Marxism and Anti-Semitism: Kautsky's Perspective*
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On Althusser on Science, Ideology, and the New, Or Why We Should Continue to Read Reading Capital Geoff Pfeifer
C Abstract: C R R I It is no secret that much of the criticism of Althusser’s work during the- I S period within which Reading Capital was written centers on his alleged S I I On Althusser S ‘theoreticism’, or the view that revolutionary practice needs theory (or S theoretical practice) if it is to be truly revolutionary and thus theory is pri- & & mary and autonomous whereas other forms of practice are secondary and C C R must be tied to theory insofar as it is only theory that can liberate practice R I from its entrapment in ideology (this is of course, in a very general sense, I on Science, T T I the foundation of the science/ideology split in Althusser’s work from this I Q period). As Jacques Rancière has put this criticism in his assessment of Q U U E Reading Capital, “this reading of Marx via Althusser and Lacan does little E more than give a new sheen to the thesis Kautsky had already defended: Ideology, and the / / science belongs to the intellectuals and it is up to them to bring it to Volume 2 / 1 Volume 2 / Issue 2 producers necessarily cut off from knowledge” Criticisms such as Ran- Issue 2 cière’s are what, in part, led Althusser himself to work to clarify his posi- tion during what we know as his ‘critical period’ wherein he argues that New, or Why We theory itself is a form a political intervention. This essay returns to these debates in order to point to the relevance of the central thesis of Reading Capital for our time arguing that ultimately, Althusser’s project is not one in which theory trumps other forms of practice, but rather one in which Should Continue Marxist theory (or science in the parlance of Reading Capital) is what can help us make sense of those moments in other forms of revolutionary practice that are distinct from the ideological field in which we find our- selves, and hence can aid us in marking the border between ideology and to Read Reading the new, the non-ideological, and the revolutionary. -
When Fear Is Substituted for Reason: European and Western Government Policies Regarding National Security 1789-1919
WHEN FEAR IS SUBSTITUTED FOR REASON: EUROPEAN AND WESTERN GOVERNMENT POLICIES REGARDING NATIONAL SECURITY 1789-1919 Norma Lisa Flores A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY December 2012 Committee: Dr. Beth Griech-Polelle, Advisor Dr. Mark Simon Graduate Faculty Representative Dr. Michael Brooks Dr. Geoff Howes Dr. Michael Jakobson © 2012 Norma Lisa Flores All Rights Reserved iii ABSTRACT Dr. Beth Griech-Polelle, Advisor Although the twentieth century is perceived as the era of international wars and revolutions, the basis of these proceedings are actually rooted in the events of the nineteenth century. When anything that challenged the authority of the state – concepts based on enlightenment, immigration, or socialism – were deemed to be a threat to the status quo and immediately eliminated by way of legal restrictions. Once the façade of the Old World was completely severed following the Great War, nations in Europe and throughout the West started to revive various nineteenth century laws in an attempt to suppress the outbreak of radicalism that preceded the 1919 revolutions. What this dissertation offers is an extended understanding of how nineteenth century government policies toward radicalism fostered an environment of increased national security during Germany’s 1919 Spartacist Uprising and the 1919/1920 Palmer Raids in the United States. Using the French Revolution as a starting point, this study allows the reader the opportunity to put events like the 1848 revolutions, the rise of the First and Second Internationals, political fallouts, nineteenth century imperialism, nativism, Social Darwinism, and movements for self-government into a broader historical context. -
Stanislaw Brzozowski and the Migration of Ideas
Jens Herlth, Edward M. Świderski (eds.) Stanisław Brzozowski and the Migration of Ideas Lettre Jens Herlth, Edward M. Świderski (eds.) with assistance by Dorota Kozicka Stanisław Brzozowski and the Migration of Ideas Transnational Perspectives on the Intellectual Field in Twentieth-Century Poland and Beyond This volume is one of the outcomes of the research project »Standing in the Light of His Thought: Stanisław Brzozowski and Polish Intellectual Life in the 20th and 21st Centuries« funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation (project no. 146687). The publication of this book was made possible thanks to the generous support of the »Institut Littéraire Kultura«. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Na- tionalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommer- cial-NoDerivatives 4.0 (BY-NC-ND) which means that the text may be used for non-commercial purposes, provided credit is given to the author. For details go to http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ To create an adaptation, translation, or derivative of the original work and for com- mercial use, further permission is required and can be obtained by contacting [email protected] Creative Commons license terms for re-use do not apply to any content (such as graphs, figures, photos, excerpts, etc.) not original to the Open Access publication and further permission may be required from the rights holder. The obligation to research and clear permission lies solely with the party re-using the material. -
Political Space in the Work of Henri Lefebvre: Ideology and Utopia
5/2012-13 Political Space in the Work of Henri Lefebvre: Ideology and Utopia Grégory BUSQUET, UMR LAVUE (Mosaïques), Université Paris Ouest Nanterre The ideas of philosopher and sociologist Henri Lefebvre (1901-1991) are currently experiencing a revival in urban studies in France, while his theories on the city and urban society have been discussed and modified for many years in Anglophone social science literature. This new interest, which moreover extends to Europe, demonstrates however various uses of his philosophy: while some attempt to draw practical applications and to identify the influences of his theories on the practices of The Production of Space and on the usual uses of The Right to the City (Stanek, 2011), some philosophical or biographical exegeses ignore the concrete purpose of his reflections, namely, the socio-spatial processes of alienation, and occasionally at the same time turn up their noses at the setting in which they are expressed (social, political, urbanistic, etc.) and the conditions of their development. While some depoliticize his philosophy, giving it the currently popular slant (post-marxist) and emptying it of its subversive content and emancipating aim, as well as all references to conflict and the class struggle, others, conversely, especially abroad in the work of the supporters of Anglo-Saxon “radical geography”, take their inspiration from Lefebvre and do not allow their thoughts on space to be disassociated from an analysis of class or an analysis in terms of politics1. This article would be in alignment with the latter perspective, resituating Lefebvre’s thought on space and all its criticism, theoretical and practical alike, at the heart of that which in our opinion makes it unique, namely, it’s relationship with the political. -
14707176.Pdf
I c/66-14 AN ESSAY ON REVISIONISM IN THE ITALIAN COMMUNIST PARTY Giorgio Galli Massachusetts Institute of Technology Center for International Studies International Communism Project The following essay explores the evolution of Italian Communist re- visionism. In general when we speak of "revisionism" in the Italian Communist Party (PCI) we usually refer to the question of whether the conquest of power is possible and of what strategy the Party puts forward in order to achieve it: the classical questions, in short, which were at the center of the first great revisionist debate in the Second International. Extensive comparisons have therefore been made between Italian "revisionism" and its classical antecedents. But first a brief review of the PCI's attitude toward the Italian Con- stitution may be illuminating. At a particularly signi icant moment in its recent history, the Eighth Congress of December 1956, the PCI approved the "Elements for a Policy Declaration" which regards the Italian Constitution that went into effect in January 1948, as an "important victory on the Italian road to Socialism," and illustrates one fundamental aspect of it in the follow- ing manner: As far as private property is concerned, it is guaranteed by law, 'with the aim of safeguarding its social function and making it accessible to all,' and it is precisely for this reason that the Constitution lays down limits for it and even provides for expro- priation, with compensation, for 'reasons of general interest.' It is not, therefore, unreasonable to state that the Republican Constitution . sets up some of the conditions which may, when they are put into effect . -
Vygotsky and Marxism
10 Vygotsky and Marxism Danling Fu There has been great interest in Vygotsky and in how his mathematical formula or recipe which guided him rigidly in views affect the understanding of learning and teaching since his psychological analysis. Instead, he digested it, in his word, the early 80's in the United States. Today, this interest con- "internalized" it and transformed it into his own principle tinues to grow and Vygotsky's views continue to affect the which dominated his way of thinking and directed his study improvement and reform of contemporary education in the of human psychological development. As he said "I don't United States. New interest in his theories has been sparked want to discover the nature of mind by patching together a too in Russia after his work has been decreed as reactionary lot of quotations. I want to find out how science has to be bourgeois pseudoscience for sixty years. Also after Vygotsky built, to approach the study of the mind having learned the has been labeled as an anti-Marxist bourgeois psychologist whole of Marx's method" (Mind in Society, p. 8). Vygotsky's for decades in his country, he is recognized as a devout Marx- thinking and approach are Marxist, as claimed by Wertsch, ist. Russian Vygotskian expert, Toulmin (1981) wrote: "in more subtle but no less fundamental ways," and his debt to Marx "runs deeper than is commonly recognized" (1985, Vygotsky was happy to call himself a Marxist. The historical- p. 5). materialist approach ensured the success of his scientific To cut off Vygotsky from Marx is to look at him frag- investigations; this was the philosophy that armed him, gave mentally and to separate his work from its theoretical basis. -
Karl Helfferich and Rudolf Hilferding on Georg Friedrich Knapp's State
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Greitens, Jan Conference Paper — Manuscript Version (Preprint) Karl Helfferich and Rudolf Hilferding on Georg Friedrich Knapp’s State Theory of Money: Monetary Theories during the Hyperinflation of 1923 Suggested Citation: Greitens, Jan (2020) : Karl Helfferich and Rudolf Hilferding on Georg Friedrich Knapp’s State Theory of Money: Monetary Theories during the Hyperinflation of 1923, Annual Conference of the European Society for the History of Economic Thought (ESHET) 2020, Sofia., ZBW - Leibniz Information Centre for Economics, Kiel, Hamburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/216102 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available -
The Nationalist Message in Socialist Code: on the Court Historiography in People's Poland and North Korea
The Nationalist Message in Socialist Code: On the Court Historiography in People’s Poland and North Korea* Jie-Hyun Lim (Seoul, Republic of Korea) I. Introduction The fall of the really existing socialist system shed fresh light on the ideological topology in the twentieth century. It is generally argued that after the Fall, nationalism, an ideology of the right, took over from the bankrupt socialist utopias of the left. It is assumed that the Fall triggered the eruption of many different kinds of old-fashioned patriotism, revivalist messianism, conservative nationalism, xenophobia and so on. The dichotomy of the right‟s nationalism and left‟s socialism made this argument plausible. In purely theoretical terrain this dichotomy seems to be correct. A further reflection on the historical reality, however, would deny that dichotomy. Communist regimes had leant on the nationalist pillar in their search for legitimacy in various ways. In fact the official nationalism prevailed under the propaganda banner of socialist patriotism and proletarian internationalism. To cite Adam Michnik, “nationalism was the last word of Communism. A final attempt to find a social basis for dictatorship…”1 The official nationalism in the socialist regimes has another name: „apparatchik nationalism,‟ coined by Peter Sugar. Apparatchik nationalism was not the only form of nationalism that existed in the socialist regimes. Nationalism was also an articulation of the political opposition to Communism. In fact the popular nationalism was the offspring of the official nationalism. The socialist regime tried the „nationalization‟ of history and kept the state monopoly on history. It reprogrammed the popular memory on the basis of official nationalism. -
Salgado Munoz, Manuel (2019) Origins of Permanent Revolution Theory: the Formation of Marxism As a Tradition (1865-1895) and 'The First Trotsky'
Salgado Munoz, Manuel (2019) Origins of permanent revolution theory: the formation of Marxism as a tradition (1865-1895) and 'the first Trotsky'. Introductory dimensions. MRes thesis. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/74328/ Copyright and moral rights for this work are retained by the author A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge This work cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the author The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given Enlighten: Theses https://theses.gla.ac.uk/ [email protected] Origins of permanent revolution theory: the formation of Marxism as a tradition (1865-1895) and 'the first Trotsky'. Introductory dimensions Full name of Author: Manuel Salgado Munoz Any qualifications: Sociologist Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the Degree of Master of Research School of Social & Political Sciences, Sociology Supervisor: Neil Davidson University of Glasgow March-April 2019 Abstract Investigating the period of emergence of Marxism as a tradition between 1865 and 1895, this work examines some key questions elucidating Trotsky's theoretical developments during the first decade of the XXth century. Emphasizing the role of such authors like Plekhanov, Johann Baptists von Schweitzer, Lenin and Zetkin in the developing of a 'Classical Marxism' that served as the foundation of the first formulation of Trotsky's theory of permanent revolution, it treats three introductory dimensions of this larger problematic: primitive communism and its feminist implications, the debate on the relations between the productive forces and the relations of production, and the first apprehensions of Marx's economic mature works. -
Nine Lives of Neoliberalism
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Plehwe, Dieter (Ed.); Slobodian, Quinn (Ed.); Mirowski, Philip (Ed.) Book — Published Version Nine Lives of Neoliberalism Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Plehwe, Dieter (Ed.); Slobodian, Quinn (Ed.); Mirowski, Philip (Ed.) (2020) : Nine Lives of Neoliberalism, ISBN 978-1-78873-255-0, Verso, London, New York, NY, https://www.versobooks.com/books/3075-nine-lives-of-neoliberalism This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/215796 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative -
Eduard Bernstein Speaks to the Fabians: a Turning-Point in Social Democratic Thought?
DOCUMENTS H. Kendall Rogers EDUARD BERNSTEIN SPEAKS TO THE FABIANS: A TURNING-POINT IN SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC THOUGHT? Of Eduard Bernstein's many writings surely few were as significant in the early development of revisionism as his speech to the London Fabian Society on January 29, 1897. In an October 1898 letter to August Bebel, Bernstein described the gradual metamorphosis that had led to his heterodox views. Until October 1896 he had sought to "stretch" Marxist theory to conform to social-democratic practice; finally he realized this was impossible. Bezeichnender od. auch begreiflicher Weise, wurde mir das Unmogliche dieses Vorhabens erst vollig klar, als ich vor anderthalb Jahren, im Verein der Fabier einen Vortrag darilber hielt, "Was Marx wirklich lehrte". Ich habe das Manuskript des Vortrages noch, es ist ein abschreckendes Beispiel wohlmeinenden "Rettungsversuchs". Ich wollte Marx retten, wollte zeigen, daB alles so gekommen was er gesagt, und, daB alles, was nicht so gekom- men, auch von ihm gesagt wurde. Aber als das Kunststiick fertig war, als ich den Vortrag vorlas, da zuckte es mir durch den Kopf: Du thust Marx Unrecht, das ist nicht Marx, was Du vorfuhrst. Und ein paar harmlose Fragen, die mir ein scharfsinniger Fabianer Hubert Bland nach dem Vor- trag stellte und die ich noch in der alten Manier beantwortete, gaben mir den Rest. Im Sullen sagte ich mir: so geht das nicht weiter.1 For some historians Bernstein's Fabian lecture was the point where he turned decisively against Marxism. For those who date Bernstein's repudiation of Marx from Engels's death, the address at least marked the point where Bernstein realized how thoroughly he had already broken with Marxist orthodoxy.2 And for all students of pre-war social-democratic 1 Bernstein to Bebel, October 20, 1898, in: Victor Adler, Briefwechsel mit August Bebel und Karl Kautsky, ed. -
Xerox University Microfilms 300 North Zoeb Road Ann Arbor
INFORMATION TO USERS This material was produced from a microfilm copy of the original document. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the original submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or patterns which may appear on this reproduction. 1.The sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Page(s)". If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) dr section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting thru an image and duplicating adjacent pages to insure you complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a large round black mark, it is an indication that the photographer suspected that the copy may have moved during exposure and thus cause a blurred image. You will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., was part of the material being photographed the photographer followed a definite method in "sectioning" the material. It is customary to begin photoing at the upper left hand corner of a large sheet and to continue photoing from left to right in equal sections with a small overlap. If necessary, sectioning is continued again - beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. 4. The majority of users indicate that the textual content is of greatest value, however, a somewhat higher quality reproduction could be made from "photographs" if essential to the understanding of the dissertation.