Edited by Arthur Griffith
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
“Éire Go Brách” the Development of Irish Republican Nationalism in the 20Th Into the 21St Centuries
“Éire go Brách” The Development of Irish Republican Nationalism in the 20th into the 21st Centuries Alexandra Watson Honors Thesis Dr. Giacomo Gambino Department of Political Science Spring 2020 Watson 2 Table of Contents Introduction 3 Literature Review: Irish Nationalism -- What is it ? 5 A Brief History 18 ‘The Irish Question’ and Early Roots of Irish Republicanism 20 Irish Republicanism and the War for Independence 25 The Anglo Irish Treaty of 1921, Pro-Treaty Republicanism vs. Anti-Treaty Republicanism, and Civil War 27 Early Statehood 32 ‘The Troubles’ and the Good Friday Agreement 36 Why is ‘the North’ Different? 36 ‘The Troubles’ 38 The Good Friday Agreement 40 Contemporary Irish Politics: Irish Nationalism Now? 45 Explaining the Current Political System 45 Competing nationalisms Since the Good Friday Agreement and the Possibility of Unification 46 2020 General Election 47 Conclusions 51 Appendix 54 Acknowledgements 57 Bibliography 58 Watson 3 Introduction In June of 2016, the people of the United Kingdom democratically elected to leave the European Union. The UK’s decision to divorce from the European Union has brought significant uncertainty for the country both in domestic and foreign policy and has spurred a national identity crisis across the United Kingdom. The Brexit negotiations themselves, and the consequences of them, put tremendous pressure on already strained international relationships between the UK and other European countries, most notably their geographic neighbour: the Republic of Ireland. The Anglo-Irish relationship is characterized by centuries of mutual antagonism and the development of Irish national consciousness, which ultimately resulted in the establishment of an autonomous Irish free state in 1922. -
References to Ffrench Mullen in the Allen Library
Dr. Kathleen Lynn Collection IE/AL/KL/1/7 25 June 1910 1 item; 2pp Empty envelope addressed to ‘Miss M. ffrench Mullen, 9 Belgrave Road, Rathmines, Dublin, Ireland.’ A list of names and numbers is written on the back of the envelope. IE/AL/KL/1/14 30 April 1916 1 item Handwritten last will and testament of Constance Markievicz. ‘I leave to my husband Casimir de Markievicz the sum of £100 pounds, to my stepson Stanislas de Markievicz the sum of £100 to Bessie Lynch who lived with me £25. Everything else I possess to my daughter, Medb Alys de Markievicz.’ Michael Mallin and Madeleine ffrench Mullen witnessed it. [Provenance: Given by Dr. Lynn, 10 September 1952]. IE/AL/KL/1/28 12 August 1916 1 item; 2pp Handwritten letter from Constance Markievicz, Holloway Jail to Madeleine ffrench Mullen. Constance Markievicz thanks her for the present and tells her ‘Mrs. Clarke is wonderful, with her bad health, its marvellous how she sticks it out at all. Give Kathleen and Emer my love and thank Emer for fags she sent me. I hope K is well; I heard that she was back from her holiday, but not going about much. I am all right again, gone up in weight and all the better for my enforced rest! …now goodbye much love to you and yours and my soldier girls.’ IE/AL/KL/1/30/1-2 7 November 1916 2 items Envelope and handwritten letter from Eva Gore Booth, 33 Fitzroy, Square, London to Dr. Lynn and Madeleine ffrench Mullen. -
Irish Civil War Pro Treaty
Irish Civil War Pro Treaty Emmy sprinkled adrift. Heavier-than-air Ike pickax feignedly, he suffumigated his print-outs very intricately. Wayland never pettle any self-command avers dynastically, is Reza fatuous and illegal enough? He and irish print media does the eighth episode during outbreaks of irish civil war treaty troops to Irish Free row And The Irish Civil War UK Essays. Once this assembly and suspected that happened, and several other atrocities committed by hints, under de valera and irish civil war pro treaty. Sinn féin excluded unless craig to irish civil war pro treaty? Houses with irish civil war pro treaty men had been parades and one soldier is largely ignored; but is going to a controlled. The conflict was waged between two opposing groups of Irish nationalists the forces of looking new Irish Free event who supported the Anglo-Irish Treaty under has the plunge was established and the republican opposition for double the Treaty represented a betrayal of the Irish Republic. The Irish Civil request was a conflict that accompanied the establishment of the Irish Free. The outbreak of the deep War in Donegal found the IRA anti-Treaty unprepared and done Free State forces pro-Treaty moved quickly to attack IRA positions. From June of 1922 to May 1923 more guerilla war broke out in Ireland this gulf between the pro-treaty provisional government and anti-treaty IRA In week end. Gerry Adams Wikipedia. Six irregulars were irish civil war pro treaty i came up? Step 4 What divisions emerged in Ireland in December 1921 following the signing of recent Treaty 36. -
The Hungerstrikes
anIssue 5 Jul-Sept 2019 £2.50/€3.00 spréachIndependent non-profit Socialist Republican magazine THE HUNGERSTRIKES PIVOTAL MOMENTS IN OUR HISTORY Where’s the Pleasure? Examining Sexual Morality Under Capitalism An EU Immigrant The Craigavon 2 More Than A I’m Irish and Pro- A Miscarriage of Beautiful Game Leave Justice Soccer and Politics DIGITAL BACK ISSUES of anspréach Magazine are available for download via our website. Just visit www.anspreach.org ____ Dear reader, An Spréach is an independent Socialist Republican magazine formed by a collective of political activists across Ireland. It aims to bring you, the read- er, a broad swathe of opinion from within the Irish Socialist Republican political sphere, including, but not exclusive to, the fight for national liberation and socialism in Ireland and internationally. The views expressed herein, do not necesserily represent the publication and are purely those of the author. We welcome contributions from all political activists, including opinion pieces, letters, historical analyses and other relevant material. The editor reserves the right to exclude or omit any articles that may be deemed defamatory or abusive. Full and real names must be provided, even in instances where a pseudonym is used, including contact details. Please bear in mind that you may be asked to shorten material if necessary, and where we may be required to edit a piece to fit within these pages, all efforts will be made to retain its balance and opinion, without bias. An Spréach is a not-for-profit magazine which only aims to fund its running costs, including print and associated platforms. -
Going Against the Flow: Sinn Féin´S Unusual Hungarian `Roots´
The International History Review, 2015 Vol. 37, No. 1, 41–58, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2013.879913 Going Against the Flow: Sinn Fein’s Unusual Hungarian ‘Roots’ David G. Haglund* and Umut Korkut Can states as well as non-state political ‘actors’ learn from the history of cognate entities elsewhere in time and space, and if so how and when does this policy knowledge get ‘transferred’ across international borders? This article deals with this question, addressing a short-lived Hungarian ‘tutorial’ that, during the early twentieth century, certain policy elites in Ireland imagined might have great applicability to the political transformation of the Emerald Isle, in effect ushering in an era of political autonomy from the United Kingdom, and doing so via a ‘third way’ that skirted both the Scylla of parliamentary formulations aimed at securing ‘home rule’ for Ireland and the Charybdis of revolutionary violence. In the political agenda of Sinn Fein during its first decade of existence, Hungary loomed as a desirable political model for Ireland, with the party’s leading intellectual, Arthur Griffith, insisting that the means by which Hungary had achieved autonomy within the Hapsburg Empire in 1867 could also serve as the means for securing Ireland’s own autonomy in the first decades of the twentieth century. This article explores what policy initiatives Arthur Griffith thought he saw in the Hungarian experience that were worthy of being ‘transferred’ to the Irish situation. Keywords: Ireland; Hungary; Sinn Fein; home rule; Ausgleich of 1867; policy transfer; Arthur Griffith I. Introduction: the Hungarian tutorial To those who have followed the fortunes and misfortunes of Sinn Fein in recent dec- ades, it must seem the strangest of all pairings, our linking of a party associated now- adays mainly, if not exclusively, with the Northern Ireland question to a small country in the centre of Europe, Hungary. -
Revisionism: the Provisional Republican Movement
Journal of Politics and Law March, 2008 Revisionism: The Provisional Republican Movement Robert Perry Phd (Queens University Belfast) MA, MSSc 11 Caractacus Cottage View, Watford, UK Tel: +44 01923350994 E-mail: [email protected] Abstract This article explores the developments within the Provisional Republican Movement (IRA and Sinn Fein), its politicization in the 1980s, and the Sinn Fein strategy of recent years. It discusses the Provisionals’ ending of the use of political violence and the movement’s drift or determined policy towards entering the political mainstream, the acceptance of democratic norms. The sustained focus of my article is consideration of the revision of core Provisional principles. It analyses the reasons for this revisionism and it considers the reaction to and consequences of this revisionism. Keywords: Physical Force Tradition, Armed Stuggle, Republican Movement, Sinn Fein, Abstentionism, Constitutional Nationalism, Consent Principle 1. Introduction The origins of Irish republicanism reside in the United Irishman Rising of 1798 which aimed to create a democratic society which would unite Irishmen of all creeds. The physical force tradition seeks legitimacy by trying to trace its origin to the 1798 Rebellion and the insurrections which followed in 1803, 1848, 1867 and 1916. Sinn Féin (We Ourselves) is strongly republican and has links to the IRA. The original Sinn Féin was formed by Arthur Griffith in 1905 and was an umbrella name for nationalists who sought complete separation from Britain, as opposed to Home Rule. The current Sinn Féin party evolved from a split in the republican movement in Ireland in the early 1970s. Gerry Adams has been party leader since 1983, and led Sinn Féin in mutli-party peace talks which resulted in the signing of the 1998 Belfast Agreement. -
Estella Solomons: a Portrait of the Artist As a Republican
CULTURE Estella Solomons: A portrait of the artist as a Republican Painter concealed ammunition in her studio, writes Róisín Kennedy STELLA SOLOMONS came from a prominent Jewish Dublin family. Her E father, Maurice, was a well-known optician and his practice on Nassau Street is mentioned in James Joyce’s Ulysses. Solomons trained at the Dublin Metropolitan School of Art where Willie Pearse had also been a student. Her contemporary at the school, Beatrice Elvery remembered that ‘it was difficult not to be swept away in a flood of patriotism’. Solomons continued her studies at the Chelsea School of Art in London and at Colorossi’s Studio in Paris where she was accompanied by Elvery and Cissie Beckett, aunt of the future writer Samuel Beckett. A visit to a major exhibition of the work Estella Solomons’ portraits of Erskine Childers and Sinn Féin activist Darrell Figgis, and a self-portrait. of Rembrandt in Amsterdam in 1906 had a decisive impact on one of Seán Milroy, a frequent back in Limerick, discovered that in this endeavour by Kathleen her art practice. Not only did his visitor, and Frank Gallagher, a fellow volunteer was using his Goodfellow, a lifelong friend who approach influence Solomons’ who she painted in 1920 after belt. He had taken it from a Black had joined Cumann na mBan at style of portraiture but the Dutch she moved her studio to No 26 and Tan who had been shot at the the same time. master’s etchings inspired her to Great Brunswick Street. She also Drumkeen ambush weeks before. -
The Rise of Sinn Féin
UNDERSTANDING 1917 AND BEYOND THE RISE OF SINN FÉIN THE RISE OF SINN FÉIN Sinn Féin, as a political entity, was founded on 28th November 1905 at the first annual convention of the National Council. Based on policies he had previously written about in The Resurrection of Hungary (1904), Arthur Griffith presented a detailed programme that would be later published as ‘The Sinn Féin Policy’. THE SINN FÉIN POLICY 'Sinn Féin' began life as a slogan, used by many Irish nationalists and organisations – it is believed that it originates from an early motto of the Gaelic League: ‘Sinn féin, sinn féin amháain’, meaning ‘Ourselves, ourselves alone’. Arthur Griffith - a well known journalist and nationalist - then adopted this slogan to describe his policy that would go on to become the foundation of Sinn Féin. Formally a member of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB), Griffith began to oppose their more radical aims. Griffith believed that Ireland could not win independence through physical means, nor was he fully convinced that self-governance could be achieved politically. Arthur Griffith Griffith was a journalist and Irish Instead, Griffith urged a policy ofpassive resistance: refusal to pay taxes, Nationalist who gained fame boycotting of British goods as part of a wider plan to make Ireland self for his political writings and sufficient, creating independent Irish courts, the establishment of a National later, his political career. Griffith Council in Ireland and Irish MPs withdrawing from Westminster (abstention). was instrumental in the founda- As part of his policy, Griffith also supported thedual monarchy approach: tion of a number of national- that Ireland should become its own kingdom alongside Britain, with the two ist organisations, newspapers forming a dual monarchy – a shared monarch with two separate governments. -
In 1904, George Olden Became the New General Manager. Between 1906 and 1913, the Hotel Enjoyed Great Success
In 1904, George Olden became the new General Manager. Between 1906 and 1913, the hotel enjoyed great success. New additions included the telephone and a lift. Guests started arriving by car and tram. The summer of 1912 saw a great influx of visitors from USA, Japan and Australia. In 1914 with the outbreak of war, several of the hotel’s German staff were interned and The Shelbourne unofficially became the hub of military activity. The Republican Rising of Easter 1916 was a seminal date in the Shelbourne’s history. The hotel owners remained loyal to the Crown during the Easter Rebellion. However, some staff members did not. It emerged later that one hotel porter made regular forays up to the rooftop and signalled the movement of troops within the hotel to the rebel forces across the Green. Yet, despite all the disturbances, the hotel management and staff managed to carry on almost as normal. On Easter Monday when fighting broke out on the Green, afternoon tea was transferred from the Drawing Room to the Writing and Reading Room at the rear of the hotel for safety (this room is now the Horseshoe Bar). On Tuesday afternoon, forty soldiers were sent to garrison the hotel, making it a legitimate target for the rebels across the Green. The Shelbourne came under regular fire for the remainder of the week. The windows were sandbagged and shuttered; the great entrance door was barricaded. A skeleton staff operated the hotel’s services and titled guests acted as waiters. By Wednesday, the hotel opened its doors to receive the injured, irrespective of the side on which side they fought. -
Études Écossaises, 20 | 2018 Smuggling Weapons, Republicans and Spies Across the Irish Sea and the North C
Études écossaises 20 | 2018 The Construction and Reconstruction of Scotland Smuggling Weapons, Republicans and Spies across the Irish Sea and the North Channel (1912–1923): Gaelic Friends or Foes? Trafic d’armes, de républicains et d’espions par la mer d’Irlande : amis ou ennemis gaéliques ? Émilie Berthillot Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/etudesecossaises/1400 ISSN: 1969-6337 Publisher UGA Éditions/Université Grenoble Alpes Printed version ISBN: 978-2-37747-047-1 ISSN: 1240-1439 Electronic reference Émilie Berthillot, « Smuggling Weapons, Republicans and Spies across the Irish Sea and the North Channel (1912–1923): Gaelic Friends or Foes? », Études écossaises [Online], 20 | 2018, Online since 01 April 2018, connection on 08 September 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/ etudesecossaises/1400 This text was automatically generated on 8 September 2020. © Études écossaises Smuggling Weapons, Republicans and Spies across the Irish Sea and the North C... 1 Smuggling Weapons, Republicans and Spies across the Irish Sea and the North Channel (1912–1923): Gaelic Friends or Foes? Trafic d’armes, de républicains et d’espions par la mer d’Irlande : amis ou ennemis gaéliques ? Émilie Berthillot 1 After decades of riots throughout the 19th century,1 the Irish rebels fighting for Home Rule decided to foster a rebellion taking advantage of the involvement of Great Britain in the First World War. To fight against British forces, Irish activists were in desperate need of weapons whose importation was banned by the Proclamation of King George V issued on 4 December 1913 (Figgis, 2014, p. XXV). They thus turned to Germany to provide them with illegal ones. -
W.T. Cosgrave Papers P285 Ucd Archives
W.T. COSGRAVE PAPERS P285 UCD ARCHIVES [email protected] www.ucd.ie/archives T + 353 1 716 7555 F + 353 1 716 1146 © 2015 University College Dublin. All Rights Reserved ii CONTENTS CONTEXT Biographical History iv Archival History vi CONTENT AND STRUCTURE Scope and Content vii System of Arrangement viii CONDITIONS OF ACCESS AND USE Access ix Language ix Finding Aid ix DESCRIPTION CONTROL Archivist’s Note ix iii CONTEXT Biographical history William Thomas Cosgrave was born on 6 June 1880 at 174 James’ Street, Dublin. He attended the Christian Brothers School in Marino, and later worked in the family business, a grocers and licensed premises. His first brush with politics came in 1905 when, with his brother Phil and uncle P.J., he attended the first Sinn Féin convention in 1905. Serving as a Sinn Féin councillor on Dublin Corporation from 1909 until 1922, he joined the Irish Volunteers in 1913, although he never joined the Irish Republican Brotherhood. During the Easter 1916 Rising, Cosgrave served under Eamonn Ceannt at the South Dublin Union. His was not a minor role, and after the Rising he was sentenced to death. This was later commuted to penal servitude for life, and he was transported to Frongoch in Wales along with many other rebels. As public opinion began to favour the rebels, Cosgrave stood for election in the 1917 Kilkenny city by-election, and won despite being imprisoned. This was followed by another win the following year in Kilkenny North. Cosgrave took his seat in the First Dáil on his release from prison in 1919. -
Sinn Féin and the Labour Movement Arthur Griffith and Sinn Féin Griffith
3.0 Those who Set the Stage 3.3 Those with other agenda: Sinn Féin and the labour movement 3.3.1 Arthur Griffith and Sinn Féin Griffith and Sinn Féin contributed directly to the Rising by his brilliant propaganda and by radicalising a generation of Irish nationalists. Arthur Griffith (1871-1922) was born at 61 Upper Dominick Street, Dublin and was educated at the Christian Brothers’ schools at Strand Street and St Mary’s Place. He worked as a printer at the Irish Independent, spending much of his spare time in debating societies where he came under the influence of the journalist and poet William Rooney. In 1893 they founded the Celtic Literary Society which promoted the study of Irish language, literature, history and music, its political slogan being ‘independent action’. Griffith was also active in the Gaelic League in which Rooney was a teacher. He was a member of the separatist Irish Republican Brotherhood up until 1910, after which time he generally repudiated the use of physical force for political ends. Following a period in South Africa where he worked in the gold mines and gave some assistance to the Boers, he became editor of the new weekly radical paper, the United Irishman, first published in Dublin in March 1899. In 1900, together with Rooney he established Cumann na nGaedheal, an umbrella body designed to co-ordinate the activities of the various groups endeavouring to counteract the continuing anglicisation of the country. After the failure of the Home Rule bills of 1886 and 1893, Griffith had little faith in the current mode of parliamentary action.