Japan's Security Cooperation with ASEAN: Pursuit of a Status As A
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2013-JCIE-Annual-Report.Pdf
Table of Contents 2011–2013 in Retrospect .................................................................................................................................3 Remembering Tadashi Yamamoto ............................................................................................................6 JCIE Activities: April 2011–March 2013 ........................................................................................................9 Global ThinkNet 13 Policy Studies and Dialogue .................................................................................................................... 14 Strengthening Nongovernmental Contributions to Regional Security Cooperation The Vacuum of Political Leadership in Japan and Its Future Trajectory ASEAN-Japan Strategic Partnership and Regional Community Building An Enhanced Agenda for US-Japan Partnership East Asia Insights Forums for Policy Discussion ........................................................................................................................ 19 Trilateral Commission UK-Japan 21st Century Group Japanese-German Forum Korea-Japan Forum Preparing Future Leaders .............................................................................................................................. 23 Azabu Tanaka Juku Seminar Series for Emerging Leaders Facilitation for the Jefferson Fellowship Program Political Exchange Programs 25 US-Japan Parliamentary Exchange Program ......................................................................................26 -
Applying a Framework to Assess Deterrence of Gray Zone Aggression for More Information on This Publication, Visit
C O R P O R A T I O N MICHAEL J. MAZARR, JOE CHERAVITCH, JEFFREY W. HORNUNG, STEPHANIE PEZARD What Deters and Why Applying a Framework to Assess Deterrence of Gray Zone Aggression For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR3142 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0397-1 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © 2021 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover: REUTERS/Kyodo Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface This report documents research and analysis conducted as part of a project entitled What Deters and Why: North Korea and Russia, sponsored by the Office of the Deputy Chief of Staff, G-3/5/7, U.S. -
Japan – Us Ballistic Missile Defense
Ju rna l Dina mi ka Gl oba l Vol. 5 No. 1, Jun i 202 0 P-ISSN 2548-9216 | E-ISSN 2684-9399 JAPAN – U.S. BALLISTIC MISSILE DEFENSE COOPERATION: THE IMPLEMENTATION OF “THE JOINT STATEMENT OF THE SECURITY CONSULTATIVE COMMITTEE (SCC)” IN COUNTERING NORTH KOREA’S BALLISTIC MISSILES PROGRAM (2015-2019) Febry Hadiaty & Anak Agung Banyu Pe rwit a Abstrak Asia-Pasifik yang kini lebih dikenal sebagai Indo-Pasifik memiliki situasi geopolitik dan lingkungan strategis yang sangat kompleks yang ditandai dengan konfrontasi dan konflik politik yang masih belum terpecahkan. Salah satu isu tersebut termasuk program rudal balistik Korea Utara. Program rudal balistik Korea Utara telah menjadi ancaman yang berkembang pesat bagi keamanan regional dan global. Kurangnya akuntabilitas program rudal nuklir ini dan kepemimpinan Kim Jong-Un yang tidak menentu juga telah memproyeksikan ancaman bagi Amerika Serikat dan sekutunya, termasuk untuk Jepang. Selanjutnya, aliansi antara Washington dan Tokyo telah mampu menjadi kemitraan keamanan tangguh yang luar biasa dan telah berfungsi sebagai landasan bagi stabilitas kawasan. Kedua negara telah melakukan banyak kerja sama pertahanan di berbagai bidang, termasuk untuk kerja sama pertahanan rudal balistik. Sebagai salah satu bentuk kerja sama pertahanan rudal balistik antara Jepang dan AS, Security Consultative Committee (SCC) sebagai forum pertahanan utama aliansi ini menghasilkan pernyataan bersama yang juga menyoroti kerja sama pertahanan rudal balistik Jepang dan AS untuk mencegah program rudal balistik Korea Utara. Oleh karena itu, artikel ini menganalisa lebih lanjut implementasi pernyataan bersama SCC dalam menghadapi program rudal balistik Korea Utara, khususnya pernyataan bersama pada periode 2015 hingga 2019. Dalam menganalisa hal tersebut, artikel ini menggunakan metode kualitatif yang bersandar pada sumber data primer dan sekunder dan menemukan bahwa Jepang dan AS memang melaksanakan kerja sama yang disepakati pada pernyataan bersama SCC meningkatkan kemampuan untuk sistem pertahanan rudal balistik mereka. -
The Thickening Web of Asian Security Cooperation: Deepening Defense
The Thickening Web of Asian Security Cooperation Deepening Defense Ties Among U.S. Allies and Partners in the Indo-Pacific Scott W. Harold, Derek Grossman, Brian Harding, Jeffrey W. Hornung, Gregory Poling, Jeffrey Smith, Meagan L. Smith C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR3125 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0333-9 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2019 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover photo by Japan Maritime Self Defense Force. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface Since the turn of the century, an important trend toward new or expanded defense cooperation among U.S. -
The Limits of Forgiveness in International Relations: Groups
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations E-ISSN: 1647-7251 [email protected] Observatório de Relações Exteriores Portugal del Pilar Álvarez, María; del Mar Lunaklick, María; Muñoz, Tomás The limits of forgiveness in International Relations: Groups supporting the Yasukuni shrine in Japan and political tensions in East Asia JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations, vol. 7, núm. 2, noviembre, 2016, pp. 26- 49 Observatório de Relações Exteriores Lisboa, Portugal Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=413548516003 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative OBSERVARE Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa e-ISSN: 1647-7251 Vol. 7, Nº. 2 (November 2016-April 2017), pp. 26-49 THE LIMITS OF FORGIVENESS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: GROUPS SUPPORTING THE YASUKUNI SHRINE IN JAPAN AND POLITICAL TENSIONS IN EAST ASIA María del Pilar Álvarez [email protected] Research Professor at the Faculty of Social Sciences of the University of Salvador (USAL, Argentina) and Visiting Professor of the Department of International Studies at the University T. Di Tella (UTDT). Coordinator of the Research Group on East Asia of the Institute of Social Science Research (IDICSO) of the USAL. Postdoctoral Fellow of the National Council of Scientific and Technical Research (CONICET) of Argentina. Doctor of Social Sciences from the University of Buenos Aires (UBA). Holder of a Master Degree on East Asia, Korea, from Yonsei University. Holder of a Degree in Political Science (UBA). -
Roster of Winners in Single-Seat Constituencies No
Tuesday, October 24, 2017 | The Japan Times | 3 lower house ele ion ⑳ NAGANO ㉘ OSAKA 38KOCHI No. 1 Takashi Shinohara (I) No. 1 Hiroyuki Onishi (L) No. 1 Gen Nakatani (L) Roster of winners in single-seat constituencies No. 2 Mitsu Shimojo (KI) No. 2 Akira Sato (L) No. 2 Hajime Hirota (I) No. 3 Yosei Ide (KI) No. 3 Shigeki Sato (K) No. 4 Shigeyuki Goto (L) No. 4 Yasuhide Nakayama (L) 39EHIME No. 4 Masaaki Taira (L) ⑮ NIIGATA No. 5 Ichiro Miyashita (L) No. 5 Toru Kunishige (K) No. 1 Yasuhisa Shiozaki (L) ( L ) Liberal Democratic Party; ( KI ) Kibo no To; ( K ) Komeito; No. 5 Kenji Wakamiya (L) No. 6 Shinichi Isa (K) No. 1 Chinami Nishimura (CD) No. 2 Seiichiro Murakami (L) ( JC ) Japanese Communist Party; ( CD ) Constitutional Democratic Party; No. 6 Takayuki Ochiai (CD) No. 7 Naomi Tokashiki (L) No. 2 Eiichiro Washio (I) ㉑ GIFU No. 3 Yoichi Shiraishi (KI) ( NI ) Nippon Ishin no Kai; ( SD ) Social Democratic Party; ( I ) Independent No. 7 Akira Nagatsuma (CD) No. 8 Takashi Otsuka (L) No. 3 Takahiro Kuroiwa (I) No. 1 Seiko Noda (L) No. 4 Koichi Yamamoto (L) No. 8 Nobuteru Ishihara (L) No. 9 Kenji Harada (L) No. 4 Makiko Kikuta (I) No. 2 Yasufumi Tanahashi (L) No. 9 Isshu Sugawara (L) No. 10 Kiyomi Tsujimoto (CD) No. 4 Hiroshi Kajiyama (L) No. 3 Yoji Muto (L) 40FUKUOKA ① HOKKAIDO No. 10 Hayato Suzuki (L) No. 11 Hirofumi Hirano (I) No. 5 Akimasa Ishikawa (L) No. 4 Shunpei Kaneko (L) No. 1 Daiki Michishita (CD) No. 11 Hakubun Shimomura (L) No. -
JCIE's Annual Report
JAPAN CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL EXCHANGE 2001–2003 Annual Report GLOBAL THINKNET CIVILNET POLITICAL EXCHANGE PROGRAM TABLE OF CONTENTS President’s Message 2 CivilNet 23 JCIE Activities 5 Promoting Civil Society and Philanthropy 25 The Role of Philanthropy in Postwar U.S.-Japan Global ThinkNet 7 Relations 25 Study and Dialogue Projects 9 GrantCraft—Japanese Video Project 25 APAP Forums and Seminars 9 International Survey Project—The Civil Society Global ThinkNet Conference, Tokyo 10 Sector and NGO Activities in Asia and Europe 26 Intellectual Dialogue on Building Survey on the Status of Exchange Programs Asia’s Tomorrow 10 between the U.S. and Japan 26 A Gender Agenda: Asia-Europe Dialogue 11 Seminar Series with Civil Society Leaders 26 Russia-Japan Policy Dialogue 12 Study Mission on American Philanthropy 27 Cooperation with the Asia Pacific Philanthropy Policy-Oriented Research 13 Consortium (APPC) 27 Vision of Asia Pacific in the 21st Century 13 Facilitating Philanthropic Programs of Asia Pacific and the Global Order Overseas Foundations and Corporations 29 After September 11 13 Levi Strauss Foundation Advised Fund of JCIE 29 The Rise of China and the Changing East Asian Order 14 “Positive Lives Asia” Photo Exhibition Tour 31 Asia Pacific Security Outlook 14 Goldman Sachs Global Leaders Program 31 Force, Intervention, and Sovereignty 15 Lucent Global Science Scholars Program 32 New Perspectives on U.S.-Japan Relations 15 Civil Society and Grassroots-Level Governance for a New Century: Japanese Exchanges 33 Challenges, American Experience 16 A50 Caravan 33 The Future of Governance and the Role Asia Pacific Leadership Program in Tokyo 33 of Politicians 17 Grassroots Network 34 The Transformation of Japanese Communities Miyazaki Prefecture Commemorative and the Emerging Local Agenda 18 Symposiums on Internationalization 34 The Intellectual Infrastructure for East Asian Community-Building 18 Political Exchange Program 35 Support and Cooperation for Research and U.S.-Japan Parliamentary Exchange Program 37 Dialogue 19 U.S. -
Strategic Yet Strained
INTRODUCTION | i STRATEGIC YET STRAINED US FORCE REALIGNMENT IN JAPAN AND ITS EFFECTS ON OKINAWA Yuki Tatsumi, Editor September 2008 ii | STRATEGIC YET STRAINED Copyright ©2008 The Henry L. Stimson Center ISBN: 0-9770023-8-1 Photos from the US Government Cover design by Rock Creek Creative All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written consent from The Henry L. Stimson Center. The Henry L. Stimson Center 1111 19th Street, NW 12th Floor Washington, DC 20036 phone: 202-223-5956 fax: 202-238-9604 www.stimson.org TABLE OF CONTENTS Acronyms............................................................................................................. v Preface ..............................................................................................................viii Acknowledgements............................................................................................. ix INTRODUCTION.................................................................................................... 1 Yuki Tatsumi and Arthur Lord SECTION I: THE CONTEXT CHAPTER 1: THE GLOBAL POSTURE REVIEW OF THE UNITED STATES: “REDUCE, MAINTAIN, AND ENHANCE”............................................................... 13 Derek J. Mitchell CHAPTER 2: THE US STRATEGY BEYOND THE GLOBAL POSTURE REVIEW ...... 25 Tsuneo “Nabe” Watanabe CHAPTER 3: THE LEGACY OF PRIME MINISTER KOIZUMI’S JAPANESE FOREIGN POLICY: AN ASSESSMENT ................................................................... -
Legal Framework of Japan's Self-Defense with the United States
Masahiro Kurosaki National Defense Academy of Japan Legal Framework of Japan’s Self-Defense with the United States 28 Strengthening the U.S.-Japan Alliance Introduction The year 2014 was a dramatic turning point in Japanese security policy with the United States. In April, President Barack Obama officially reaffirmed that the United States would maintain its longstanding commitment to defend Japan under the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty, and that such commitment covers the Senkaku Islands.1 Three months later, the Japanese government led by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe unprecedentedly adopted a cabinet decision to enable Japan to exercise the right of collective self-defense to “strengthen mutual cooperation with the United States.”2 In 2015, the revision of the Guidelines for U.S.-Japan Defense Cooperation3 and the adoption of Japan’s new security legislation, which entered into force on March 29, 2016, enabled a more effective and robust implementation of this decision. All of these actions represent Japan’s strong determination to seek a more equal alliance with the United States and to bring an end to the past unilateral and imbalanced nature of the alliance, under which Japan had merely granted the United States the right to station its troops in Japan in return for its security commitments. However, Japan’s use of force in self-defense is still restrained to a large extent by complicated constraints at both domestic and international legal levels, which could cause serious gaps of perception and understanding between the two countries. It would be preferable for the U.S. government officials to bear in mind these potential gaps to better plan and implement future U.S-Japan joint operations. -
'Japan': Prime Minister Abe's Political Rhetoric in Critical Perspective
Bringing back ‘Japan’: Prime minister Abe’s political rhetoric in critical perspective. By: Chris G. Pope A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Sheffield Faculty of Social Sciences School of East Asian Studies 27 May 2017 Abstract The thesis provides a detailed analysis of prime minister of Japan, Abe’s, political rhetoric. Adopting a critical realist approach to the analysis of political discourse,Shinzō the thesis aims to identify how Abe sought to legitimate the substantial changes to the state, its international conduct, and relationship with its citizens, including the reinterpretation of Article 9 of the constitution, Japan’s so-called ‘Peace Clause’. Abe returned to office in December 2012 promising to ‘bring back’ Japan, but under this aegis, the Abe administration has enacted wholesale changes to Japan’s social security, national economy and security agenda. While many of these changes are examined throughout, the thesis adopts depoliticization theory as an analytical tool and explanatory factor to discuss the changes in Japanese politics by parsing depoliticization into governmental, societal, and discursive forms. The analysis demonstrates how Abe relied on discursive depoliticization to legitimate changes by implementing a mixed-methods approach to discourse analysis using text-mining software to identify salient areas of speech, frame analysis to further characterize them, and critical discourse analysis for the micro- analysis of text. The thesis argues that Abe effectively depoliticized politically divisive issues by relying on the neoliberal account of globalization to justify substantial changes to Japan’s security agenda, economy and social infrastructure. -
US Military Liberty Restrictions in Okinawa—Falling on Deaf Ears?
US Military Liberty Restrictions in Okinawa —Falling on Deaf Ears? Maj John C. Wright, USAF Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed or implied in the Journal are those of the authors and should not be construed as carrying the official sanction of the Department of Defense, Air Force, Air Education and Training Command, Air University, or other agencies or departments of the US government. This article may be reproduced in whole or in part without permission. If it is reproduced, the Journal of Indo-Pacific Affairs requests a courtesy line. n 21 November 2017, in response to a criminal drunk driving incident Oby a US Marine that resulted in the death of an Okinawan civilian, US military leadership in Japan issued the latest in a series of disciplinary measures for US personnel, designed to show the Japanese that the United States is taking the behavior of its troops seriously. These restrictions were draconian by previous standards: US service members were strictly prohibited from traveling anywhere beyond their work locations and their residences and barred from purchasing or consuming alcohol on or off base, including their own residences. The restrictions were subsequently relaxed on 1 December, then removed on 14 December. Enacting these measures is understandable: faced with the formidable political and diplomatic obstacles challenging the US–Japan alliance, the highest US mili- tary authorities must consistently respond to a bevy of incidents, unfortunately with fewer arrows in their quiver to deal with local personnel crimes and breaches of decorum than those at their disposal for dealing with potential enemies. How- ever, even considering their severity, these disciplinary actions will never achieve their objective—preventing further deterioration of the US–Japan relationship— without the help of the Japanese central government. -
Japan Again Under Abe – Fresh Start Or More of the (Not So Great) Same?
Japan Again under Abe – Fresh Start or More of the (not so Great) Same? Axel Berkofsky* February 2015 Asia Policy Brief 2015 | 01 After Japan’s snap Lower House elections called on December 14 by old – and now new – Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, it will hopefully be the former, but probably the latter. This is the very opposite of what Abe promised would happen after his two-year tenure, which included many missed opportunities to adopt badly needed economic reforms capable of leading the country back onto a path of sustainable economic growth. While the jury is still out on whether Abe will focus this time around on economic reforms as opposed to attempts to boost the country’s defense profile and get rid of Japan’s constitutionally prescribed pacifism, his (very) nationalist and at times revisionist political track record suggests that it could be the latter yet again. Bad Old LDP Power Politics This is what US-based Japan scholar Brad Glosserman ar- two years ago. Calling snap elections as opposed to using gues happened in Japan last December. “The government’s the majorities the LDP already had in both chambers of the difficulties reflected the failure of its policies – for no rea- Japanese parliament to adopt the economic and structural son other than their inability to deal with problems – yet reforms promised since 2012 is arguably an expression of the prime minister called an election to get a mandate to political helplessness at best and incompetence at worst. press ahead with more of the same,” he writes. The prime Indeed, the first thing Abe talked about after the elec- minister’s very own explanation of why he called elections tion victory was the LDP’s allegedly “cherished and is even more to the (cynical) point.