagonal. He does not bRrter; he exchanges rnoney. He wants to give bi:'> voice for matter, (hot) air for r.;olid (Serres 1982: 35). Michel Serrrn' parasite is one, tberefore, that blurs all that is clear and creates difference and chaotic relations that, although they might repeat the1m;elves and seem to recover, will never be quite the same again (Brown 2004: ~)90). The parasite it; a noise in the communication, but unlike a noi:oe which causes a !ms of information exchange, it is the parasite that niakes communication meaningful by infusing it with new prnsibilities (Sennet, quoted in Favero 2003: 551). It interrupts the normal communication and changes it. In fact, relatiom.; can only then be meaningful if they are parasith.;ed: only if the communication 38 itJ not perfect can we experience meaning in it. ' The :mppotied problem of SerretJ' parasite now turntJ out to be no disturbance at all. While the traders in the market carefully erect their market's space by building it on plays of belonging, acts of exclusion of both customern and wbolesalcrtJ and, above all, fun in the backstage, it are the 'Big Four' and with them the management and the Trustee::; that make their cornmunity rncani11gful. The market's para.site buffets the tradern' ::>pace, it diffu:oes and reorgani:oe:o the interaction that takes place in the market and hy thit>, the 'Big Four' give meaning to the relational world that the traders create. At the same time that the traders' world is incompatible with the world of the Trusteet>, management and the 'Big Four,' their worlds are abo just as i:o the case with the cm:tomern mutually dependent. They exclude each other, but they need each other in order to become meaningful. The traders' world, their pot>ition in a web of relations in the market, makes only sent>e when it rnoves. When the traders' world i:o a world in becoming, it allows for creative connectiorn, t>urprising outcomes and indeterminable fu­ tures. Only when their world is parasitised can the traders really articulate their community -- only then can they actualise their agency and become a chaotic, undefinable community. As Afotair comments to Rose, while pointing to ,Jon redecorating the ::>tall, 'He's more disorganised that the Trustee:-: of the Borough M.arket.' The tradern' community in the market refuses to be identified, it exists only because it cannot be identified (Agamben 1998). Organisations like the market's Tnrntees, the management or, in a non­ institutionalised form, the 'Big Four,' try to define and fixate the traders' world. In is in their interest, as is alway1:> the ca,'Je with organisations (Bennett 2007), to define the world of the traders, to force a particular identity upon it and Lo colonise it. Every time the tra.dern write a new chapter to their story of the market, it are the 'Big Four' that interrupt them, they change pa:osagcs and force the tradern to delete some worcls. However, it is precisely in this situa­ tion that the traclern actualise their potentiality to add t>tra.nge sentences, to

:38 Morn than giving examples cannot be done if I want to explain the notion of the parasite, because, as Shortland also realises about Serres' work, [t.]rying to summarise his work is impossible and probably misses the point. Serres sees himself, like his fellow traveller Gilles Dcleuze, as an original creat.or, 'free ancl inventive' (Shortland 1998: :n9).

l29 invent a new grammar and to insist on writing their stories. By the parasite's punch, the trader::: create a world out of creolioecl, unpredictably related, stories (Rosello 2007; Eriksen 2007). The more the 'Big Four' Lry to define and identify the traclern, the more they make them move. The 'Big Four' make the tradcrn articulate their agency in creating their own, independent ::;paces. The traders refuse to actualise a particular identity, but rather hold to their potentiality in creating the market. They create their own community based not on their de­ Lerminable common identity, but on their singv,larily whatever (Agamben 20()]). The 'Big Four,' in the end, will never really be able to undcrnta11cl Lhe traders' world. Indifferently of the many times they attempt to grasp it, to fixate it into notion::; of determinable identity nnd definable order, the traders' world will always become.

Here, I believe, encl;,; our tour into the traders' world.

1:30 4 Conclusion

'You may not know everyone, but everybody knows you,' a trader tell::; me one clay. 'There'::; a little reverse anthropology going 011,' Alistair grim;.

After T left the market, T looked back upon my time there. In the market, T became a customer: I followed my own route through the market and created, in interaction with other customers like Celia's gue:otB, Jeremy and MelisBa, but also in interaction with the market'::; traclern and the market's food, a spa.r:c which allowed me to experience myself in the world that is the market. During that same period, I also became a trader. l worked in the 1narkct every day and enjoyed the laughs and glasses of rose with rny fellow Lradern. l entered their world and upon entering, I created my own story of how it is to be a trader, with the difficult relation with the cu::;tomers and the fru::;trating relation with the 'Big Four.' As the trader from Le Ma.rche du Qua.rtier entrusted me, everybody in the market knows me, even if I am not. aware of that. Alistair was right thus, in his comment., the market has indeed entered rny research. A~ a researcher, 1 did not only enter the world8 of the customer::; and of the trader::;, but the market also had entered my world, making myself part of my research and my rrnea.rch part of myself. I found myself on the border between my::;elJ as a researcher, coming to t.be market wearing my theoretical glas::;cs, and tlie market as the object under ::;tudy. I was part of both the theory and the object T was still myself, lrnt J a.bo became the market.

4.l The Borough Market's Worlds In my investigation of what, or who, this impressive market just ::;outh of London Bridge - known as Borough Market - is, I was corrected very soon by Deleuze's claim that it is not the e;;::;ence that I have to look for, but the relations between the various people in the market. In trying to understand the market, I bad to look at the market's borders, at the conjunctions that arc played out in the market, in ;;hort, I had to look at how the market dialogically bccorncB. Through my direct experience;;, I created a 8pacc of the market. i\s De Certeau ha.s put it, I found myself in a relational network of practised spatial and temporal places. TomaLoeB, friendly traders and irritating c11stornern are, what Appadurai has called, the scapes Chat allow me to create my own space. Celia took her guests through a market which offers a.n enorrnoim amount of organic food. Inside the historical buildings oHhe market, Jeremy experienced a fair-trade space, while Melissa's space wa.8 based on trusL a~d cosmopolitanism. The market's space i::; at the same time past, present and fnturc. Rather than being a negative space, or a non-place as AL1ge defines it, the space of the markeL is a dynamic and meaningful connecJ;lon of spaces at the ::;arm~ im;tant through varioLLS strategics -or, Lhe proccs::;es of Wood's ornr!'ilo7J"ia.. ln the urban J'oodrnarket, customcrn actively create Lheir own material a11cl ideational network:,; and their own route:o, which they affirm, change, imagine, hope, fear and even deny. The clyna.mic :opace in the market that the cu:otomern create allow:,; them to experience themselves in the confrontation with the other it allows them to experience a total ethical :ohow. The ethica..l :otory that the ci.rntomers create in the market i::> a :otory a.bout the ways they arc involved in and directed toward::> the market'::-; woTlcl. In Heideggerian term:o, the customern' story is an a.e:othctic story of them bcing-in­ the-world, a. world which, in the caw~ of the market, is a :opa.ce of belonging. For the customers, thus, the market b a :opace where they experience an external world which is organic, fair-trade, trustworthy and cmm1opolitan, a de:oirable and, following Bourdieu, an expen:oive world to which they want to belong. On their turn, the tra.dern of' the market answer the customers' request l,ci enter their world, to enter the backstage of the market. After separating the bodies from the buyers, the traders allow the customers to peck behind the curtain. However, the traders create a space behind the curtain which, although it is experienced hy the customern as a backstage, is in fact a second frontstage. In the traders' world, the multiple layered fr'ontsiage carefully closes off the backstage from the customers and the wholesalers, who arc expelled by the traders' words. In the back:ota.ge - the traders' market - where the customern and the wholesalers are excluded, tra.dcrn come together to have fun. Overthrown by a group of rnanagcrnent personnel which is played out by four of the original traders, the market':o Trm;tees have little to no power. Throllgh the market's management and organisations such as the Food Advisor·y Panel and health and safety inspections, the 'Big Four' colonise the traders' space, they in fact parasitise the traders' world. If the trader::; were able to exclude both the customern and the wholesa.lern from their world, they cannot, however, prevent the 'Big Four' from hitting it. However, just as the traders ca.n only exclude the cu:otornern for as long as the customers want to belong to the traders' world that is, ju::;t a.s the traders can only celebrate their private backstage l'or as long a.::; there ic; a public frontst.age t.he tra.dern in the market a.re being moved by the ma.rket'c; 'Big Four.' lt is precisely Serres' parasite that actualises the traders' agency in engaging in creative and creoli:oed stories. It is the para.site that makes the traders' world a world in-becoming. Only by the experience of the uncomfortable, urntable and nondirectiona.l parasite can the traders' world itself :,;tay unidentified - even undefinable - and chaotic. The traders claim their singularity whatever.

4.2 The Market in My World By investigating the customers' and the traders' worlds, l found rnysclf not in the centre of the market, but a.t the peripheries (Bhaba 1994). Indeed, it ic: at it:o borders where the market becomes. The traclern' world becomes where it tmtches the cu:otomers and the 'Big Four,' and the Clrntomers' world becomes where it tollches the traders. My world, as I realised after Ali;,;tair's comment quoted above, becomes when it touches the rnarket's world. Therefore, I necessarily went beyond the classical 'researcher' -'researched' distinction (Luttrell 2000:

132 511), because I was not 011ly looking at the market, but T was myself part of it. Upon realising this, I ha.cl to agrne with Mieke Bal when she writes about 'a manifold story tba.t has neither author nor spectator, shaped out of fragments of trnjectorics and alterations of spaces' (2006). My storyline bad to change at one point, T ha.cl to change trach and allow my route through the traders' world to be radically different from my experiences of the customers' world. Only by accepting this risk was I able, as an anthropologist, to move along in the market. Coincidence is not a fiaw in ethnographic research, but a genuine part of it: my re:->earch among the market's cirntomern led me to the online community-forum, where [ met ,Jon, who allowed me in his market. This, in its turn, affected the way I think about the management and the 'Big Four.' When the opposition between the researcher and the people that are ret:marehed gets blurred, the term 'objectively' looses its meaning. I created a market in my world. While the worlds that are created in the market simultarPeously refer back to Roman timeo and youth memories and depend on yet unknown but nevertheless important futures and ideals, it is in the active engagement in thec:e times that the rnarket becomes, as A ugc has put it, truly contemporaneous. I experience the past becau:-;e r taste a piece of tuna but r also think about the futme when l :-;mell fresh ha:-;il. The world [ create is in all times and places at once, it. is contemporaneous and everywhere. Tb is is the paradox of our clay, 'the world's diversity is recomposed every minute' (Auge 1999: 89). Because the worlds I described -- a world of customers and a world of tra.clc:rs a.re always in-becoming, my own world is ;i,lso necessarily unfinished. All T have clone is discover the market in a rhi7:omatic way by La.king one step to the left, and a step to the right, without any clear directions. Through rny story, I create an understanding of the market, but I can never really formulate a conclusion. The market always changes and therefore it is unthinkable to tell the 'truth' about the market. I have tried not to present the market from a single fixed point ot· rclcrence. Also, I have not provided the reader with a.n unequivocal interpretation of the market. Rather, I created a story full of merging images, confue>ing storyline::; and chaos, to which I took my patient reader. I tried to bring lVlelissa. and Jeremy but abo Jon and Alistair to life on theoe pages. It io the world that they describe here, I argue, which seems imperfect and contradicting, th;i,t is my market. I did not write a final version of the Borough Market story. As Lyotard explains, 'consensus it> not the end of the discust>ion' (quoted in llorty 1991: 165). No longer is it necessary to distinguish the clear from the unclear or the unity from the chaos-~ we have indeed escaped our need for objective truth and Hxity. In this the;;iH, therefore, the theory and the object Lrnder study meet and interact, they both experience each other and, upon the rea.lil:lation of' ea.eh other, change and stay different although they will now cclwa.yt> be conned.eel. Just as my world of the market is influenced by both the customers' a.nd the traders' worlds, t,heir worlds arc i11f-luenced by the prcc;ence of my story. J\::; :->uch, my thesic; might well be yet another parn::;ite, another noi:->e through which the market becomes. '[B]y plltting hi0 experiences in writing,' Karen Vintge0 argLtcs

133 with respect to Foucault, 'he at the same time transformed or rather created himself' (2001: 167, emphasis in original).

4.3 My Story in a World of Science Tn the same way, however, that the tradern' world is colonised by the 'Big Fo111" who try to define their world, c;cicnce is gnarcled by its own police. As an

order of hoclie8 thitt clefine8 the allocation of ways of doing, ways of being, and ways of saying, and sees those bodies arc assigned by the name Lo a pitrticular place and task, ... an order of the visible and the sayable that sees that a particular activity i8 vi1:>ihle au.cl another i8 not, that this speech is under;otood as clbcouro:e and another a8 'noi1:>c' (Ranciere 1998: 29), the police cannot allow any chaos in science. Science has a need to either identify activity as 1:>cience or regard it as noise if it cannot be identilied as :mch. 39 'Science undoubtedly re:>ts on the premise that it is pos8ihle to know what i::> objectively real,' a.rgues Ha.rt in defending the position that anthropology, H8 a science, is 'a generalising 1:>cience or it is nothing' (Ha.rt, Cohen, Good & Okely 1989). In writing my own Borough Ma.rket story, I try to rnsist science'8 police and I ask the reader to follow me in perhaps uncommon or uncomfortable paths. In1:>tead of writing a the:ois about what the market is in a clear and definable scmm, I insic;t on writing a thesis which is, what Agan1ben has called, a singu­ larity whatever. If I succeeded, it means that this the::;i:-; la.~lrn a foundation, it escapes rnea.m1rernent (Ra.nciere 1998: 15-16) and it cannot be categorised in a. library easily. It will need a creative approach to be understood not, a.s the police insists, as noise, but as meaningful. It depends, therefore, truly on the attitude of the reader. Tt is the reader of thi1:> thesis who, after I have written it down, can try to hear meaningf'ul 1:>ounds in it. Together, we compose a story of the market. As 1:>uch, 1 attempted to stimulate a.n aesthetic politics (Ranc:iere 2007a: II- 63) of anthropology, T created, as Glissa.nt calls it, a poetics (Glissant l9D7: 192; see a.l::m Foster 1996). In this poetic;;, a. noise ca.n be heard which cannot be accounted for, which rema.in8 opaque and unknown (Ro1:>cllo 2005a.: 17-18), but which can neverthelec;s be accepted, by the reader of thi8 thesis, in it1:> own right. It i8 the parasitical noise that creates, by letting this "'thesis be 'whatever' it becomc1:>, a. political subject. The political subject, Ra.nciere a.rguc1:>,

i8 a repre:,;cmtative of the part of those who have no parl [, the what­ ever singularity] ... A political subject is not a stable c11t.ity. It does not exist beyond its actions, it1:> capacity to change the given

39Even worse, 'access to knowledge and truth are discouraged by those i11 power those who would deign to enlighten their fellow humans are persecuted, imprisoned, or declared as lacking in sanity' (Abbott 2005: xii). Within science, the police clov1c1luat.es inconsistent. meanings to the position of mern noise.

134 land::;cape, to show what wa::; not ::;een, to hear what was not heard. It exi::;ts like an effective manife::;tation of the capacity of whoever deal::; with the common alfairn (2007b: my translation, emphasis mine, FJ).40 •

A::; a political ::;ubject thi::; the::;i::; breaks with science a::; police. This break, Agambcn argues, cannot be rc::;olvecl: once I become a political ::;ubject, my the::;i::; will no longer be a part of science (Rmello 2005b: 19) I will be on my own.

The Irreparable is that thing::; are just a::; they are, in thi::; or that way, left without potentiality for change to their way of being. Irreparable are the matter of fact::;, as they are: sad or happy, atrocious or blessed. How you are, how the world is this i;; the Irreparable ... (Agamben 2001: 73, my translation, FJ).41

In my the::;i::;, thus, I can only ::;eek refuge, to think my relations ·in freedom (Glissant .1997: 190). Although this might sound dramatic, it is in fact Jes::; so. Tf I recall again Fabian'::; position that 'ultimately, anthropology's task is to give pre::;ence to t.ho::;e who, if at a.11, are spoken for only in absentia' (Fabian 2006: 145), l have to conclude that this seem::; to me an impo::;siblc ta::;k. No matter how much space f give to the people in my writing, I will always be the one who give::; them this space. As Fabian also realised, if I wa::; to let the people speak without my presence in the text., I would have send them an ernpty book and a pencil - but in that ca::;e, there is no more anthropology. Rather, I believe, the choice i::; les::; dualistic as Dupont pmes it when he ;;ay::; that 'if [the othern] where here, there would be no point in representing them, that is, to stand for them a.ncl opeak for them' (quoted in Fabian 19DO: 755). The options are not jtrnt to either repre::;ent the absent other or to pn~sent the other while the anthropologist has left. The task of anthropology is to rnove together with the other, to accept the confrontation between the anthropologi::;t, the people that he or ::;he ::;tudie::; and the anthropologists' audience and to allow for change::; in both the other and the ::;elf (Fabian, quoted in Tremlett 2003: 4), even when, in the encl, this might lead to scientific loneliness. Thi::; i::; a polit.ical task perhaps even an moral one. Through free ethnographic research, the anthropologi::;t brings together all the parties and in the confrontation all can ::;tart to understand each other precisely because they start to recognise therrn;elves in the other. Free ethnographic research allows the other to become.

'rnest un rnpr€,sentant de la part de.s sans-pa.rt . ... [U]n suject. politique n 'est. pas une enl.ite stable. II n'exist.e qu'a trnvors ses actes, sa capacite do changer la paysage du donne, cle fair voir ce qui n '8tait paR vu, ent;endre ce qni n '8Lait pas entendu. ll exi.ste cornrne la nH111ifo0tation nffect.ive cle la. capacit(~ de n'itnporte qui a. s'occuper des affairs cotnrnnnes. 4 L T}Irrcparabile (~. che le cose sia.no come so no, in questo o quel rnodo, consegnatc senza rin1eclio alla loro rnanicra di essere. frrepanibili sono gli stati di cosc, co1n11ncp1e cssi siano: tristi o licvi, at.rod o lwat.i. Come tu sei, come ii mondo e quosto e l'Irrepara.bile.

135 5 Finally, Let's Eat

It was during the ::mmmer of 2007 that I got to know Borough Market. 1 spoke to many customers and visited the market as a customer rny::>elf. l socialised with many trciclers and became a trader myself. Through these experiences, l created something I created my story of the rnarket: the Bor011gh Markel R01itc. By prec:enting this story Lo my reader, l hope to create a space where we can all rneet, where, by learning about the other, we can start to unclerntancl ourselves. Only Lhen can we truly interact and start to know each othf;r. One of the thing::; that then impressed me most and Lhat now is able to bring back the market alive, is food. I have cooked the rnrnt excellent meals, ta.steel the freshest fruits and enjoyed the craziest lunch, followed by a Hne glass of whisky (rose for Alistair). These experiences can never be covered by words and pictures only. As always, the best way to present something is dependent on the thing itself. It is therefore by giving my readen; the pos::;ibility to experience some of the foods themselves that T hope they will be better able to underntm1d the experiences of the market that I write about. Although not common within the paradigm of our discipline, I believe that food is an excellent way of communicating the ideas of this thesis. By stimulating the senses, I aim to simultaneously stimulate the anthropological methodological debate. As the discussion on globalisation and localisation makes cleetr, taste is but an easy sense to understand. While the food in our world is becoming more homogeneous, our dbhes are at the same time becoming more particular aud diverse. The McDonaldisation-thesis seern8 to contradict the growing interest in phenomena like the Borough Market. However, thi:::; paradox turns out to be no paradox at all; both arguments, as Sutton demonstrates, talk past each other because the first is concentrating on the production of food, while the latter concentrates on the consumption (Sutton 200G: 88). Cooking, on the other hand, i::; both and simultaneou8ly producing and con­ ::;uming no recipe can ::;ucceecl without producing a dish and tasting its ingre­ dients. Cooking is also both and simultaneously theory and practice - like this thesis, it work::> on the principles of repetition and difference. With just a h?w ideas, linked to the things l encountered in London, I free myself from science's police and I will take you, my reader, through the market's ta::>tes.

The ingredient::; can be found by using the index.

Nduja Giuseppe's spicy, spreadable salami from Calabria can be eaten in garlic many wa::;. Normally, I bought some bread and just ate it with the nd11ja at the olive oil bank of the River Thames. In cooking, nduja works as a variant of chili pepper, nduja spaghetti giving a dish jw>t that extra smokey flavour. My favourite is pasta with nd'uja: smoked ricoUa briefly fry tiny pieces of garlic in olive oil and add a little bit of' nd14ja, which will melt in the pan. Mix this with al dentc cooked :opaghetti and serve with freshly grated ricotta ajfumicata.

13G Haggis tempura Cooking with Jon is one of the most memorable activities of wheat flour my time in the market. He is always busy preparing lunch and leLLing everyone corn flour try his new creations. The mo::;t intere:-;ting of this all was the haggis fompm-a, soda water haggis a Japanese style preparation of the Scottish haggis. For this lunch, .Jon mixed olive oil one part of wheat flour with one part of corn flour and added, while stirring, sea salt freezingly cold soda water. This batter was then u:-;ed to clip the tiny balb of haggis-filling in, which were then quickly deep-fried in olive oil and sprinkled with sea salt.

Scallops SheLlseekers convinced all of m; at Celia's tour that we should eat scallops hand-dived scallops instead of machine-collected ones. Not only did they t;aste sea salt great, they also gave us a. feeling of being ethically just. I prefor scallop::; simple, lemon bread just grilled briefiy and finished with a. bit of sea salt and and a. sprinkle of Booth's rucola fantastic Sicilian lemorn. Some bread, rucola, extra virgin olive oil and a. glass olive oil of white wine from Borough Wines make::; this perfect. white wine

Tomatoes Rather than the exquisite tomatoes in the Green Market (see figure tomatoes Ga) or the never ending heavenly heap at Turnips (see figure 5b), I bought my olive oil tomatoes, a.gain, a.t Booth. Offering a. variety or tomatoes ranging from green and garlic raw ham bright yellow to deep purple and almo;;t shiny black, the tomatoes in Borough parsley Market are of a kind I had never ta::-;tecl before. Chopping thern in small pieces, pecorino than frying them for a second with some olive oil on high fire, form::; the basis parmesan cheese of the recipe I use. Next, I lower the fire a.ncl acid chopped garlic and thin slices fnsilli of Sarclinian ham from Desulo. Together with fresh herb like parsley and grated pecorino and parmesan cheese, thit; makes a great and easy pasta dish.

Scotch Whisky Contrary to nmny recipe;.;, .Jon entrusts me, a. good whisky whisky should never be cooked with. Enjoy a glass of whisky simply with a few drops French choose of water an a slice of French chee:oe or smoked cluck breast. smoked duck

Bacon, Square Sausage and Pudding After a night at The Rake or after n1ushroo1rrn my visit to one of London's wholesale markets, I prepared my::;elf a kind of butter breakfast that I learnt by working a.t Loch fY Glen: a Scotti;;h breakfast. Fry black pudding white pudding some mushrooms in Real France's butter - l know, it's a waste and then some fruit pudding slices of black-, white-, and fruit-pudding and bacon. Fry an egg and some bacon beans and, to make it Scottish, fry a slice of square sausage. To get at least egg beans some vitamins, also fry half a. tomato. Sprinkle everything with ;;alt and enjoy square sausage your meal. In my case, I occasionally abo fried a pair of kipper::; in addition to tomato this. A rna:>:ing ... kippers

Yoghurt Although Neal's Yard is most fa111m10 for its British cheeses like lamb fillets cheddar, l like to buy there, as .Jeremy does, [i'e;,;h yoghurt. Delicious as it union might be in the morning, an even morn exciting dish is the following, which snap pies yoghurt l often prepared in London: lamb fillet;; together with union briefly ;mut6ing pcppor and salt before lowering the temperature and letting everything become cooked. Boiling bread red wine the fresh wap pies and, when al dente, add to the lamb meat. Now add half a litre yoghurt and stir well. Add some pepper and salt and serve with a lot of fresh bread and red wine.

Smoked Salmon Although organically ::;rnoked ::;almon i;.; p(~rfect with a little srnoked salrno11 bit of butter and lemon on toast, a quality as good as Loch E1 Glen'::; deserves to oysters be eaten alone. I enjoyed some slices of ::;rnoked salmon as a ::;tarter with oy::;tern bread shitrk steak and bread, followed by freshly grilled shark steak (see figure l'Oa), lettuce, capers, lettuce a lemon part and some drops of extra virgin olive oil 011 top. As you would have capers gnes::;ed, white wines goes perfectly with this. ' lemon olive oil whito wine

138 Index Arbrm\.th smokics, 69, 97 raw lmrn, 15, 22, 23, 64, 98, 102 ricotta., 125 bacon, 17, 71, 75, 81, 96, 99, 100, 124, 125 scallops, 10, 17, 18, 45, 65 black pudding, 69, 82, 83, 97, 100 shark, 36 botta.rga., 98 smoked cluck, 46, 69, 96, 98, 100 bread, :39, 75, 100, 102 ~m1oked salmon, 21, 48, 59, 67, 69, 71, bntter, 59, 100 76, 77, 80, 81, 83, 96, 97, 99, 100 capern, 42 square sausage, 69, 76, 96, 100, 101, casu rnarzu, 81 127 coffee, 35, 50, 64, 67, 78, 82, 95, 97, 99, 101, 116, 122 tea, 16, 37-39, 41, 46, 64, 70, 71, 7:3, 76, 81, 101, 116 fennel, 43 ternpura, 99, 100 French cheese, 19, 15, 46, 69, 74, 98, tomatoes, 14, 20, 23, 42, G4, 65, 93 120 tuna, 69 fruit pudding, 69, 96 vinegar, 20 haggis, 41, 69, 96, 99, 100 herbc;, 10, 15, 18, 23, 43, 45, 72, 80, 92 whic;ky, 100, 101 boney, 69, 79 white pudding, 69 wine, 18, 22, 72, 100, 102~104, 122, juice, 17, 74, 97, 124 127, 128 kippers, 69, 76 yoghurt, ;37 lamb, 18, 69 lemon, 64, 71 lettuce, 16, 79, 89 mackerel, 48, 7:3, 99, 101, 127 rrurnhrooms, 10, 42, 43, 59, 64, 67, 87 nduja, 47, 6tl, 75, 76, 125 olive oil, 69, 75, 76, 125 oyster:>, :37, 46, 64, 72, 83 parmesan chee::;c, 10, 20, 21, 2:3, 45, 58, 6i[ pasta, 40, 59, 125, 126 pecorino, 47, 58, 64 pork pie, 58, 7 4, 101

139 References

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.. The thesis is announced as an ethnographic experiment and, as such, it is a success. The facts, statements, and experiences it reports and relates to each other are complex without being confusing. Reflection, argument, and description are presented in a coherent story that never becomes boring. Like every good ethnography it produces knowledge without making what is worth knowing disappear in abstract schemes. This market's theoretical presence is not predicated on its empirical absence. But. A thesis is also an exercise in mastering a craft and as such it is not witheuJ flaws. Janssens choseJQ.write·inEnglish. J,Ae result is intriguing. Most of the time the writing is compet~·rt(and one does notexpect the mistakes and blunders that suddenly crop up (and in r~e end add ..11p.),mosfof them non-idiomatic expressions, idioms that are not quite right, wron1rf5rep'ositions, and so forth. As far as the usual formalities go (above all, correct and consistent citations and bibliographic references) I found little or no fault. The presentation in terms ?!.E!'!:rt§.• ~.!:!SL~~r.~)s, on the whole, a££!:.?l£L<:!1~.!QJJ2~.• ~········· •..•....•...... content and progress of the account. I a few cases, headings or slib-headings are hard to figure out or inappropriate (.e.g. 2.2. Helping in the Market [?] and 2.2. l Time [heading a section that is not about time but about past and history preserved in archives]). Like most writers of dissertations Janssens tries to show that his work has a legitimate place in the discourse to which he wants to contribute: he provides references to relevant literature and cites "authorities." Especially in the first half, or so, of the thesis this often is irritating rather than helpful and occasionally little more than fashionable name-dropping. That I get irritated by too many ingredients in this over- 7 spiced stew of Deleuze, Husserl, Heidegger, Hegel, Bourdieu, Hegel, Latour, Appadurai, and others, may be my problem. Still, I did not find a single sustained and critical ( r,, argument with any of them and that makes for references that are decorative rather than .\/5 informative. An example: I fail to see how a theory of "omnitopia" (p. 44, attributed to ...} Wood), contributes to a better understanding of the market place. (A mixture of Greek and Latin in a "technical" term should always be a warning.) Also, many brief quotations he selects instead of making a statement of his own cr~at~. at!!ll~§.!D$(.i!JlPIS::§S,lQU.lb<,J:t ..... ~~::~?r~~0~~::e~~t~::te~~i~~~ :~~~t~~e~a~·~~~P~~a~~~t]~¥r·~~·~te~Ze t~~e':~~hi~ read~}~-,,,,,,,.,,,., b:y,~ none of it relevant to this thesis? Whether or not his references to the anthropology of food and market are adequate I;lm··1:1nabTetojuc\.g~. Finally, I miss a statement, not so muc;.h on "methodology" .~hat he mentions "participant observation" only once and then ~s.. proffered by OQ .•0f'his interlocutors) then on the status of information and ways of documentat·ion:··W~re.the long statements, e.g. by the market architect, and several fragments of conversation recorded? Any generalizations about the market as a distinctive setting for communicative events and practices? Janssens claims and celebrates the "freedom" of non-essentialist, "dialogical," and non-scientistic ethnography; he has as yet to learn just how much discipline it takes to write freely.

I find difficult to suggest a grade for this opus except to rate it somewhere in the upper 25 percent.