A Post-Confucian Civil Society: Liberal Collectivism and Participatory Politics in South Korea

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

A Post-Confucian Civil Society: Liberal Collectivism and Participatory Politics in South Korea ABSTRACT Title of Document: A POST-CONFUCIAN CIVIL SOCIETY: LIBERAL COLLECTIVISM AND PARTICIPATORY POLITICS IN SOUTH KOREA Sungmoon Kim, Doctor of Philosophy, 2007 Directed By: Professor C. Fred Alford Department of Government and Politics This dissertation explores how South Koreans have creatively appropriated the meanings of democratic civility and national citizenship using Confucianism- originated familial affectionate sentiments (chŏng), while refusing their liberal individualistic counterparts through a cross-cultural and comparative theoretical approach. By investigating four recent civil-action cases in South Korea, it argues that the chŏng-induced politico-cultural practice of collective moral responsibility (uri- responsibility), which transcends the binary of individualism and collectivism and of liberalism and nationalism, represents the essence of Korean democratic civility. It theorizes the ethical quality that uri-responsibility generates, when practiced in the public sphere of a national civil society, in terms of “transcendental collectivism,” and claims that unlike a liberal civil society aiming to empower the independent self’s individual agency, the post-Confucian dialectic between agency and citizenship is focused on the interdependent selves’ shard cultural-political identity, collective freedom, and democratic citizenship. This dissertation generalizes the liberal yet non- individualistic political practices that transcendental collectivism promotes in terms of “liberal collectivism” as opposed to liberal individualism, and argues that liberal collectivism has great potential to contribute to both liberal nationalism and participatory democracy in post-Confucian Korea. A POST-CONFUCIAN CIVIL SOCIETY: LIBERAL COLLECTIVISM AND PARTICIPATORY POLITICS IN SOUTH KOREA By Sungmoon Kim Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Maryland, College Park, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 2007 Advisory Committee: Professor C. Fred Alford, Chair Professor Benjamin R. Barber Professor James M. Glass Professor Margaret M. Pearson Professor Seung-kyung Kim © Copyright by Sungmoon Kim 2007 Dedication To my parents, Kim Jung-seop (김중섭) and Woo Gyung-ja (우경자) for their endless love and sacrifice ii Acknowledgements Comparative political theory is still a nascent discipline in the field of political theory and, due to its multi-disciplinary and cross-cultural nature, it would be almost impossible to write an intelligible thesis on it without guidance from scholars versed in Western or East Asian political theories, or ideally both. In this respect, I am very fortunate to have worked with C. Fred Alford, my dissertation advisor and academic mentor. Since my first day at College Park, Professor Alford has been a great mentor, not only by virtue of his insights into both the Western and East Asian political traditions, but, more importantly, due to his unique way of “doing” political theory— always striving to make it relevant to everyday life. Although my dissertation does not begin to reach the level of subtlety and sophistication that Professor Alford’s works embody, my effort to weave political theory and empirical reality is inspired by his philosophical commitments and greatly enhanced by his academic guidance. If Professor Alford was my fountainhead, other members of my dissertation committee helped me navigate all different and difficult terrains of political theory and political science. Professor Benjamin Barber was my savior, who read every line of my work and provided both constructive criticism and friendly encouragement. Without him, I would not have been able to connect my interest in Confucianism and Korean culture to the discourse of democratic theory. Professor James Glass taught me various theories of individual and group psychology as powerful lenses through which to shed completely new light on both classical cannons and human reality, and constantly reminded me of the importance of “audience” to which my thesis should be addressed. Professors Margaret Pearson and Seung-kyung Kim were invaluable in iii holding my otherwise abstract and generally normative claims empirically grounded. Even if I couldn’t fully live up to their political scientific rigor, Chapter 6, where I engage a critical dialogue with comparative political science, is largely indebted to their comments and criticisms. I am also thankful to other faculty at the Department of Government and Politics for their instruction, mentorship, and example. In particular, I deeply appreciate Professor Miranda Schreurs’ kindness and care, which was as important as academic direction and advice to an international student like me. Soo Yeon Kim, Scott Kastner, Ernest Wilson, Karol Soltan, and Steve Elkin all played their part in making my graduate experience a very delightful one. I also thank peer graduate students Ciqi Mei, Samir Fayazz, Edi Frajman, Sung-Wook Paik, Yukyung Yeo, Susan Lee, and Jenny Wüstenberg, not only for their comments on my dissertation but also their general intellectual challenges and consistent friendships during my graduate life. Special thanks are due to Mike Evans, who read the entire dissertation manuscript at least twice and provided extensive comments. Most of all, I am thankful to my family. My parents Kim Jung-seop and Woo Gyung-ja, who sacrificed everything for their children’s education and well-being (as most “chŏngish” Korean parents do), have been an everlasting emotional and spiritual bulwark for me. Without their love and sacrifice, I would be a “nobody.” To them I dedicate this dissertation. And finally, I wish to thank my wife Sejin, whose companionship alone is the single greatest source of happiness in my life. iv Table of Contents DEDICATION.............................................................................................................. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.........................................................................................iii TABLE OF CONTENTS.............................................................................................. v LIST OF TABLES...................................................................................................... vii LIST OF FIGURES ...................................................................................................viii CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION................................................................................. 1 The Conditions of Civil Society and Democratic Consolidation.............................. 1 Korean Democracy after Democratization: A Challenging Case............................. 7 Approach................................................................................................................. 17 Cases and Methodology.......................................................................................... 22 Outline of the Argument ......................................................................................... 29 CHAPTER 2: CIVIL SOCIETY AND DEMOCRATIC LIFE .................................. 34 The State of Civil Society Studies .......................................................................... 34 Civil Society and Liberal-Individualistic Citizenship............................................. 45 The Transcendental Basis of Civil Society: A Weberian Thesis............................ 52 CHAPTER 3: TRANSCENDENTAL COLLECTIVISM AND CONSOLIDATING DEMOCRACY........................................................................................................... 57 Introduction............................................................................................................. 57 Confucian Transcendental Individualism and Democratizing Civil Society.......... 61 Democratic Civility and Consolidating Civil Society ............................................ 76 The Social Psychology of Uri and Chŏng .............................................................. 85 Uri-responsibility and Uri-world: A Shift to Transcendental Collectivism ........... 94 Summary and Concluding Remarks ..................................................................... 102 CHAPTER 4: BEYOND A JURIDICAL SOCIETY URI-RESPONSIBILITY AND CHŎNGISH CIVIL SOCIETY.............................. 104 Introduction: Rule of Law, Agency, and Civil Society ........................................ 104 Chŏngish Civil Society and Its Kantian Critique.................................................. 108 The Concept of the Political: Contractual versus Familial................................... 116 Uri-responsibility and Chŏngish Civil Society..................................................... 133 Summary and Concluding Remarks ..................................................................... 145 CHAPTER 5: BEYOND LIBERAL CITIZENSHIP LIBERAL NATIONALISM AND RESPONSIBLE CITIZENSHIP....................... 147 Introduction........................................................................................................... 147 v The Politics of Nationality Law in 2005: A Case................................................. 152 Liberal Nationalism: The Contextual Individual and Embedded Citizenship...... 156 The Confucian Ideal of the State and Its National Reinvention in Modern Korea162 Democratization and the Crisis of Kukka ............................................................. 167 Struggle for Chŏngish Nation and Responsible Citizenship................................. 171 Chŏngish Citizenship
Recommended publications
  • From Participatory Democracy to Digital Democracy
    Fast Capitalism ISSN 1930-014X Volume 1 • Issue 2 • 2005 doi:10.32855/fcapital.200502.003 From Participatory Democracy to Digital Democracy Mark Kann Tom Hayden posted on his website, http://www.tomhayden.com, an article he coauthored with Dick Flacks to commemorate the fortieth anniversary of the Port Huron Statement. The two SDS founders concluded, “Perhaps the most important legacy of the Port Huron Statement is the fact that it introduced the concept of participatory democracy to popular discourse and practice.” The concept of participatory democracy encompassed values such as equality, decentralization, and consensus decision-making. It provided direction for “all those trying to create a world where each person has a voice in the decisions affecting his or her life.” [1] In this article, I suggest that Port Huron’s concept of participatory democracy included some ideas that were potentially antithetical to democracy and that potential, unfortunately, is being fulfilled in contemporary theories of digital democracy. The Port Huron Statement Revisited The Port Huron Statement contained two underlying themes that potentially subverted democratic equality. One was the notion that the American people were fundamentally flawed, most apparently, by their apathy. The other was that the best means to eliminate this flaw was to follow the lead of rational, deliberative activists. Both themes could be (and would be) used to justify political inequalities. Port Huron’s student-authors expressed a dim view of American citizens. The American people had closed minds. They exhibited a foolish confidence that the nation could muddle through its problems. They harbored a false sense of contentment, “a glaze above deeply felt anxieties,” arising out of loneliness, isolation, and estrangement.
    [Show full text]
  • Workplace Democracy: from a Democratic Ideal to a Managerial Tool and Back
    The Innovation Journal: The Public Sector Innovation Journal, Volume 19(1), 2013, article 3. La Revue de l’innovation : La Revue de l’innovation dans le secteur public, 19(1), 2013, article 3. ___________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________ Workplace Democracy From a Democratic Ideal to a Managerial Tool and Back Markus Pausch Head of the Centre for Futures Studies University of Applied Sciences, Salzburg, Austria Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Sociology, Paris Lodron University, Salzburg, Austria 1 The Innovation Journal: The Public Sector Innovation Journal, Volume 19(1), 2013, article 3. La Revue de l’innovation : La Revue de l’innovation dans le secteur public, 19(1), 2013, article 3. ___________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________ Workplace Democracy: From a Democratic Ideal to a Managerial Tool and Back Markus Pausch ABSTRACT In different political theories, democracy is not reduced to state institutions, but includes the democratization of the whole society, its organizations and enterprises. This idea goes back to the beginnings of modern democratic theory and to Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s Social Contract. It was adopted by different socialist thinkers, later on by trade unions and, in the 1960s and 70s, by political scientists such as Carole Pateman and other promoters of participatory democracy. According to this tradition, workplace democracy is considered to be necessary for the realization of democratic ideals like individual autonomy, freedom, voice and participation in all relevant questions influencing citizens’ lives. Parts of this normative idea were realized by trade union movements and laws, especially in Western European countries. Nevertheless, workplace democracy in the sense of the above-mentioned theories remained far from becoming reality.
    [Show full text]
  • Fluctuating Anti-Americanism and the Korea-U.S. Alliance
    International Studies Review Vol. 5 No. 2 (October 2004): 23-40 23 Fluctuating Anti-Americanism and the Korea-U.S. Alliance • tt NAE-YOUNG LEE AND HAN WOOL JEONG Rising anti-Americanism in the winter of 2002 despite the increasing security threats from North Korea, has led some to call the situation a crisis in the ROK-U.S. alliance. However, the opinion polls from June 2003 and February 2004 show that anti-Americanism in South Korea has substantially waned The main aim of this paper is to examine whether the recent wave of anti-Americanism has the content and intensity to threaten the legitimacy of the ROK-U.S. alliance. By analyzing the changes in public attitude and perception towards the U.S. over the past two years based on three survey data, this paper argues that anti-Americanism in South Korea has not posed any real threat to the alliance. However, the polarized public opinion towards the U.S. remains a potentially serious threat to the future of the ROK-U.S. alliance. Keywords: Anti-Americanism, Korea-U.S. alliance, survey, public opinion, U.S.-Korea relations, North Korea • Nae-Young Lee, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Korea University, 5-1 Anam-dong, Sungbuk-gu, 136-701, Korea; Tel: 82-2-3290-2193; E-mail: [email protected] •• Gmesponding author. Direct all correspondence to Han Wool Jeong, Executive Director, East Asia Institute, #9(13 Sampoong B/D, 310-68, Euljiro 4-ga, Jung-gu, Seoul, 100-849, Korea; Tel: 82-2-2277-1683; E-mail: [email protected] Downloaded from Brill.com09/30/2021 07:19:16PM via free access 24 Fluctuating Anti-AmericaniJm and the Korea-U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Participatory Democracy in Chávez's Bolivarian Revolution
    Who Mobilizes? Participatory Democracy in Chávez’s Bolivarian Revolution Kirk A. Hawkins ABSTRACT This article assesses popular mobilization under the Chávez gov- ernment’s participatory initiatives in Venezuela using data from the AmericasBarometer survey of 2007. This is the first study of the so- called Bolivarian initiatives using nationally representative, individ- ual-level data. The results provide a mixed assessment. Most of the government’s programs invite participation from less active seg- ments of society, such as women, the poor, and the less educated, and participation in some programs is quite high. However, much of this participation clusters within a narrow group of activists, and a disproportionate number of participants are Chávez supporters. This partisan bias probably reflects self-screening by Venezuelans who accept Chávez’s radical populist discourse and leftist ideology, rather than vote buying or other forms of open conditionality. Thus, the Venezuelan case suggests some optimism for proponents of par- ticipatory democracy, but also the need to be more attuned to its practical political limits. uring the past decade, leftist governments with participatory dem- Docratic agendas have come to power in many Latin American coun- tries, implementing institutional reforms at the local and, increasingly, the national level. This trend has generated a scholarly literature assess- ing the nature of participation in these initiatives; that is, whether they embody effective attempts at participatory forms of democracy that mobilize and empower inactive segments of society (Goldfrank 2007; Wampler 2007a). This article advances this discussion by studying popular mobiliza- tion under the government of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, referred to here as the Bolivarian Revolution or Chavismo.
    [Show full text]
  • Playground of Violence: Mennonites and Makhnovites in the Time of War and Revolution
    International Relations and Diplomacy, July 2015, Vol. 3, No. 7, 439-447 D doi: 10.17265/2328-2134/2015.07.001 DAVID PUBLISHING Playground of Violence: Mennonites and Makhnovites in the Time of War and Revolution Mikhail Akulov The Kazakh-British Technical University, Almaty, Kazakhstan Focusing on the relationship between the German Mennonite colonists and the self-professed followers of Nestor Makhno, this paper attempts to present a view of the Revolution in which participants are seen primarily through the framework of competition, rather than through binary narrative structures of victims vs. perpetrators, bourgeoisie vs. proletariat, revolutionaries vs. counterrevolutionaries, etc.. Always with an eye at a real or an imagined opponent, the Mennonites and the avowed adherents of the fabled bat’ko ended up profoundly influencing one another, conditioning one’s moves and limiting one’s latitude as does the omnipresent other vis-a-vis the unfolding self. In that light, violence, which both sides had on their record, functioned to cement such ongoing dialects, carrying the protagonists of these turbulent times well beyond their original intentions. Keywords: Russian Civil War, violence, Makhno, Mennonites, revolution Introduction The Russian Revolution, a subject relegated from the top priorities of the scholarly scrutiny in the late 1990s and early 2000s, is now making a comeback. The multiple jubilees are certainly working in its favor. Thus, pouncing upon the opportunity proffered last year by the centennial anniversary of the Great
    [Show full text]
  • Re-Theorizing Politics in Water Governance
    water Editorial Re-Theorizing Politics in Water Governance Nicole J. Wilson 1,* , Leila M. Harris 2,3 , Joanne Nelson 2 and Sameer H. Shah 2 1 The Peter A. Allard School of Law, The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC V6T 1Z1, Canada 2 Institute for Resources, Environment & Sustainability, The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC V6T 1Z4, Canada 3 Institute for Gender, Race, Sexuality & Social Justice, The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC V6T 1Z4, Canada * Correspondence: [email protected] Received: 22 June 2019; Accepted: 26 June 2019; Published: 16 July 2019 Abstract: This Special Issue on water governance features a series of articles that highlight recent and emerging concepts, approaches, and case studies to re-center and re-theorize “the political” in relation to decision-making, use, and management—collectively, the governance of water. Key themes that emerged from the contributions include the politics of water infrastructure and insecurity; participatory politics and multi-scalar governance dynamics; politics related to emergent technologies of water (bottled or packaged water, and water desalination); and Indigenous water governance. Further reflected is a focus on diverse ontologies, epistemologies, meanings and values of water, related contestations concerning its use, and water’s importance for livelihoods, identity, and place-making. Taken together, the articles in this Special Issue challenge the ways that water governance remains too often depoliticized and evacuated of political content or meaning. By re-centering the political, and by developing analytics that enable and support this endeavor, the contributions throughout highlight the varied, contested, and important ways that water governance needs to be recalibrated and enlivened with keen attention to politics—broadly understood.
    [Show full text]
  • The Publicness of the Curriculum and the Ambiguity of the Shift to Participatory Politics: the Intersection of Politics and Education Regarding “Representation”*
    Educational Studies in Japan: International Yearbook No. 12, March, 2018. pp. 135-151 The Publicness of the Curriculum and the Ambiguity of the Shift to Participatory Politics: The Intersection of Politics and Education Regarding “Representation”* Shigeki Izawa† translated by Nadezhda Murray‡ This paper considers the functions and effects of “representation” in poli- tics and education. The voting age for public elections in Japan has been low- ered from 20 or older to 18 or older, calling for a shift in the curriculum to the basics of political participation and competence. In this paper, while focus- ing on the political issues concerning the publicness of the curriculum up until now in particular, I will demonstrate experimentally that considering this prob- lem means radically reconsidering the struggles contained in the meaning of participatory politics itself, not only the situation of representative democracy in modern society, and that it clarifi es once again the covertly confi gured edu- cational problems of competency. Keywords: Curriculum; Publicness; Representation; Democracy; Participatory politics 1. Where the problem lies: increasingly transparent politics and education On June 17th, 2015, Japan’s Revised Public Elections Act passed the Diet Upper House, and the age of suffrage, previously “20 or older”, joined that of much of the world at “18 or older”. While various issues remain, based on the meaning of the concept of “publicness” as “openness, Öffentlichkeit” allowing access by anyone (Habermas 1994; Saito 2000), the meaning reported by various media of some 2.4 million new voters is very important. In par- ticular, given the issue of the generation gap in Japan as it faces a shrinking and aging soci- ety, encouraging the participation of young people in politics and revitalizing democracy are * This article was originally published, in Japanese, in The Japanese Journal of Educational Research Vol.
    [Show full text]
  • Mediated Political Participation: Comparative Analysis of Right Wing and Left Wing Alternative Media
    Mediated Political Participation: Comparative Analysis of Right Wing and Left Wing Alternative Media A dissertation presented to the faculty of the Scripps College of Communication of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy Nune Grigoryan August 2019 © 2019 Nune Grigoryan. All Rights Reserved. This dissertation titled Mediated Political Participation: Comparative Analysis of Right Wing and Left Wing Alternative Media by NUNE GRIGORYAN has been approved for the School of Media Arts & Studies and the Scripps College of Communication by Wolfgang Suetzl Assistant Professor of Media Arts & Studies Scott Titsworth Dean, Scripps College of Communication ii Abstract GRIGORYAN, NUNE, PhD, August 2019, Mass Communication Mediated Political Participation: Comparative Analysis of Right Wing and Left Wing Alternative Media Director of dissertation: Wolfgang Suetzl Democracy allows a plural media landscape where different types of media perform vital functions. Over years, the public trust towards mainstream media has been eroding, limiting their ability to fulfill democratic functions within the American society. Meanwhile, the Internet has led to proliferation of alternative media outlets on digital space. These platforms allow new outreach and mobilizing opportunities to the once peripheral alternative media. So far, the literature about alternative media have been heavily focused on left-wing alternative media outlets, while the research on alternative right-wing media has remained scarce and fragmented. Only few studies have applied a comparative analysis approach to study these outlets. Moreover, research that examines different aspects of alternative media such as content and audience reception is more rare. This study aims to demonstrate the heterogeneity of alternative media by highlighting their history and functions within the American democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • Anarchist Studies 20.2 30/10/2012 21:36 Page 55
    Anarchist Studies 20.2 30/10/2012 21:36 Page 55 Anarchist Studies 20.2 © 2012 ISSN 0967 3393 www.lwbooks.co.uk/journals/anarchiststudies/ Reform – when is it worthwhile? Brian Martin ABSTRACT Reform and revolution are often presented as mutually exclusive. To probe how reform can contribute to radical change, nine case studies are examined: action on student cheating, progressive course content and self-managed learning, each in the area of education; campaigning against military spending, nuclear weapons and conscription, each in the area of defence; and pressure group politics, running for office and voting, each in the area of electoral politics. The case studies show that the way reform efforts are targeted and organised greatly affects their contribution towards self-managing alternatives. Four key dimensions of reform efforts are questioning of the system, expe- riences of participation, the way the system responds to protest, and whether change opens opportunities for further action. Keywords: reform; revolution; education; defence; electoral politics Revolutionaries sometimes write off efforts at reforming the system as pointless or worse than nothing, propping up what needs to be overthrown. On the other hand, some of those working to improve society see revolutionaries, who want to tear down the system and build a new one, as dangerous wreckers. Are reform and revolution compatible?1 André Gorz, writing in the 1960s, distinguished between two types of reform.2 The first, ‘reformist reform’, is a reform that reinforces the system. The second, ‘non-reformist reform’, is a reform that lays the basis for further change. A strike for higher wages might simply buy off discontent and solidify capitalist control: it is a reform that strengthens the system.
    [Show full text]
  • Portfolio Allocation As the President's Calculations: Loyalty, Copartisanship, and Political Context in South Korea
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Repository@Nottingham Portfolio Allocation as the President's Calculations: Loyalty, Copartisanship, and Political Context in South Korea Don S. Lee University of Nottingham [email protected] Accepted for publication in the Journal of East Asian Studies on 22 February 2018 Abstract How do the president's calculations in achieving policy goals shape the allocation of cabinet portfolios? Despite the growing literature on presidential cabinet appointments, this question has barely been addressed. I argue that cabinet appointments are strongly affected not only by presidential incentives to effectively deliver their key policy commitments but also by their interest in having their administration maintain strong political leverage. Through an analysis of portfolio allocations in South Korea after democratization, I demonstrate that the posts wherein ministers can influence the government's overall reputation typically go to nonpartisan professionals ideologically aligned with presidents, while the posts wherein ministers can exert legislators' influence generally go to senior copartisans. My findings highlight a critical difference in presidential portfolio allocation from parliamentary democracies, where key posts tend to be reserved for senior parliamentarians from the ruling party. Key Words: President, Presidential System, Minister, Cabinet Appointment, Portfolio Allocation, South Korea, East Asia 1 Existing research on cabinet formation in presidential systems has offered key insights on the chief executive's appointment strategy. According to the literature, presidents with limited policy making power tend to form a cabinet with more partisan ministers in order to reinforce support for their policy program (Amorim Neto 2006).
    [Show full text]
  • Ukraine, L9l8-21 and Spain, 1936-39: a Comparison of Armed Anarchist Struggles in Europe
    Bucknell University Bucknell Digital Commons Honors Theses Student Theses Fall 2020 Ukraine, l9l8-21 and Spain, 1936-39: A Comparison of Armed Anarchist Struggles in Europe Daniel A. Collins Bucknell University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.bucknell.edu/honors_theses Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Collins, Daniel A., "Ukraine, l9l8-21 and Spain, 1936-39: A Comparison of Armed Anarchist Struggles in Europe" (2020). Honors Theses. 553. https://digitalcommons.bucknell.edu/honors_theses/553 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Theses at Bucknell Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of Bucknell Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Ukraine, 1918-21 and Spain, 1936-39: A Comparison of Armed Anarchist Struggles in Europe by Daniel A. Collins An Honors Thesis Submitted to the Honors Council For Honors in History 12/7/2020 Approved by: Adviser:_____________________________ David Del Testa Second Evaluator: _____________________ Mehmet Dosemeci iii Acknowledgements Above all others I want to thank Professor David Del Testa. From my first oddly specific question about the Austro-Hungarians on the Italian front in my first week of undergraduate, to here, three and a half years later, Professor Del Testa has been involved in all of the work I am proud of. From lectures in Coleman Hall to the Somme battlefield, Professor Del Testa has guided me on my journey to explore World War I and the Interwar Period, which rapidly became my topics of choice.
    [Show full text]
  • South Korea's Delayed Democratization
    City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works Student Theses Baruch College 1-1-2014 In search of truth and justice : South Korea's delayed democratization Daniel Sungmo Yang Baruch College How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/bb_etds/67 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] In Search of Truth and Justice: South Korea’s Delayed Democratization DANIEL SUNGMO YANG April 28, 2014 Submitted to the Committee on Undergraduate Honors of Baruch College of the City of University of New York in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts in Political Science with Honors ____________________________ Stephanie R. Golob Associate Professor of Political Science Chair/Advisor __________________________ Thomas Halper Professor of Political Science _________________________ Myung-koo Kang Assistant Professor of Political Science Yang 1 Table of Contents ABSTRACT ....................................................................................................................................3 INTRODUCTION..........................................................................................................................4 I. Brief History of Correcting Past Injustice and Democratization ..............................................6 II. Research Procedure ...............................................................................................................12
    [Show full text]