Comparing the U.S. and Soviet Experiences in Afghanistan
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How Does Nato Work?
WHAT IS NATO? Visit our website : www.nato.int #WEARENATO The North Atlantic Treaty Organization is one of the These countries meet to cooperate in the field of world’s major international institutions. It is a political security and defence. In this respect, NATO provides and military alliance that brings together 30 member a unique link between these two continents for political countries from Europe and North America. and security cooperation. PROTECTING PEOPLE COMBATING NEW THREATS We often take it for granted that we can walk around freely in As the nature of threats changes, so must the methods a safe and economically stable environment. Security in all of preserving peace. NATO is reorienting its defence areas of everyday life is key to our well-being. capabilities towards today’s threats. It is adapting forces and developing multinational approaches to deal with terrorism, FORGING PARTNERSHIPS failed states and other security threats such as weapons of mass destruction. Establishing dialogue and cooperation is crucial for peaceful relations and deeper international understanding. BUILDING PEACE & STABILITY NATO provides a unique opportunity for member and partner countries to consult on security issues to build trust The benefits of stability can be enjoyed simultaneously by and, in the long run, help to prevent conflict. many parties. Through practical cooperation and multilateral initiatives, It is crucial to stabilise regions where tensions pose security countries are facing new security challenges together. threats. This is why NATO takes an active role in crisis- management operations, in cooperation with other international organisations. WHAT DOES NATO DO? NATO is committed to protecting its members efforts fail, it has the military capacity needed to through political and military means. -
NATO-Afghanistan Relations
North Atlantic Treaty Organization www.nato.int/factsheets Media Backgrounder June 2021 NATO-Afghanistan relations Opening of a new-chapter NATO and Afghanistan will now open a new chapter in their relations, as the process of withdrawing international troops contributed to the NATO-led Resolute Support Mission to train, advise, and assist the Afghan security forces and institutions is ongoing. NATO Allies are committed to continue to stand with Afghanistan, its people and its institutions in promoting security and upholding the hard-won gains of the last NATO Secretary General Jens 20 years. Stoltenberg and President of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan NATO will continue to provide training, as well as financial support to the Afghan National Defence and Ashraf Ghani in Kabul, Security Forces, including through the Afghan National Army Trust Fund. November 2018. It will retain a Senior Civilian Representative’s Office in Kabul to continue diplomatic engagement and enhance our partnership with Afghanistan. The Office of the Senior Civilian Representative will engage with a range of actors, including from Afghanistan, countries in the region, the International Community and NGOs representatives. Also, in light of the importance of an enduring diplomatic and international presence, NATO will provide funding to ensure continued functioning of Hamid Karzai International Airport in Kabul. Furthermore, NATO will step up dialogue on Afghanistan with relevant international and regional partners; and all NATO Allies will continue to support the ongoing Afghan-owned and Afghan-led peace process towards a lasting, inclusive political settlement that puts and end to violence, safeguards the human rights of Afghans – particularly women, children and minorities – upholds the rule of law, and ensures that Afghanistan never again serves as a safe haven for terrorists. -
The Endgame of the Reagan Doctrine: Democratic Transition in Nicaragua and Chaos in Afghanistan
Democratic Transition in Nicaragua and Chaos in Afghanistan 19 Chapter 2 The Endgame of the Reagan Doctrine: Democratic Transition in Nicaragua and Chaos in Afghanistan John-Michael Arnold Introduction1 This chapter examines what happened, during the waning years of the American-Soviet struggle, in two conflicts that were part of the “global Cold War.”2 In both Afghanistan and Nicaragua through- out the 1980s, Soviet-supported Marxist regimes had fought Ameri- can-aided insurgencies. The United States’ support to the Afghan and Nicaraguan guerillas was central to what became widely known as the “Reagan Doctrine,” a term coined by columnist Charles Krauthammer in 1985 and which he defined as “overt and unashamed American sup- port for anti-Communist revolution.”3 While President Reagan became associated in many people’s minds with the American counter-offensive against Marxist regimes, it fell to Reagan’s vice-president and successor in the Oval Office, President George H.W. Bush, to preside over the endgame of the “Reagan Doc- trine.” The following analysis demonstrates three major things about the Bush administration’s record in that regard. First, in the midst of continuing competition with the Soviet Union, the Bush administration wanted settlements to the wars in Nicaragua and Afghanistan, pref- erably with the departure of the Soviet-aligned governments in those countries. Second, during the Bush administration’s term—which ran from January 1989 until January 1993—there was a narrowing of ideo- logical differences between the superpowers when it came to “regional conflicts,” with Mikhail Gorbachev’s Soviet Union sharing similar ideas to the United States about the need for political settlements and even democratic elections as the way to end proxy wars. -
The Myth of Grass-Roots Terrorism: Why Osama Bin Laden Still Matters
The Myth of Grass-Roots Terrorism Why Osama bin Laden Still Matters By Bruce Hoffman From Foreign Affairs , May/June 2008 Leaderless Jihad: Terror Networks in the Twenty-first Century . Marc Sageman . University of Pennsylvania Press , 2008 , 208 $24.95 Summary: Marc Sageman claims that al Qaeda's leadership is finished and today's terrorist threat comes primarily from below. But the terrorist elites are alive and well, and ignoring the threat they pose will have disastrous consequences. BRUCE HOFFMAN is a Professor at Georgetown University's School of Foreign Service and a Senior Fellow at the U.S. Military Academy's Combating Terrorism Center at West Point. He is the author of Inside Terrorism. Since Rudy Giuliani's early exit from the Republican presidential primary, the issue of terrorism has barely been mentioned by any of the candidates in either party. Given its absence from this year's U.S. presidential campaign, it is easy to forget how prominent a role terrorism played in 2004. Many observers believe that Osama bin Laden's dramatically choreographed videotaped appearance on October 29, 2004, may have tipped the vote in President George W. Bush's favor by reminding Americans of the horrors of 9/11 and instilling a fear of future attacks. And although terrorism has largely been ignored as a campaign issue thus far, bin Laden and al Qaeda may deliberately raise its visibility once again. The publication of Leaderless Jihad is therefore timely. Its author, Marc Sageman, brings unique credentials to the study of terrorism. European-born but American-educated, Sageman holds a doctorate in political sociology and is a practicing psychiatrist. -
NATO Enlargement & Open Door
North Atlantic Treaty Organization Fact Sheet July 2016 NATO Enlargement & Open Door NATO’s “open door policy” is based on Article 10 of the Alliance’s founding document, the North Atlantic Treaty (1949). The Treaty states that NATO membership is open to any “European state in a position to further the principles of this Treaty and to contribute to the security of the North Atlantic area”. It states that any decision on enlargement must be made “by unanimous agreement”. NATO enlargement has helped increase stability and prosperity in Europe. It is aimed at promoting stability and cooperation, and at building a Europe united in peace, democracy and common values. Free choice NATO respects the right of every country to choose its own security arrangements. Each sovereign country has the right to choose for itself whether it joins any treaty or alliance. This fundamental principle is enshrined in international agreements, including the Helsinki Final Act and the Charter of Paris for a New Europe. NATO membership is not imposed on countries. Article 13 of the Washington Treaty specifically gives Allies the right to leave should they wish to. Process of Accession European countries that wish to join NATO are initially invited to begin an Intensified Dialogue with the Alliance about their aspirations and related reforms. Aspirants may then be invited to join the Membership Action Plan, a programme which helps nations prepare for possible future membership. Participation does not guarantee membership, but is a key preparation mechanism. To join the Alliance, nations are expected to respect the values of the North Atlantic Treaty, and to meet certain political, economic and military criteria, set out in the Alliance’s 1995 Study on Enlargement. -
A New Chapter in NATO-Afghanistan Relations
North Atlantic Treaty Organization Media Backgrounder February 2016 A new chapter in NATO-Afghanistan relations NATO’s engagement in Afghanistan has started a new chapter. As of 2015, NATO’s support to Afghanistan has consisted of three inter-related components: a NATO-led Resolute Support mission to train, advise and assist the Afghan security forces and institutions; a contribution to the broad effort of financial sustainment of the Afghan security forces; and the enhanced NATO-Afghanistan Enduring Partnership, which is being developed jointly with the Government of Afghanistan. Resolute Support Mission Resolute Support is a NATO-led, non combat mission. It was launched on 1 January 2015, following the conclusion of the previous NATO-led ISAF mission, and the assumption of full security responsibility by the Afghan National Defence and Security Forces (ANDSF). It is designed to help the Afghan security forces and institutions develop the necessary capacity to continue defending the country and protecting the population in a sustainable manner. It carries out training, advice and assistance activities at the security ministries and national institutional levels and at the higher levels of the army and police. This new mission has several functions. These include, amongst others: • Supporting planning, programming and budgeting; • Assuring transparency, accountability and oversight; • Supporting the adherence to the principles of rule of law and good governance; • Supporting the establishment and sustainment of processes such as force generation, recruiting, training, managing and development of personnel. Resolute Support currently has approximately 13,000 personnel from NATO Allies and partner nations. It operates with one hub (Kabul/Bagram) and four spokes (Mazar-e-Sharif in the north, Herat in the west, Kandahar in the south, and Laghman in the east). -
The United States and the Greek Coup of 1967
Were the Eagle and the Phoenix Birds of a Feather? The United States and the Greek Coup of 1967 by Louis Klarevas Assistant Professor of Political Science City University of New York—College of Staten Island & Associate Fellow Hellenic Observatory—London School of Economics Discussion Paper No. 15 Hellenic Observatory-European Institute London School of Economics Houghton Street London WC2A 2AE http://www.lse.ac.uk/collections/hellenicObservatory February 2004 Author’s Note: The author wishes to thank the Hellenic Observatory of the London School of Economics for its generous support in the undertaking of this project. The author also wishes to thank Kevin Featherstone, Spyros Economides, and Dimitrios Triantaphyllou for comments on a previous draft. In the summer of 2004, Greece will host the Olympic Games. Americans attending the games and visiting traditional tourist stops in Athens are sure to be greeted with open arms. But for those who delve a bit further into the country-side seeking a taste of average Greek life, some are sure to hear some fascinating tales flavored with a strong hint of anti-Americanism. To many foreigners that visit Greece these days, it might seem like the cradle of democracy is also the cradle of conspiracy. Take these schemes, for example: (1) Orthodox Serbs, not Muslims, were the true victims of the slaughters in the Balkans during the 1990s—and the primary reason that NATO intervened was so that the United States could establish a military foothold there;1 (2) the U.S. Ambassador played a tacit role in the removal of the Secretary- General of Greece’s ruling political party;2 and (3) the attack on the World Trade Center was a joint Jewish-American conspiracy to justify a Western war against Muslims—with reports that no Jews died in the September 11 attacks.3 All of these perspectives have numerous subscribers in Greece. -
The 9/11 Commission Report
Final1-4.4pp 7/17/04 9:12 AM Page 108 4 RESPONSES TO AL QAEDA’S INITIAL ASSAULTS 4.1 BEFORE THE BOMBINGS IN KENYA AND TANZANIA Although the 1995 National Intelligence Estimate had warned of a new type of terrorism, many officials continued to think of terrorists as agents of states (Saudi Hezbollah acting for Iran against Khobar Towers) or as domestic crim- inals (Timothy McVeigh in Oklahoma City).As we pointed out in chapter 3, the White House is not a natural locus for program management. Hence, gov- ernment efforts to cope with terrorism were essentially the work of individ- ual agencies. President Bill Clinton’s counterterrorism Presidential Decision Directives in 1995 (no. 39) and May 1998 (no. 62) reiterated that terrorism was a national security problem,not just a law enforcement issue.They reinforced the author- ity of the National Security Council (NSC) to coordinate domestic as well as foreign counterterrorism efforts, through Richard Clarke and his interagency Counterterrorism Security Group (CSG). Spotlighting new concerns about unconventional attacks, these directives assigned tasks to lead agencies but did not differentiate types of terrorist threats.Thus,while Clarke might prod or push agencies to act, what actually happened was usually decided at the State Depart- ment, the Pentagon, the CIA, or the Justice Department.The efforts of these agencies were sometimes energetic and sometimes effective.Terrorist plots were disrupted and individual terrorists were captured.But the United States did not, before 9/11, adopt as a clear strategic objective the elimination of al Qaeda. Early Efforts against Bin Ladin Until 1996, hardly anyone in the U.S.government understood that Usama Bin Ladin was an inspirer and organizer of the new terrorism. -
10 Things You Need to Know About NATO
North Atlantic Treaty Organization Fact Sheet July 2016 10 things you need to know about NATO 1. An International Security Hub: The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is one of the world’s major international institutions. It is a political and military Alliance of 28 member countries from Europe and North America. The Alliance takes all its decisions by consensus. Every member country, no matter how large or small, has an equal say in discussions and decisions. Member states are committed to individual liberty, democracy, human rights and the rule of law. These values are at the heart of NATO’s transatlantic bond. 2. Collective Defence: The greatest responsibility of the Alliance is to protect and defend NATO’s territory and populations. Article 5 of NATO’s founding charter, the Washington Treaty, sets out the Alliance’s collective defence commitment. It states that an attack on one shall be considered an attack on all. Article 5 has been invoked only once in NATO’s history, on 12 September 2001, the day after the terrorist attacks on the United States. 3. NATO’s Command Structure: NATO has a permanent, integrated military command structure where military and civilian personnel from all member states work together. The Alliance has two top-level Strategic Commands (Allied Command Operations, in Mons, Belgium, and Allied Command Transformation, in Norfolk, United States). Under these Strategic Commands are two Joint Force Commands (in Brunssum, Netherlands and in Naples, Italy) that can deploy and run military operations. The Command Structure also includes one air command (Ramstein, Germany), one land command (Izmir, Turkey) and one maritime command (Northwood, United Kingdom). -
The Implications of Military Spending Cuts for NATO's Largest Members
ANALYSIS PAPER July 2012 The Implications of Military Spending Cuts for NATO’s Largest Members Clara Marina O’Donnell (editor) Contributors: Andrew Dorman, Bastian Giegerich, Camille Grand, Adam Grissom and Christian Mölling The Brookings Institution is a private non-profit organization. Its mission is to conduct high- quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. Support for this report was generously provided by the German Information Center USA. Brookings recognizes that the value it provides to any supporter is in its absolute commitment to quality, independence and impact. Activities sponsored by its donors reflect this commitment, and the analysis and recommendations of the Institution’s scholars are not determined by any donation. Copyright © 2012 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036 www.brookings.edu The Implications of Military Spending Cuts for NATO’s Largest Members 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction....................................................................................................................... 3 Clara Marina O’Donnell, Nonresident Fellow, The Brookings Institution, and Research Fellow, Centre for European Reform I. Trends within the European Union............................................................................... -
The Tragedy of the Iran Hostage Crisis
GETTING THE AYATOLLAH WRONG: PERCEPTIONS AND MISPERCEPTIONS OF IRAN’S REVOLUTIONARY LEADERSHIP DAVID PATRICK HOUGHTON DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE P.O. BOX 161356 UNIVERSITY OF CENTRAL FLORIDA ORLANDO, FL 32816 USA EMAIL: [email protected] TEL: (407) 823-6025 FAX: (407) 823-0051 Paper presented at the Annual Convention of the International Studies Association, San Diego, CA, April 2012. Abstract Relations between Iran and the West have long been plagued on both sides by misunderstandings and misconceptions of the motivations and beliefs which drive the behavior of foreign policy elites. This paper focuses in particular on script-driven misperceptions of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, and on how and why these changed over time. Why in particular did the Carter administration get Khomeini so wrong? It is argued here that a ‘cult of the Shah’ left the American intelligence community singularly unprepared to deal with any new regime after Mohammed Reza Pahlavi’s fall, and that the prevalence of the Cold War strategic script in particular led many to downgrade the importance of the Iranian clergy. Perceptions of Khomeini, it is suggested, passed through three stages: he was initially viewed as a figure of irrelevance by many in the West, or as someone who could not possibly influence the course of events in Tehran. This misperception then gave way by late 1978 to another: the notion that Khomeini was a ‘Gandhi-like’ figure with whom American leaders could bargain, but ignorance about Khomeini’s background and aims within the White House and other elements of the administration led to a disastrous attempt to court his moderate allies within the provisional government. -
Kelly Mcfarland on Kings and Presidents: Saudi Arabia and The
Bruce O. Riedel. Kings and Presidents: Saudi Arabia and the United States since FDR. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2017. xv + 251 pp. $25.99, cloth, ISBN 978-0-8157-3137-5. Reviewed by Kelly McFarland Published on H-Diplo (March, 2019) Commissioned by Seth Offenbach (Bronx Community College, The City University of New York) In his latest work, Kings and Presidents: Sau‐ very different countries. America is a superpower di Arabia and the United States since FDR, the democracy that aspires to be a tolerant home to a Brookings Institute’s (and longtime government diverse multiethnic and multireligious popula‐ analyst and policymaker) Bruce Riedel focuses on tion, all of whom are equal in the eyes of the law. the US-Saudi relationship since 1945. Riedel’s Saudi Arabia is the world’s last absolute monar‐ book comes at a rather precarious time in the re‐ chy and also is a theocracy with a fundamentalist lationship’s history. Congressional and public out‐ religious faith, dominated by a Wahhabi clergy cry over Riyadh’s ongoing war in Yemen and the that is intolerant and suspicious of outsiders” (p. October 2018 killing of Washington Post journal‐ xiii). The contradictions in the relationship have ist Jamal Khoshoggi inside the Saudi consulate in been ever-present. Riedel points out that this book Istanbul—which Saudi crown prince Muhammed is “not a diplomatic history of the relationship or bin Salman probably sanctioned according to the a comprehensive study of all their interactions,” Central Intelligence Agency—have put the part‐ but instead uses specific “case studies of interac‐ nership on notice.