Exploring Historical Literacy in Manitoulin Island Ojibwe
ALAN CORBIERE Kinoomaadoog Cultural and Historical Research M'Chigeeng First Nation
This paper will outline uses of Ojibwe1 literacy by the Manitoulin Island Nishnaabeg2 in the period from 1823 to 1910. Most academic articles on the historical use of written Ojibwe indicate that Ojibwe literacy was usu ally restricted to missionaries and was used largely in the production of religious materials for Christianizing Native people. However, the exam ples provided in this paper will demonstrate that the Nishnaabeg of Mani toulin Island3 had incorporated Ojibwe literacy not only in their religious correspondence but also in their personal and political correspondence. Indeed, Ojibwe literacy served multiple uses and had a varied audience and authorship. The majority of materials written in Ojibwe over the course of the 19th century was undoubtedly produced by non-Native people, usually missionaries and linguists (Nichols 1988, Pentland 1996). However, there are enough Nishnaabe-authored Ojibwe documents housed in various archives to demonstrate that there was a burgeoning Nishnaabe literacy movement from 1823 to 1910. Ojibwe documents written by Nishnaabe chiefs, their secretaries, and by educated Nishnaabeg are kept at the fol lowing archives: the United Chief and Councils of Manitoulin's Archives, the National Archives of Canada, the Jesuit Archives of Upper Canada and the Archives of Ontario.
1. In this paper I will use the term Ojibwe when referring to the language spoken by the Nishnaabeg of Manitoulin. Manitoulin Nishnaabeg include the Ojibwe, Potawatomi and Odawa nations. The samples of "Ojibwe writing" could justifiably be called "Odawa writ- ing. 2. The noun nishnaabe (anishinaabe in adjacent Ojibwe dialects) means 'human being' in the Ojibwe language. The Ojibwe, Odawa (Ottawa) and Potawatomi languages all use this word for self-designation. The plural is nishnaabeg. It is commonly translated as 'Indians' or 'Native people' or 'the People'. 3. Historically the home of the Odawa nation, Manitoulin Island (located in Lake Huron) was to be one grand reserve after the 1836 treaty, where Native people from Upper and Lower Canada could settle.
Papers of the 34th Algonquian Conference, ed. H.C. Wolfart (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba, 2003), pp. 57-80. 58 ALAN CORBIERE
These exceptional documents, which appear to be authored by the Nishnaabeg themselves, provide invaluable samples of the Manitoulin Island Ojibwe dialect of 140 years ago; most importantly, the documents present a Nishnaabe perspective and understanding of some very impor tant historical events in the Manitoulin Island area. The documents have a range of topics including a recounting of the 1764 Treaty of Niagara and the 'talk' contained on the wampum belts that were given to the Odawa by Sir William Johnson. Included in these collections are letters and peti tions that were written during the critical time between the signing of the 1836 Bond Head Treaty and the signing of the 1862 Manitoulin Treaty (also known as McDougall Treaty). Also among the documents are peti tions that detailed the capricious manner in which the business of the Nishnaabeg was administered; as well as testimonials of events, such as the Manitoulin Incident (also called the Gibbard Affair). The archives fur ther contain more mundane, but equally important, material such as requests for annuities, census reports and the equivalent of contemporary Band Council Resolutions - all written in Ojibwe. The various documents reveal different writing conventions that cor relate with religious affiliation. The Roman Catholic Nishnaabeg fol lowed French writing conventions whereas the Methodists and Anglicans used the writing conventions of English. Indeed, Pentland notes of a letter written in 1845 by someone in Wikwemikong that "The writer was obvi ously a Catholic, educated by French missionaries. The handwriting is a fine example of French - not English - copy-book style" (Pentland 1996: 267). Pentland further states that the orthography employed followed the system that was adopted by the Sulpician missionaries at Oka in the late eighteenth century. During this time period the Sulpicians and Jesuits alike were prolific in biblical translations, dictionaries and hymnals. The Sulpician Mission was where many Jesuits were sent to learn (or get a crash course in) the "Algonquian language." In the early 19th century, the Sulpicians at Oka were also educating and baptizing some Nishnaabeg who were reportedly from the Michigan area; some of these people would eventually settle at Wikwemikong on Manitoulin Island.4
4. According to Morrison, the oral tradition asserts that these people the reputed founders of Wikwemikong, moved from the Michigan area to Oka and then back to Mani toulin. However, he suspects that these people did not originally come from Michigan but were actually from the Oka area (Morrison, no date, p. 3). EXPLORING HISTORICAL LITERACY IN MANITOULIN ISLAND OJIBWE 59
The Odawa of L'Arbre Croche (in present-day Michigan) seem to have readily adopted Ojibwe literacy as crucial to their education. Andrew Blackbird, nephew of the great Odawa war chief and orator Assiginack, wrote that his father, Assiginack's brother Makade-Binessi, had learned to read and write in Ojibwe/Odawa (1887:31-32): My father was the only man who was friendly to education. When I was a little boy, I remember distinctly his making his own alphabet, which he called "paw-pa-pe-po". With this he learned to read and write; and afterwards he taught other Indians to read and write accord ing to his alphabet. He taught no children, but only the grown persons. Our wigwam ... was like a regular school-house, with my father as teacher of the school ... Many Indians came there to learn his "paw- pa-pe-po", and some of them were very easy to learn, while others found learning extremely difficult. The Odawa of L'Arbre Croche were so keen for Christianity and its concomitant education, which incorporated reading and writing in their language, that during the negotiations for the 1836 treaty with the United States the Odawa stipulated that they be provided with religious books in their own language.5 Some of the most influential L'Arbre Croche Odawa had become devout Catholics and evangelized amongst their fellow Nish naabeg. Andrew Blackbird states (1887:47): My uncle, Au-se-go-nock [Assiginack], had before this joined the Catholic religion ... And when he learned that his people had joined the Catholic faith, he left his home at Drummond's Island and came to Arbor Croche expressly to act as missionary in the absence of the priest. Every Sunday he preached to his people and taught them how to pray to God and to the Virgin Mary and all the saints and angels in heaven. At the time printed books containing prayers and hymns in the Stockbridge Indian language, which is a dialect of the Ottawa and Chippewa languages, were brought from Montreal, and could be quite intelligently understood by the Ottawas.. Assiginack was reportedly educated at the Sulpician Mission in Oka and it is very possible that this is where he learned to read and write in
5. It is significant that the Odawa stipulated the provisions for Christian books in their language because they were facing possible removal to the Mississippi area. There was intense pressure from non-Native settlers in present-day Michigan for Odawa lands. This thirst for land was also coupled with the political aspirations of Lewis Cass and others to have Michigan declared a state. The Odawa held firm during the negotiations and came to a reasonable settlement but the treaty was unilaterally revised by the Senate. For further discussion see Sims 1992 and McClurken 1988; for the actual text of the revised treaty, see Kappler 1972. 60 ALAN CORBIERE
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Y^cct^- PT.,* Utt -r^J AC^.^I. i^^ ftfrZJ jf-/M' (^/fc//Upve^//, Figure 1. Assiginack's letter (answer dated 10 May 1823). NAC, RG 10, vol. 293. EXPLORING HISTORICAL LITERACY IN MANITOULIN ISLAND OJIBWE 61 Ojibwe (Leighton 1978). However, King 1994 reports that, as a youth, Assiginack boarded with a Connecticut Congressional missionary, David Bacon. Bacon came to serve as missionary in L'Arbre Croche but needed to learn to speak Odawa. An agreement was struck in which young Assig inack would board with Bacon to teach him to speak Odawa in exchange for a rudimentary education in order to qualify Assiginack for "mercantile business" (King 1994:34). Although Assiginack may have learned to read and write in Ojibwe at the Sulpician Mission, he may have honed his skills while teaching Bacon the Odawa language. Assiginack moved back to L'Arbre Croche to act as catechist in 1827 (King 1994:38). In 1828, Assiginack hosted a visit from the bishop and at that service it is reported that "Assiginack read aloud in Odawa" (King 1994:39). Assiginack could also write in Ojibwe as demonstrated by a let ter (fig. 1) written in Ojibwe by Assiginack to Captain Thomas Gum- marsall Anderson (whose answer is dated 10 May 1823). Apparently the two were good friends and maintained a correspondence for the rest of their lives (King 1994:38). During the mid-19th century there was a shortage of priests in Canada (Grant 1984). Missionaries travelled great distances, mostly by foot, to their various mission stations in order to convert, instruct and con duct services for Native people. During this ten-year period (1840-1850), the missionaries often had to rely upon converting and educating promi nent chiefs and headmen, such as Assiginack, to conduct prayers and cat echism instruction, all of which required Ojibwe literacy. Indeed, it appears that some Nishnaabeg had started to teach their fellow Nishnaa beg Christianity. During the 1844 gathering to distribute government pre sents to the Nishnaabeg at Manitowaning, Father Chone recorded that they met some Nishnaabeg who had been interested in baptism due to the efforts of some "zealous" Nishnaabeg on Manitoulin (Cadieux 2001:240): Father Proulx, who is fluent in their languages, addressed them in the center of their encampment. ... we had the consolation of baptizing about thirty of them, half of whom were children and half adults. The latter had been instructed by some zealous Native Catholics living in the other parts of Manitoulin Island. 6. Father Proulx was a diocesan priest who ministered to the Nishnaabeg on Manitoulin between 1836 and 1845. In 1844, Father J.P. Chone of the Society of Jesus arrived on Manitoulin to replace Father Proulx as missionary at Wikwemikong (Morrison 1994). - . . 0\ N ~ t:.__;J /-.!. :n: ,A...,~~;__~._~:-v5Jif -"-4•~--~ - t-V _~ - ~.,c._._.~;~ · f!- - ~ ~ ) . {1' - C7 - ( -·· . - ~. . . t~-+< <~f(.• •,.n,.. .. 1.(,.A<~~'P ~-~~ ~~A<--<'~;_ ~~;A-&_-~~~.-.. -rYIV"v'r.~ /Ji;Z),_~~--~ - l-1~ 0-i: ~ - ~~~d------4(:-A': -- ti:;>.w~~ da;_,~uvl<'.;._.v?~:;_~~' _ ~" ·- . JJ~ tur_v,._ t-tA-<'~ . ~ /lA'<~_;_.,._..;_./- ;u/(~~:.._ p(___,;K.;.r,:.,._.,.~ ~,._) ~---:"""'-- .(,._ ~ -· ------t...... ,.._,4..,...._ • - - . a . .__:__"'~) ..,_,...:.._..._:i~y--: 1(.-L- K ...:,_,~ ·. r7_,__._-AA'<'j?- ~ {f(';;;J-i~..._,_.A&-,-v ~ u ~ >r Figure 2. Letter from Father Chone at Ka manetikweiak (Fort William) to Father Fremiot at Omimisibing, 1 January 1849. Jesuit Archives of Upper Canada, Holy Cross Mission File, "Jesuit Letters 1855-1876 Kohler, DuRanquet, Chone." EXPLORING HISTORICAL LITERACY IN MANITOULIN ISLAND OIIBWE 63 Although Father Chone did not explicitly state that Ojibwe hymnals and catechism books were used, we have to assume that was the means by which the "instruction" occurred. Anecdotes from the Jesuits who firstre settled amongst the Nishnaabeg on Manitoulin in 1844 provide more evi dence of the extent of Ojibwe literacy at that time. In a letter dated 3 Sep tember 1844 (fig. 2), Father Chone reported:7 On Saturday I started to hear confessions without the help of an inter preter, but I still have my notes in my hand when I preach ... At the Mass they sing in their own language everything that we sing in Latin in Europe ... It takes me almost a whole week to prepare my Sunday instructions ... And in a letter dated 22 January 1845:8 I preached to the people about the feast along the lines of St. Bernard's homily. This was almost the first time that I preached in church with out reading from my notebook, and I managed to speak quite fluently. In 1845, Father Chone is definitely still an amateur at speaking Ojibwe but an able transcriber and decoder. In the same letter, Father Chone also relayed an incident that hap pened during the previous summer's distribution of presents. He had heard the Native flute being played and decided to invite himself in. He wrote down the notes and words of the "pagan" song and played it back to those assembled. Father Chone reported that,9 They were amazed to see me singing along with them following the notes, and they could not cease expressing their astonishment. Father Chone also related that he had learned some unexpectedly handy skills during his schooling for the priesthood. He stated that a Nish naabe had brought him one of his old books that had lost its binding through usage. Father Chone had used some wire and thin planks of cedar to make new covers and binding. Word got around, and all the Nishnaa beg who needed their books repaired brought them to Father Chone for re-binding (Cadieux 2001:273-4). These anecdotes reveal a number of 7. Father Chone to his Superior in France. From Sainte-Croix on Great Manitoulin Island, 3 September 1844. Letter 9 in Cadieux 2001, p. 241. 8. Father Chone to a priest of the same society. From Holy Cross Mission, Great Mani toulin Island, 22 January 1845. Letter 12 in Cadieux 2001, p. 275. 9. Father Chone to a priest of the same society. From Holy Cross Mission, Great Mani toulin Island, 22 January 1845. Letter 12 in Cadieux 2001, pp. 289-290. 64 ALAN CORBIERE /sr<~ sS« iff Sf f*~ r. /////"/ s~{S f * i t ' *~6 tf<* jt • ?ys& • . &<&. ?* V*-^ ^A, C^r^Sf}*? }% //A' &**&a?2&*i ^/?ai.^/i//v»^^ $?./*'^-"**V-:/ V £">*-&> &•-%• Cf^S^*"- t^^O (.is 0,cS£ZItsfe&i Q^iA<^/f.(*^i^/£ / e&U-^v pv'tzt^A- pf~r'*-t**iC*i'<>/*•******* 3<5 -?7£a^r?^..£*sz*s-i- A?^<*-^.<^-» i^ZL^ts-t-4*^z£i*:*Z~i^?: / CZ^ 4&4Jp*^-s& ^JyPPf^-- •£>-<•/ *^Sf pre td/a. 4^-/&&Z- - lj£- •* p>n^e Is is£^i*szzsp3^£-p>/^2^tiZ&: fa^tMl£tfo'~ r* ••""•• LS &SZ- OCr??/ A^i^io *s>s&-'5p/^z,t*fi^&^yZ* Figure 3. "Letter from the chiefs, Wikwemikong, to the chiefs, Lac des Deux Montagnes," 13 February 1845 (third page). McGill University Libraries, Rare Books and Special Collections Division, MS 317. EXPLORING HISTORICAL LITERACY IN MANITOULIN ISLAND OJIBWE 65 points: (1) the Nishnaabeg marvelled at writing and were interested in it; (2) the Nishnaabeg already had books and used them enough to wear out the binding; and (3) when Father Chone arrived in Wikwemikong in 1844, Chief Assiginack was already literate in Ojibwe. By 1845, the domain of Ojibwe literacy had started to expand beyond the religious into the political. In his article, "An Ottawa letter to the Algonquin chiefs at Oka," Pentland 1996 analyzes another letter writ ten in Ojibwe dated 13 February 1845 (fig. 3). He notes that the letter dealt with a "mix of religious, business, and personal subjects." The author of the letter inquired about the Oka settlement's chiefs, warriors, wives, children and priests but he also alluded to a political matter. The Wikwemikong chiefs requested that if one of the Oka Algonquin chiefs were moving or coming to Manitoulin Island in the summer, that they bring "our dish." The chiefs wrote,10 wii-bi-izhaad azhonda bezhig gid-oogimaam, maanda ge-ani-niibing; giishpin dash ba-izhaagwenh, aapiji nindaa-gichi-minwendam giishpin wii-bi-gaagizid iwi gechi-agaawaadaman wii-waabandamaan Gid-oonaaganinaa gechi-apiitendaagwak, mii sa ezhi-bagoseniminaa. If he comes, I would be greatly pleased if he would bring with him that which you greatly desire me to see, our Dish which is highly val ued; that's what I ask of you. This "Dish" refers to the inter-tribal treaty encoded on a wampum belt called the "Dish with one Spoon" (Lytwyn 1997). The Wikwemikong chiefs were likely asking for the opportunity to view and renew the 'talk' contained on the wampum belt.'! Sending this request via letter and cou rier was a political act and is one imbued with diplomacy. In Pentland's 1996 analysis of the Odawa letter of 13 February 1845, he suggests that the author was Assiginack.12 Pentland made this inference for two primary reasons: (1) Assiginack was schooled at the Sulpician Mission 10. Pentland 1996:265; Ojibwe text re-transcribed by Alan Corbiere. 11. The treaty is an agreement between the Nishnaabeg and the Haudenosaunee (Iro quois or Six Nations) to hold all land in common and not engage in conflicts over territory, especially if one is hunting for sustenance. For full description of this belt see Jones 1861 and Lytwyn 1997. 12. I would like to thank David Pentland for providing me with a photocopy of this let ter, which is here printed by permission of the Rare Books and Special Collections Divi sion of the McGill University Libraries. 66 ALAN CORBIERE in Oka; and (2) Assiginack signed his name on the 1836 treaty without using his doodem (clan) signature. Although it is easy to assume that Assiginack is the most likely author of this letter, a close comparison of the handwriting in fig. 1 with the handwriting in fig. 2 shows that the two documents are written by different people. I suggest that there are at least two other chiefs who could have written the text of this letter. The first alternative is "Pesciatiwick," which is a mistranscription of the name Pesa Atawish (Vincent Atawish), who also lived at the Sulpician Mission (Morrison, no date, p. 3). Although Pesa was reportedly educated at the Sulpician mission, he signed the 1836 Manitoulin Bond Head Treaty with his snake doodem symbol instead of spelling his name. Another possible writer of the letter is Assiginack's eldest son, Itawashkash13 who, like his father, signed his name on the 1836 Bond Head Treaty instead of using his doodem symbol.14 It is also possible that one of the priests transcribed the letter. According to the records, Father Chone and Father Proulx were the only priests in Wikwemikong during February 1845; however, when one compares the handwriting of Father Chone (fig. 2) with the text of the letter (fig. 3), it seems unlikely that he is the writer. The other possibility may be Father Proulx, who reportedly left Manitoulin on 10 October 1845.15 Although I have no samples of Father Proulx's handwriting, I suspect that he is not the author because the letter is written in the same hand as a later petition written in the 1860s. For this reason, I suspect that one of the chiefs is the author. Determining the author of this letter of 13 February 1845 requires more handwriting samples from that era. Be that as it may, my key point is that more than one Nishnaabe person, other than Assiginack, could have written the letter.16 By 1847, Father Chone is the resident Ojibwe language expert for the Jesuits; he instructs, hears confessions and does much of the preach ing. The Jesuits in Wikwemikong had set up a school and had been 13. Itawashkash (name also appears as Atowishcosh or Atonishcosh) is listed as Assigi nack's eldest son from his firstmarriag e in Morrison (no date) as well as in the Archives of Ontario, Indian Genealogical Records, vol. 1:37-38 (MU 1125). 14. The original Manitoulin 1836 treaty document is located at the National Archives of Canada, GAD reference number IT 120. 15. Anonymous, A synopsis of the history of Wikwemikong (unpublished manuscript). 16. According to James Morrison (personal communication), the author is likely Wik wemikong chief Mokomaunish or his son Kinoshameg, because they had a better relation ship with the priests at Holy Cross Mission than Assiginack. EXPLORING HISTORICAL LITERACY IN MANITOULIN ISLAND OJIBWE 67 teaching children for a number of years. A number of the chiefs who eventually settled elsewhere on the Island had spent time in Wik wemikong because it was the mission centre. It appears as though a num ber of the various chiefs' sons were educated in Wikwemikong by the Jesuits. In 1848, Father Hanipaux, Father Chone's colleague, made the following report about Michigiwadinong, a newly established settlement within their mission:18 Their most urgent preoccupation was to build a bark chapel in God's honor ... They also intended to build a presbytery that would serve as a school when the missionary was absent. A young native, one of Father Chone's pupils, acted as teacher in the school and as cate- chist.19 This young Native turns out to have been Louis Debassige, Chief Louis Taibosegai's son. In an unpublished manuscript, Father Paquin noted (1973:112) that Michigiwadinong was blessed with a good young chief named Louis Debassige who looked upon his people as his children and fulfilled towards them the duties of a father. He gathered them on Sunday for prayer and instruction, and spent most of his time teaching school to boys and girls. Documents from the late 1850s show that the chiefs started to expand the domain of Ojibwe literacy from strictly religious purposes to the pursuit of political goals. The Nishnaabeg of Manitoulin Island expe rienced increased pressure from White encroachment and especially increased interference by the Manitowaning Superintendent George 17. Father Hanipaux to the General of the Society of Jesus. From Holy Cross Mission, Manitoulin Island, 9 February 1847. Letter 27 in Cadieux 2001, p. 430. 18. The place-name Michigiwadinong (literally, "the hill/bluff in the shape of the spear head") refers to the M'Chigeeng First Nation (formerly known as West Bay, Ontario). Both the Jesuits at Wikwemikong and the Indian Agent at Manitowaning reported that Chief Taibosegai and his band left Wikwemikong due to land shortage and established Michigiwadinong in the summer of 1847. It is maintained in M'Chigeeng oral tradition that Michigiwadinong had been used as a summer and winter camp by the Bebonang fam ily long before 1847. 19. Father Hanipaux to the Provincial in Paris. Letter from Holy Cross Mission, Mani toulin Island, 30 September 1848. Letter 53 in Cadieux 2001, pp. 67-68 20. Located across the bay from Wikwemikong, Manitowaning (or Manidoowaaning), is literally "the lair/cave of the Spirit." It was established by the colonial authorities to serve as a model Indian community where trades, agriculture and the "King's Religion" were to be taught. Manitowaning also served as the Superintendent's headquarters; super intendents were the predecessors of Indian agents. 68 ALAN CORBIERE Ironside and Fisheries Agent William Gibbard. Fishing leases to the smaller islands adjacent to Manitoulin were given to American fishermen. This led the chiefs of Manitoulin to take political action to defend what belonged to them under the 1836 Bond Head Treaty. Father Hanipaux reported that the surviving chiefs, headmen and warriors who attended the signing of the 1836 treaty were assembled for a three-day gathering on 28-30 July 1859, during which the terms and their understanding of the 1836 treaty were remembered and "solemnly" written down.21 This docu ment was then signed by all in attendance. The chiefs then presented it to Superintendent Ironside and requested that he send it to the Governor- General. Their request was denied. Father Hanipaux then wrote to the Superintendent General of Indian Affairs to complain of Ironside's con duct. The following year, the chiefs themselves drafted another petition, this time leveling complaints against the conduct of Superintendent Iron side. Father Chone reported:22 After the central council, the chiefs of the village had written a letter containing the complaints against their agent. That letter was to be sent to another tribe the other side of the valley of Detroit, at the south end of the lake. It was brought to me and I examined it. After reading: "You act" I said to them, "like children ... To what good to send your complaints against your agent to a tribe? ... Me, in your place, I would take a copy of that letter, I would put the complaints that you have made yourselves, and I would [have] it sent to the Governor. But, you have no person to translate it and [have it] sent. Eh good! Give me your letter, I will translate it and send it." The advice was accepted and the complaints written, signed, translated and sent. Note that Father Chone stated that the chiefs had drafted this letter on their own. Father Chone's assistance was confined to translation and sending the petition to the Governor-General. The year 1861 can be viewed as a watershed year for Ojibwe literacy in that the Manitoulin chiefs commenced a more active and prolific period of communicating their political grievances to the Governor-General and the Superintendent General of Indian Affairs by writing to each in Ojibwe. That year may have been the breaking point, the point when the chiefs could no longer 21. Father Hanipaux to Superintendent General of Indian Affairs, 3 August 1859 NAC RG 10, vol. 250, reel C-l2 641, filepage s 118999-119003. ?T FatHVtS0*6 *?• Vhe Scholastics of Laval, Wikwemikong, 21 August 1861. Cadieux & Toupin 1982; English translation by Shelley Pearen. EXPLORING HISTORICAL LITERACY IN MANITOULIN ISLAND OJIBWE 69 remain idle while non-Natives encroached upon their fisheries and their lands. The chiefs were evidently frustrated with the inaction and interfer ence of Superintendent George Ironside. The chiefs charged that Ironside sabotaged the development of an economic venture that sought to capital ize on the amount of steamboat traffic passing Manitoulin by selling wood to steamboats at a wharf the Nishnaabeg had built. A proclamation issued by the colonial government was sent to all steamboat captains and area non-Natives, prohibiting them from purchasing any type of wood from Indians. The chiefs reported that since the proclamation was issued, Ironside's son had been selling wood without any fees being levied or without having his money forcibly confiscated, as happened to them. When the proclamation was declared that no steamboats were to buy wood from Indians, the chiefs were again angered and tersely wrote: Mii dash waa-doodawiyan dibishkoo awakaaning giishpin awakaan gii-debibinind adakobinaa dash, kaa dash ji-wii-babaa-izhaad ningoji da-gashkitoosii mii dash ge-izhi-bakadeba. You want to treat us like domestic animals, if a domesticated animal is caught [owned] he is tied up. He is not able to go about anywhere, then he is left to remain in hunger. The treatment to which the Nishnaabeg of Manitoulin were subjected contradicted their understanding of the 1836 Bond Head Treaty. The chiefs understood that they had a perfect rightt o dispose of the resources from their islands in the manner that they saw fit. Not only were the Nish naabeg of Manitoulin being deprived of their livelihood from their resources, but rumours were circulating that the government wanted to enter into another treaty to have Manitoulin Island ceded. In October of 1861, treaty commissioners Lindsey and Bartlett came to test the recep- tiveness of the Manitoulin Island Nishnaabeg to another treaty. In a move that revealed the colonial government's deceitfulness, the commissioners stated that the Nishnaabeg did not own the land and, further, that the 1836 Bond Head treaty was void because 9,000 Natives did not take up the offer.24 On 27 June 1862, the Nishnaabeg of Manitoulin responded to the 25 treaty commissioners' statements: 23. NAC, RG 10, vol. 292, reel C-12 669, Ojibwe version, 29 August 1862; re-tran scribed and translated by Alan and Alvin Ted Corbiere. 24. For a discussion of the Manitoulin treaties see Shanahan 1994 and Surtees 1986. 70 ALAN CORBIERE Noongo dash dagwaagong gaa-bi-izhi-gichi-maamakaazitaagozid awi gichi-ogimaakwe nin-bi-anoonig gaa-bi-ikidod. Niin zhaaganaashiiwiyaan nindibendaan maanda Odawa minis. Ogii-bagidinaanaawaaba sa gid-oogimaamiwaag, mii sa gaa-ikidod. Ningii-gichi-goshkomigoonaa dash iwi. Gaawiin wiikaa nin-giibagidinaziinaan maanda ni-minisiminaa gaye go minishenyan. Mii sa apane ezhi-mashkawinamaang aniwi ni-minisheyiminaanin minjiminamawangidwaa nind-abinojiiminaanig waa-ni-onji-bimaadiziwaad. This past fall, that one came here talking in an outlandish manner, "The Queen has employed me," that is what he came and said. 'We, we who are the English, we own this Island of Ottawas. Your chiefs have ceded it,' that is what he said. This word greatly surprised us. We have never ceded this Island of ours nor the little ones. That is how we always strongly hold onto those islands of ours, we hold them for our children in order for them to gain their livelihood. The chiefs declare unequivocally that they never ceded the islands and they believe that their title was never extinguished. Regarding their inter est in entering into another treaty with the colonial government, they clearly communicated their sentiments by writing in the same petition:26 gaawii dash niwii-bizindawaasiinaan ni-webanaanaa. But we won't take that matter into our consideration, we reject the whole proposition. This petition was also sent along with another charging Ironside with 'making chiefs' in order to facilitate the proposed land cession:27 Mii apii gii-naabikonindwaa biiwaabikoons gegoo gekendasigog ji-ogimaawiwaad dash anishinaabeg, Mii gaa-zhichiged Waabwiiwkwaan. Miinawaa nongo megwaa wii-ozhi 'aawag waa-ogi-aawijig ... Gii-inaa dash giga-bagidinaan owi minis miinawaa bi-gagwejimigooyeg ogii-inaan ... he W a EngIish documents are N fo^8T ?^ ?n il AC, RG 10, vol. 292, reel C-12 669, file 95683 and file19568 7 respectively; Ojibwe text re-transcribed and translated (with the assistance of Mary Ann Corbiere) by Alan Corbiere. 29? rlirro^o^loSol1131 !PPearS in the archival EnS'ish version (NAC RG 10, vol. 19568?) h WeVer the first verb in th clearlv a V ' ^l "J ^ ' ° ' * ^ntence is clear y transitive animate; therefore the translation is more properly, 'So we are not going to listen to him, we reject it [the proposition].' emu going C\J H?Q ?^'bWe a,dn£nj!'Sh VerS'0nS 0f this petition are NAC, RG 10, vol. 292, reel C-12 669, filepag e 195660 and filepag e 195688, respectively; I have re-transcribed the Ojibwe and re-translated it where I thought embellishments occurred in transition EXPLORING HISTORICAL LITERACY IN MANITOULIN ISLAND OJIBWE 71 Mii na gwa naa iwi gaa-onji-ozhi 'indwaa oshki-ogimaag ji-izhiwebadogwen iw. Niin niinawind niwii-makawaanaanig waa-odoogimaamiyaang niinawi ezhi-anishinaabewiyaang, ayaawag isa go igiw nid-oogimaaminaanig gaa-yaad gaa-bi-ogimaawijig. Mii dash go opine agiw waa-odoogimaamiyaangig. At that time [the 1860 visit of the Prince of Wales to Port Sarnia] when those who don't know anything had medals placed around their necks, in order that those Indians would be chiefs. This is what Mr. Ironside did. And at this time those that are going to be chief are going to be 'made' [by the government] ... Then he was told, "You will give up the island when you are again asked for it," he was told. Is that why new chiefs are being made to make it so that this is to hap pen? See, it is us that want to find those who are going to be our chiefs, us who are Indian [Anishinaabeg] Those chiefs of ours are here, those that have come to be chiefs from one that was [a chief]. Then these are the ones that we always want as our chiefs. Through all the challenges to their autonomy, to the encroachments on their lands, to the suspicious dealings of their Superintendent, the chiefs responded indignantly and defiantly with petitions written in Ojibwe. Despite the chiefs' valiant efforts to prevent another land cession, eventually the Manitoulin Treaty of 1862 was signed; it served to divide the Island Nishnaabeg population into treaty signatories and unceded non- signatories. The intensity of emotions bore itself out in action; several pro-treaty Wikwemikong residents were forcibly evicted from Wik wemikong. Those evicted included deposed chief Tekummah, the aged war chief Assiginack and Kitchi-Baptiste. Kitchi-Baptiste28 did not go quietly, and he was later aided by Super intendent Ironside. Appeals regarding Kitchi-Baptiste's eviction were sent to the colonial government, which in March 1866 responded with a proclamation re-instating Kitchi-Baptiste's right to reside in Wik wemikong (fig. 4). This proclamation demonstrates that, at least on one occasion, the colonial government used written Ojibwe (as opposed to interpreters) to convey messages to the Nishnaabeg, demonstrating that, on Manitoulin Island, Nishnaabebiigewin or Ojibwe literacy was "hege monic," albeit briefly. Curiously, the government in a "counter-hege monic" move issued the proclamation in the English-influenced Anglican 28. For further information on the Kitchi-Baptiste affair see Paquin 1973. 72 ALAN CORBIERE -,d J iJ J, CD O (S ® ,fl 6p .2.^ ,fl S ."d &' „ g v .a 5?.3 3 'd ^ •3 m 'Sf= ^•Sl^tflf !-SS!»)S)2SS8.gl•S 9^.9^? 0 O ^ O Sm 2^^' M^o3§fl|§0|S^l 5^3 §8 2 a §"-rt '§ » ft oi§ •?"« ^H*1 ^-ltHl31j51||5gs | fell ggjM^rfl^ -'°-3 § - SM &"3 8 2 OA& 6-3 B/SP," 3 j rt ^•g tm« „Tj-g3 «'; g "MM --a !D-d ji^ilH-ii»~ d ""3 Sjaj;|* .fl OJ «"* Slip *£ti A^ati**?^* rf j §&.«.§.! ftSatij , H ,s w fl5flS^a a "iir,'«Sertflfl o o)^'S.9J °3M E* a' © *a CD 2 f5 DC „ Ed •^g O is o 3 o Figure 4. Proclamation reinstating Kitchi-Baptiste. Archives of Ontario, F4337-10-0-6, A.E. Williams / United Indian Bands of Chippewas and Mississaugas Papers, Indian Office, Department of Indian Affairs, "Broadsides: On expulsion of Wikwemikong," Ojibway language version. EXPLORING HISTORICAL LITERACY IN MANITOULIN ISLAND OJIBWE 73 orthography. The people of Wikwemikong clearly utilized and were familiar with the French-influenced Sulpician or Jesuit writing system.29 After the signing of the 1862 Manitoulin Treaty, a movement to have the treaty annulled was undertaken. The Roman Catholic reserves on Manitoulin participated and had signed the petitions. The Sheshegwaning petition was written up by the chiefs son, John Itawashkash, on 28 May 1863. An addendum was appended to the petition in June of that year. The addendum was a statement by Chief Waka'osse who declared his support to have the treaty annulled. Waka'osse dictated his statement to Wik wemikong Secretary Francis Metosage. The warriors and headmen of Michigiwadinong (present-day M'Chi geeng) also participated in a petition. This petition was also written by Francis Metosage, the Wikwemikong Chiefs' Secretary. A petition writ ten by Metosage was also sent on behalf of the Wikwemikong chiefs and warriors. Note that Metosage was involved in all three petitions, perhaps as copyist or as the appointed secretary for all the chiefs.30 Seven years after the 1862 treaty was signed and some of the Nish naabeg had become resigned to its enforcement, they started to receive their payment from the land sales. Since these land sale payments were dependent upon the number of people in the family, some census infor mation in Ojibwe was also written down by the chiefs, such as Louis Debassige (fig. 5). By the 1890s there was a resurgence of Ojibwe literacy; at least, I was able to locate a lot of other materials from that time period. The purpose of 29. In a letter dated 15 January 1864, Manitowaning Superintendent C.T. Dupont reported that "The Reverend Mr. Jacobs who with his wife teaches the children in this neighbourhood has frequent application from the Indians even of Wequemikong for English and Indian spelling books, wh(ere) as for as he has it in his power he always gives them" (NAC, RG 10, vol. 574, p. 39, C 13 374). Peter Jacobs (son of Peter Jacobs, the Ojibwe Wesleyan Methodist minister) was sta tioned at Manitowaning for a couple of years. There are also a number of documents writ ten by Southeastern Ojibwe chiefs who used what I call the Anglican or Methodist orthography. The works of Peter Jacobs, Peter Jones, Wawanosh and Captain Paudash also deserve attention but are beyond the scope of this paper. 30. Francis Metosage was listed as the Wikwemikong Chiefs' Secretary during the 1860s. Appointing Metosage as secretary for all the Manitoulin Roman Catholic bands may have been similar to appointing an ogimaa-giigido 'chief speaker' at a formal council meeting with the government. During the 1861 Lindsey and Bartlett meeting and the 1862 treaty discussions, Itawashkash was selected as ogimaa-giigido for the chiefs. 74 ALAN CORBIERE W r -*-«— Jk /— • -ztv-psf ...... _v /, /P^LStZ^tP-^t^ f>--^/,t/L xs/Z*is • * • / Z. / • / • '/ y i-^^t^k^J^ '*&2*s/? *—JL / <&\~v~t*rr- SS *—&-%. Figure 5. Louis Debassige's family census, 1869 NAC, RG 10, vol. 620. EXPLORING HISTORICAL LITERACY IN MANITOULIN ISLAND OJIBWE 75 Nishnaabe literacy was still political. The M'Chigeeng Band Council Resolution of February 1895 attests to that (fig. 6). The M'Chigeeng Chief and Council of 1895 address their request for assistance to "Nosse" (my father) but their letter appears to have a dual audience, mainly the superior of the local Indian agent, Ross, and Ross himself. The Chief and Council level complaints against their agent, particularly his lack of sup port for various initiatives. The second half of the letter is the formulation of what later came to be called a Band Council Resolution. The National Archives also holds a set of Wikwemikong by-laws and the "Wik- •J 1 wemikong Band's Rules and Regulations" written in Ojibwe. The exist ence of these Band Council rules and regulations demonstrate that the Nishnaabeg used written Ojibwe for internal governance as well. Eventually, Ojibwe literacy waned, but not before it had one more shining moment through the efforts of the Franciscans in Harbour Springs, Michigan. Working amongst the Odawa of Harbour Springs, which is close to the reported birthplace of Assiginack, the Franciscans published a monthly monolingual Ojibwe journal called "Anishinabe Enamiad" (The Indian who Prays).32 It featured articles written by priests as well as reports of deaths and marriages from surrounding reserves. A number of the Jesuit priests of Manitoulin Island and the North Shore area of Lake Huron were subscribers and contributors. Most significantly for the present study, the Nishnaabeg themselves contributed articles. Will iam Kinoshameg of Wikwemikong wrote a number of articles on the Blessed Kateri and one called "O nibowin Rene Goupil: Ga-widjiwad kossinanan Joguan" (The death of Rene Goupil: The companion of Our Father Jogue).33 The remaining Nishnaabeg contributions are primarily Christian testimonials of faith and intercession. A sample from Shesheg- waning follows: Gii-nibo bezhig omaa gechi-mino-izhiwebizid oshkiniigikwe May 2, gaa-izhinikaazod Angelique Niganiwina. Gii-midaaso 31. I found the English version of M'Chigeeng "Rules and Regulations" but I have not yet found the Ojibwe version. 32 The journal appears to have started in March 1896 [vol. I, no. 1] and the last volume I have found is the November issue of 1902 [vol. VII, no. 9]. There may be further issues. 33 At the end of this article he signs off as "William Kinoshameg, Wikwemikong daji- ogima ogwissan" (the resident chiefs son), thereby continuing a tradition of literate chiefs sons educated at Wikwemikong; Anishinabe Enamiad, vol. Ill, no. 8, October 1898, pp. 60-62. 76 ALAN CORBIERE ashi-nishwaaswi biboonagizi. Aapiji gii-mino-nibo. Nuzhogwan jibwaa-nibod, gii-ikido: "Nin-waabandaan wayaaseyaag; dibishkoo izhinaagwad giizisi zaagaasiged gwayak maandapii zhingishinaan; aapiji bishigendaagwad ezhi-gwanaajiwang." Ogii-nagamotawaawaan gaye niizh ikwewag. Gii-ikido dash ayaakozid: "Gaawiin nindaa-de-gashkitoosiin iniw nagamowinan ji-dibaadodamaan ezhi-onizhishing gaye epiichi-minotaagwak. " Miinawaa dash iw giizhigak apii waa-nibod gegaa, gii-ikido: "Nin-waabandaan akwaandawaagaans gwayak ishpiming enamog; aapiji gwanaajiwan gaye agaasideyaa. " Mii gaa-ikidod. Aapiji geget gii-mino-nibo, weweni gii-giizhitaa 'igod mekatekwanayen. Joseph Wakaosse. Another very good girl died here on May 2, her name was Angelique Niganiwina. She was 18 years old. She died a very good death. Two days before she died, she said: "I see that it is very bright; it appears the same as if the sun broke through the clouds to shine straight here where I lie, it is very pleasing and very beautiful." Two women sang to her. Then she who was ill said: "I could not [properly] talk about how beautiful and fine those songs sounded." And on the day she was to die, she said: "I see a small ladder [stairs] that lead straight up above; they are very beautiful and narrow." That is what she said. She really had a good death, the priest had administered last rites [lit., properly prepared/completed her]. By the time of the "Anishinabe Enamiad" journal, it appears as though Nishnaabebiigewin, or Ojibwe literacy, had a strong footing, but the journal's demise early in the 20th century seemed to signal the decline of Ojibwe literacy by Nishnaabe people. There were efforts to maintain it, and some people carried on, but the topics mainly reverted to the religious domain. The early 20th century was a time of intensified marginaliza- tion of Native peoples and their languages, traditions and customs. During this time, Nishnaabebiigewin was severely curtailed due to educational 34. Anishinabe Enamiad, vol. II, no. 6, August 1897, p. 47; re-transcribed and translated by Alan Corbiere. Sheshegwaning (also Shishigwaning, or Zhiishiigwaning) is an Indian reserve on Manitouin Island. It was historically, and largely remains, a Roman Catholic community that is still serviced by the Jesuits. Joseph Wakawosse (or Waakaa ose) was a descendant (son or grandson) of the Shishigwaning Chief Waka'ose who signed the 1862 Treaty. Joseph's writing further demonstrates the tradition of the literate chiefs sons. 35. The Jesuit priest Joseph Specht appeared to be particularly active in using Ojibwe writing to communicate with his parish. The Jesuit Archives of Upper Canada preserves a number of Ojibwe letters addressed to him by Nishnaabe people from Nipigon, Nipissing, Dokis and Cockburn Island. EXPLORING HISTORICAL LITERACY IN MANITOULIN ISLAND OJIBWE //*> ,.„„-, /f:,/^..yf/Jf^r^.. J£0^ WfavJWust .'[./:>(A % lyuiLtW pt4iM faaM>\ y-AwA^> dfM$7 ^i-U^^^-'^'^a^^e^^p^^ ^^W^fe^«« Jjrp-tPiA Yfa'&fi't Figure 6. M'Chigeeng Band Council Resolution, 4 February 1895. Jesuit Archives of Upper Canada, Box C-403, File 16B. 78 ALAN CORBIERE regimes, specifically residential schooling and mandatory English instruc tion in reserve day schools. Depending upon one's perspective, the decline and retreat of Ojibwe literacy back to the religious domain can be viewed as ironic or even poignant - whence Ojibwe literacy (in the Roman alphabet) sprang, there it returned. CONCLUSION The Ojibwe documents in this paper demonstrate that the Nishnaabeg themselves were the ones using what they had been taught in other domains for their own purposes. Through these surviving documents we can see that the Nishnaabeg used Ojibwe writing to communicate various matters to a diverse audience. The samples further show that a number of Nishnaabeg were literate in Ojibwe; literacy was not confined to the mis sionaries. Admittedly, missionaries, particularly the Jesuits, played a major role; however, the Nishnaabeg, particularly the chiefs and their sons, were instrumental in this literacy movement, and prominent Nish naabe teachers and catechists include Louis Debassige, J.B. Assiginack and Makade-Binessi. The documents examined were written by Nishnaabe people to their fellow Nishnaabeg, to the Governor General, to the Superintendent Gen eral of Indian Affairs, to their local Indian agent, and to their priests. The Jesuits did assist in the venture and in the production of particular letters, but the chiefs were by no means their puppets, as has often been implied. The Manitoulin chiefs had priests who could write down their concerns in English or French but the chiefs chose not to employ them for that pur pose. Instead, the chiefs chose to write about their own concerns and grievances in Ojibwe, which can be interpreted as a political act of asser- tiveness and resistance. Or perhaps the Nishnaabeg had grown weary of having others speak for them and having their message lost in translation. Whichever it may have been, the chiefs took a skill taught to them solely for religious purposes and wielded it for their political aspirations; in doing so, they left their descendants a legacy of resistance and a written record of their perspective on these contentious political transactions. EXPLORING HISTORICAL LITERACY IN MANITOULIN ISLAND OJIBWE 79 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank Lori Ann Roness for her editorial assistance in read ing several drafts of this paper. I would also like to thank my father for Ojibwe language assistance - gchi-miigwech noos, ngoding nga- gshkitoon wii-ntaa-nishnaabemyaan! Finally, I would like to say a special thanks to Mary Ann Corbiere of Laurentian University for reading drafts of the paper as well as for help with Ojibwe translation - G-miigwechwi'in Maanyaan kina gegoo gii-zhichgeyan. Of course, all errors that may remain in this paper are mine. REFERENCES Anonymous, [n.d.] A synopsis of the history of Wikwemikong. Unpublished manuscript, Holy Cross Mission Archives, Wikwemikong, Ontario. Blackbird, Andrew Jackson. 1887. History of the Ottawa and Chippewa Indians of Michi gan: A grammar of their language, and personal and family history of the author. Ypsilanti: Ypsilantian Job Printing House. 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Unpub lished report prepared for Thor Conway, Regional Archaeologist, Ontario Ministry of Culture and Communications, Sault Ste. Marie. Nichols, John D. 1988. Statement made by the Indians: A bilingual petition of the Chippe was of Lake Superior, 1864. Centre for Research and Teaching of Canadian Native languages, University of Western Ontario, London. Paquin, Julien. 1973. Modem Jesuit Indian missions in Ontario. Unpublished manuscript, Jesuit Archives of Upper Canada, Toronto. Pentland, David H. 1996. An Ottawa letter to the Algonquin Chiefs at Oka. Reading beyond words: Contexts for Native history, ed. by Jennifer S. H. Brown & Elizabeth Vibert, pp. 261 -279. Peterborough: Broadview Press. Shanahan, David. 1994. The Manitoulin treaties, 1836 and 1862: The Indian Department and Indian destiny. Ontario History 86( 1): 13-31. Sims, Catherine. 1992. Algonkian-British relations in the Upper Great Lakes region: Gathering to give and to receive presents, 1815-1843. 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