10 Things You Need to Know About NATO
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NATO Expansion: Benefits and Consequences
University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 2001 NATO expansion: Benefits and consequences Jeffrey William Christiansen The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Christiansen, Jeffrey William, "NATO expansion: Benefits and consequences" (2001). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 8802. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/8802 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ■rr - Maween and Mike MANSFIELD LIBRARY The University of M ontana Permission is granted by the author to reproduce this material in its entirety, provided that this material is used for scholarly purposes and is properly cited in published works and reports. **Please check "Yes" or "No" and provide signature** Yes, I grant permission X No, I do not grant permission ________ Author's Signature; Date:__ ^ ^ 0 / Any copying for commercial purposes or financial gain may be undertaken only with the author's explicit consent. MSThe»i9\M«r«f»eld Library Permission Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. NATO EXPANSION: BENEFITS AND CONSEQUENCES by Jeffrey William Christiansen B.A. University of Montana, 2000 presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts The University of Montana 2001 Approved by: hairpers Dean, Graduate School 7 - 24- 0 ^ Date Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. -
Brexit and the Future of the US–EU and US–UK Relationships
Special relationships in flux: Brexit and the future of the US–EU and US–UK relationships TIM OLIVER AND MICHAEL JOHN WILLIAMS If the United Kingdom votes to leave the European Union in the referendum of June 2016 then one of the United States’ closest allies, one of the EU’s largest member states and a leading member of NATO will negotiate a withdrawal from the EU, popularly known as ‘Brexit’. While talk of a UK–US ‘special relation- ship’ or of Britain as a ‘transatlantic bridge’ can be overplayed, not least by British prime ministers, the UK is a central player in US–European relations.1 This reflects not only Britain’s close relations with Washington, its role in European security and its membership of the EU; it also reflects America’s role as a European power and Europe’s interests in the United States. A Brexit has the potential to make a significant impact on transatlantic relations. It will change both the UK as a country and Britain’s place in the world.2 It will also change the EU, reshape European geopolitics, affect NATO and change the US–UK and US–EU relationships, both internally and in respect of their place in the world. Such is the potential impact of Brexit on the United States that, in an interview with the BBC’s Jon Sopel in summer 2015, President Obama stated: I will say this, that having the United Kingdom in the European Union gives us much greater confidence about the strength of the transatlantic union and is part of the corner- stone of institutions built after World War II that has made the world safer and more prosperous. -
Brazil and the Alliance for Progress
BRAZIL AND THE ALLIANCE FOR PROGRESS: US-BRAZILIAN FINANCIAL RELATIONS DURING THE FORMULATION OF JOÃO GOULART‟S THREE-YEAR PLAN (1962)* Felipe Pereira Loureiro Assistant Professor at the Institute of International Relations, University of São Paulo (IRI-USP), Brazil [email protected] Presented for the panel “New Perspectives on Latin America‟s Cold War” at the FLACSO-ISA Joint International Conference, Buenos Aires, 23 to 25 July, 2014 ABSTRACT The paper aims to analyze US-Brazilian financial relations during the formulation of President João Goulart‟s Three-Year Plan (September to December 1962). Brazil was facing severe economic disequilibria in the early 1960s, such as a rising inflation and a balance of payments constrain. The Three-Year Plan sought to tackle these problems without compromising growth and through structural reforms. Although these were the guiding principles of the Alliance for Progress, President John F. Kennedy‟s economic aid program for Latin America, Washington did not offer assistance in adequate conditions and in a sufficient amount for Brazil. The paper argues the causes of the US attitude lay in the period of formulation of the Three-Year Plan, when President Goulart threatened to increase economic links with the Soviet bloc if Washington did not provide aid according to the country‟s needs. As a result, the US hardened its financial approach to entice a change in the political orientation of the Brazilian government. The US tough stand fostered the abandonment of the Three-Year Plan, opening the way for the crisis of Brazil‟s postwar democracy, and for a 21-year military regime in the country. -
How Does Nato Work?
WHAT IS NATO? Visit our website : www.nato.int #WEARENATO The North Atlantic Treaty Organization is one of the These countries meet to cooperate in the field of world’s major international institutions. It is a political security and defence. In this respect, NATO provides and military alliance that brings together 30 member a unique link between these two continents for political countries from Europe and North America. and security cooperation. PROTECTING PEOPLE COMBATING NEW THREATS We often take it for granted that we can walk around freely in As the nature of threats changes, so must the methods a safe and economically stable environment. Security in all of preserving peace. NATO is reorienting its defence areas of everyday life is key to our well-being. capabilities towards today’s threats. It is adapting forces and developing multinational approaches to deal with terrorism, FORGING PARTNERSHIPS failed states and other security threats such as weapons of mass destruction. Establishing dialogue and cooperation is crucial for peaceful relations and deeper international understanding. BUILDING PEACE & STABILITY NATO provides a unique opportunity for member and partner countries to consult on security issues to build trust The benefits of stability can be enjoyed simultaneously by and, in the long run, help to prevent conflict. many parties. Through practical cooperation and multilateral initiatives, It is crucial to stabilise regions where tensions pose security countries are facing new security challenges together. threats. This is why NATO takes an active role in crisis- management operations, in cooperation with other international organisations. WHAT DOES NATO DO? NATO is committed to protecting its members efforts fail, it has the military capacity needed to through political and military means. -
SPECIAL RELATIONSHIPS Australia and New Zealand in the Anglo-American World1
8 SPECIAL RELATIONSHIPS Australia and New Zealand in the Anglo-American World1 David MacDonald and Brendon O’Connor In this chapter, we argue that the extensive range of Australia’s and New Zealand’s (NZ) foreign policy activities – including their involvement in numerous foreign wars since the Boer War – can be best explained by the special relations both nations have maintained with the broader Anglo-American world. Strong bonds of shared interests, history, culture, and other commonalities have proven durable and demonstrably influential in determining the priorities and actions of both Antipodean countries. The “imagined community” of the Anglo-American world, strengthened by regular economic, military, and diplomatic interactions, possesses significant ideational power. Such bonds have also been affected by emotional beliefs, as Mercer puts it, “a generalization about an actor that involves certainty beyond evidence.” 2 These beliefs are expressed either as positive sentiments towards fellow members of the Anglo-American world, or as distrust of “others” like Japan, Indonesia, or China. The origin and nature of these emotional and ideational ties are key foci of our chapter. Arguably, European settlement of both countries has had a long-term impact, orienting both nations towards Britain, the USA, and other white settler societies (and to a lesser extent non-white British colonies and ex-British colonies) for most of their histories. The resulting strategic culture helps to explain the extremely close security and cultural alliances with the USA and Britain, which we will dissect in detail. Both of our case studies are clearly part of the “West,” even if that West, to echo Peter Katzenstein, is a plural and pluralist entity, often difficult to define as it is evolving and changing. -
Contemporary Civil-Military Relations in Brazil and Argentina : Bargaining for Political Reality
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 1996 Contemporary civil-military relations in Brazil and Argentina : bargaining for political reality. Carlos P. Baía University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses Baía, Carlos P., "Contemporary civil-military relations in Brazil and Argentina : bargaining for political reality." (1996). Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014. 2541. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/2541 This thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. c CONTEMPORARY CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS IN BRAZIL AND ARGENTINA BARGAINING FOR POLITICAL REALITY A Thesis Presented by CARLOS P. BAIA Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts Amherst in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS September 1996 Political Science © Copyright by Carlos Pereira Bafa 1996 All Rights Reserved CONTEMPORARY CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS IN BRAZIL AND ARGENTINA BARGAINING FOR POLITICAL REALITY A Thesis Presented by CARLOS P. BAIA Approved as to style and content by: Howard Wiarda, Chair Eric Einhorn, Member Eric Einhom, Department Head Political Science ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This work would not have been possible without the invaluable contributions of Howard Wiarda, Eric Einhorn, Timothy Steingega, Anthony Spanakos, Moise Tirado, Tilo Stolz, Edgar Brignoni, Susan Iwanicki, and Larissa Ruiz. To them I express my sincere gratitude. I also owe special thanks to the United States Department of Education for granting me a Foreign Language and Area Studies Fellowship to complete this research. -
NATO-Afghanistan Relations
North Atlantic Treaty Organization www.nato.int/factsheets Media Backgrounder June 2021 NATO-Afghanistan relations Opening of a new-chapter NATO and Afghanistan will now open a new chapter in their relations, as the process of withdrawing international troops contributed to the NATO-led Resolute Support Mission to train, advise, and assist the Afghan security forces and institutions is ongoing. NATO Allies are committed to continue to stand with Afghanistan, its people and its institutions in promoting security and upholding the hard-won gains of the last NATO Secretary General Jens 20 years. Stoltenberg and President of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan NATO will continue to provide training, as well as financial support to the Afghan National Defence and Ashraf Ghani in Kabul, Security Forces, including through the Afghan National Army Trust Fund. November 2018. It will retain a Senior Civilian Representative’s Office in Kabul to continue diplomatic engagement and enhance our partnership with Afghanistan. The Office of the Senior Civilian Representative will engage with a range of actors, including from Afghanistan, countries in the region, the International Community and NGOs representatives. Also, in light of the importance of an enduring diplomatic and international presence, NATO will provide funding to ensure continued functioning of Hamid Karzai International Airport in Kabul. Furthermore, NATO will step up dialogue on Afghanistan with relevant international and regional partners; and all NATO Allies will continue to support the ongoing Afghan-owned and Afghan-led peace process towards a lasting, inclusive political settlement that puts and end to violence, safeguards the human rights of Afghans – particularly women, children and minorities – upholds the rule of law, and ensures that Afghanistan never again serves as a safe haven for terrorists. -
NATO Enlargement & Open Door
North Atlantic Treaty Organization Fact Sheet July 2016 NATO Enlargement & Open Door NATO’s “open door policy” is based on Article 10 of the Alliance’s founding document, the North Atlantic Treaty (1949). The Treaty states that NATO membership is open to any “European state in a position to further the principles of this Treaty and to contribute to the security of the North Atlantic area”. It states that any decision on enlargement must be made “by unanimous agreement”. NATO enlargement has helped increase stability and prosperity in Europe. It is aimed at promoting stability and cooperation, and at building a Europe united in peace, democracy and common values. Free choice NATO respects the right of every country to choose its own security arrangements. Each sovereign country has the right to choose for itself whether it joins any treaty or alliance. This fundamental principle is enshrined in international agreements, including the Helsinki Final Act and the Charter of Paris for a New Europe. NATO membership is not imposed on countries. Article 13 of the Washington Treaty specifically gives Allies the right to leave should they wish to. Process of Accession European countries that wish to join NATO are initially invited to begin an Intensified Dialogue with the Alliance about their aspirations and related reforms. Aspirants may then be invited to join the Membership Action Plan, a programme which helps nations prepare for possible future membership. Participation does not guarantee membership, but is a key preparation mechanism. To join the Alliance, nations are expected to respect the values of the North Atlantic Treaty, and to meet certain political, economic and military criteria, set out in the Alliance’s 1995 Study on Enlargement. -
A New Chapter in NATO-Afghanistan Relations
North Atlantic Treaty Organization Media Backgrounder February 2016 A new chapter in NATO-Afghanistan relations NATO’s engagement in Afghanistan has started a new chapter. As of 2015, NATO’s support to Afghanistan has consisted of three inter-related components: a NATO-led Resolute Support mission to train, advise and assist the Afghan security forces and institutions; a contribution to the broad effort of financial sustainment of the Afghan security forces; and the enhanced NATO-Afghanistan Enduring Partnership, which is being developed jointly with the Government of Afghanistan. Resolute Support Mission Resolute Support is a NATO-led, non combat mission. It was launched on 1 January 2015, following the conclusion of the previous NATO-led ISAF mission, and the assumption of full security responsibility by the Afghan National Defence and Security Forces (ANDSF). It is designed to help the Afghan security forces and institutions develop the necessary capacity to continue defending the country and protecting the population in a sustainable manner. It carries out training, advice and assistance activities at the security ministries and national institutional levels and at the higher levels of the army and police. This new mission has several functions. These include, amongst others: • Supporting planning, programming and budgeting; • Assuring transparency, accountability and oversight; • Supporting the adherence to the principles of rule of law and good governance; • Supporting the establishment and sustainment of processes such as force generation, recruiting, training, managing and development of personnel. Resolute Support currently has approximately 13,000 personnel from NATO Allies and partner nations. It operates with one hub (Kabul/Bagram) and four spokes (Mazar-e-Sharif in the north, Herat in the west, Kandahar in the south, and Laghman in the east). -
The United States and the Greek Coup of 1967
Were the Eagle and the Phoenix Birds of a Feather? The United States and the Greek Coup of 1967 by Louis Klarevas Assistant Professor of Political Science City University of New York—College of Staten Island & Associate Fellow Hellenic Observatory—London School of Economics Discussion Paper No. 15 Hellenic Observatory-European Institute London School of Economics Houghton Street London WC2A 2AE http://www.lse.ac.uk/collections/hellenicObservatory February 2004 Author’s Note: The author wishes to thank the Hellenic Observatory of the London School of Economics for its generous support in the undertaking of this project. The author also wishes to thank Kevin Featherstone, Spyros Economides, and Dimitrios Triantaphyllou for comments on a previous draft. In the summer of 2004, Greece will host the Olympic Games. Americans attending the games and visiting traditional tourist stops in Athens are sure to be greeted with open arms. But for those who delve a bit further into the country-side seeking a taste of average Greek life, some are sure to hear some fascinating tales flavored with a strong hint of anti-Americanism. To many foreigners that visit Greece these days, it might seem like the cradle of democracy is also the cradle of conspiracy. Take these schemes, for example: (1) Orthodox Serbs, not Muslims, were the true victims of the slaughters in the Balkans during the 1990s—and the primary reason that NATO intervened was so that the United States could establish a military foothold there;1 (2) the U.S. Ambassador played a tacit role in the removal of the Secretary- General of Greece’s ruling political party;2 and (3) the attack on the World Trade Center was a joint Jewish-American conspiracy to justify a Western war against Muslims—with reports that no Jews died in the September 11 attacks.3 All of these perspectives have numerous subscribers in Greece. -
Global Allies: Comparing US Alliances in the 21St Century
GLOBAL ALLIES COMPARING US ALLIANCES IN THE 21ST CENTURY GLOBAL ALLIES COMPARING US ALLIANCES IN THE 21ST CENTURY EDITED BY MICHAEL WESLEY Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Title: Global allies : comparing US alliances in the 21st century / Michael Wesley (editor). ISBN: 9781760461171 (paperback) 9781760461188 (ebook) Subjects: Balance of power. Alliances. United States--Foreign relations--Asia. United States--Foreign relations--Europe. United States--Politics and government--21st century. Other Creators/Contributors: Wesley, Michael, 1968- editor. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU Press This edition © 2017 ANU Press Contents List of Acronyms . vii 1 . Global Allies in a Changing World . 1 Michael Wesley 2 . Japan: From Passive Partner to Active Ally . 15 HDP Envall 3 . Germany: A Lynchpin Ally? . 31 Markus Kaim 4 . Continuity Amidst Change: The Korea – United States Alliance . 45 Youngshik Bong 5 . Denmark’s Fight Against Irrelevance, or the Alliance Politics of ‘Punching Above Your Weight’ . 59 Kristian Søby Kristensen & Kristian Knus Larsen 6 . Crusaders and Pragmatists: Australia Debates the American Alliance . 77 Brendan Taylor & William T Tow 7 . The Challenges and Dynamics of Alliance Policies: Norway, NATO and the High North . 91 Wrenn Yennie Lindgren & Nina Græger 8 . An Ally at the Crossroads: Thailand in the US Alliance System . -
The Implications of Military Spending Cuts for NATO's Largest Members
ANALYSIS PAPER July 2012 The Implications of Military Spending Cuts for NATO’s Largest Members Clara Marina O’Donnell (editor) Contributors: Andrew Dorman, Bastian Giegerich, Camille Grand, Adam Grissom and Christian Mölling The Brookings Institution is a private non-profit organization. Its mission is to conduct high- quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. Support for this report was generously provided by the German Information Center USA. Brookings recognizes that the value it provides to any supporter is in its absolute commitment to quality, independence and impact. Activities sponsored by its donors reflect this commitment, and the analysis and recommendations of the Institution’s scholars are not determined by any donation. Copyright © 2012 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036 www.brookings.edu The Implications of Military Spending Cuts for NATO’s Largest Members 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction....................................................................................................................... 3 Clara Marina O’Donnell, Nonresident Fellow, The Brookings Institution, and Research Fellow, Centre for European Reform I. Trends within the European Union...............................................................................