Rhetoric and Philosophy in the Age of the Second Sophistic
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Aelius Aristides , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 27:3 (1986:Autumn) P.279
BLOIS, LUKAS DE, The "Eis Basilea" [Greek] of Ps.-Aelius Aristides , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 27:3 (1986:Autumn) p.279 The Ei~ BauLAea of Ps.-Aelius Aristides Lukas de Blois HE AUTHENTICITY of a speech preserved under the title El~ Ba T utAia in most MSS. of Aelius Aristides (Or. 35K.) has long been questioned.1 It will be argued here that the speech is a basilikos logos written by an unknown author of the mid-third century in accordance with precepts that can be found in the extant rhetorical manuals of the later Empire. Although I accept the view that the oration was written in imitation of Xenophon's Agesilaus and Isoc rates' Evagoras, and was clearly influenced by the speeches of Dio Chrysostom on kingship and Aristides' panegyric on Rome,2 I offer support for the view that the El~ BautAia is a panegyric addressed to a specific emperor, probably Philip the Arab, and contains a political message relevant to a specific historical situation. After a traditional opening (§ § 1-4), the author gives a compar atively full account of his addressee's recent accession to the throne (5-14). He praises the emperor, who attained power unexpectedly while campaigning on the eastern frontier, for doing so without strife and bloodshed, and for leading the army out of a critical situation back to his own territory. The author mentions in passing the em peror's education (1lf) and refers to an important post he filled just before his enthronement-a post that gave him power, prepared him for rule, and gave him an opportunity to correct wrongs (5, 13). -
Pilgrimage in Graeco-Roman & Early Christian Antiquity : Seeing the Gods
9 Pilgrimage as Elite Habitus: Educated Pilgrims in Sacred Landscape During the Second Sophistic Marco Galli A Rita Zanotto Galli, con profonda amicizia e stima PATTERNS OF RELIGIOUS MEMORY AND PAIDEIA DURING THE SECOND SOPHISTIC Is it possible to reconstruct, at least in part, the suggestive and intricate frame that connected the monuments and images, the ritual actions, and the pilgrim who actively and subjectively participated as collector and observer of sacred experience? What indices permit us to trace the emotional reactions of pilgrims in contact with the sacred landscape? What mental processes and emotional reactions made the tangible objects (the monuments, the images, and the rites) into mental objects, and how did these become Wxed in the memory of the pilgrim? With these questions as guidelines, I shall argue that we can apply a contem- porary approach to the investigation of the social functions of ancient pilgrimage. For the exploration of the relationship between the religious experiences of the pilgrim and social instances of collective memory for the reconstruction and reactivation of a sacred traditional landscape, we may turn to a moment in history that provides an unusually dense 254 Marco Galli representation of the internal states of sacred experience.1 This is the period dubbed ‘The Second Sophistic’. It was a period virtually obsessed with the problem of memory, when even religious tradition, because it formed one of the most signiWcant communicative functions of collect- ive life, was subjected to fundamental revision within the process of social memory.2 Plutarch’s writings cast light on the role of memory and its interaction with religious tradition. -
Aelius Aristides As Orator-Confessor: Embodied Ethos in Second Century Healing Cults
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Masters Theses Graduate School 8-2019 Aelius Aristides as Orator-Confessor: Embodied Ethos in Second Century Healing Cults Josie Rose Portz University of Tennessee, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes Recommended Citation Portz, Josie Rose, "Aelius Aristides as Orator-Confessor: Embodied Ethos in Second Century Healing Cults. " Master's Thesis, University of Tennessee, 2019. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes/5509 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a thesis written by Josie Rose Portz entitled "Aelius Aristides as Orator-Confessor: Embodied Ethos in Second Century Healing Cults." I have examined the final electronic copy of this thesis for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree of Master of Arts, with a major in English. Janet Atwill, Major Professor We have read this thesis and recommend its acceptance: Jeffrey Ringer, Tanita Saenkhum Accepted for the Council: Dixie L. Thompson Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) AELIUS ARISTIDES AS ORATOR-CONFESSOR: EMBODIED ETHOS IN SECOND CENTURY HEALING CULTS A Thesis Presented for the Master of Arts Degree The University of Tennessee, Knoxville Josie Rose Portz August 2019 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS To my wonderful committee who has supported me these past two years in furthering my education in rhetorical studies, many thanks. -
Physiognomy in Ancient Science and Medicine
Physiognomy Mariska Leunissen The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Introduction Physiognomy(fromthelaterGreek physiognōmia ,whichisacontractionoftheclassicalform physiognōmonia )referstotheancientscienceofdeterminingsomeone’sinnatecharacteronthe basisoftheiroutward,andhenceobservable,bodilyfeatures.Forinstance,Socrates’famous snubnosewasuniversallyinterpretedbyancientphysiognomistsasaphysiognomicalsignof hisinnatelustfulness,whichheonlyovercamethroughphilosophicaltraining.Thediscipline initstechnicalformwithitsownspecializedpractitionersfirstsurfacesinGreeceinthefifth century BCE ,possiblythroughconnectionswiththeNearEast,wherebodilysignswere takenasindicatorsofsomeone’sfutureratherthanhischaracter.Theshifttocharacter perhapsarisesfromthewidespreadculturalpracticeintheancientGreekandRomanworld oftreatingsomeone’soutwardappearanceasindicativeforhispersonality,whichisalready visibleinHomer(eighthcentury BCE ).Inthe Iliad ,forinstance,adescriptionofThersites’ quarrelsomeandrepulsivecharacterisfollowedbyadescriptionofhisequallyuglybody(see Iliad 2.211–219),suggestingthatthiscorrespondencebetweenbodyandcharacterisno accident.ThersitesisthustheperfectfoilfortheGreekidealofthe kaloskagathos –theman whoisbothbeautifulandgood.Thesameholdsforthepracticeofattributingcharacter traitsassociatedwithaparticularanimalspeciestoapersonbasedonsimilaritiesintheir physique:itisfirstformalizedinphysiognomy,butwasalreadywidelyusedinanon- 1 technicalwayinancientliterature.Themostfamousexampleofthelatterisperhaps SemonidesofAmorgos’satireofwomen(fragment7 -
Livre Antard18.Indb
AnTard, 18, 2010, p. 211-224 GREEK RHETORIC AND THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE. THE BUBBLE OF THE ‘THIRD SOPHISTIC’* LIEVE VAN HOOF Rhétorique grecque et Empire romain tardif. Le mirage de la “Troisième Sophistique” Longtemps négligée, la rhétorique tardo-antique fait maintenant l’objet d’un nombre croissant d’études. Pour mieux marquer cette revalorisation, on a introduit la dénomination de “Troisième Sophistique”. Le présent article entend démontrer que ce syntagme reste problématique : faute de s’accorder sur son signifié précis, les caractéristiques qui lui sont attribuées font l’objet d’une dis- cussion constante. En particulier, le rapport entre la “Troisième Sophistique” et son prédécesseur, la Seconde Sophistique, manque de clarté. Un obstacle majeur qui a empêché de définir ce rapport est la différence d’approche que l’on constate entre les spécialistes de la littérature du Bas Empire et ceux de la littérature du Haut Empire : si la Seconde Sophistique a été longtemps interprétée – comme l’est encore trop souvent la littérature tardo-antique – comme une expression culturelle en déclin ou, du moins, privée de vitalité, les nouvelles approches méthodologiques développées au cours des deux dernières décennies en ont au contraire démontré le dynamisme et l’incidence sociale. Plutôt que de repartir du syntagme “Seconde Sophistique”, on propose une autre vision des choses : appliquées à l’Antiquité tardive, ces mêmes approches méthodologiques nous montrent pour cette époque des sophis- tes qui, loin d’avoir perdu leur prestige social au profit des professeurs de droit, des sténographes, ou des évêques, continuaient à jouer un rôle important dans la vie politique. -
The Sophistic Roman: Education and Status in Quintilian, Tacitus and Pliny Brandon F. Jones a Dissertation Submitted in Partial
The Sophistic Roman: Education and Status in Quintilian, Tacitus and Pliny Brandon F. Jones A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2015 Reading Committee: Alain Gowing, Chair Catherine Connors Alexander Hollmann Deborah Kamen Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Classics ©Copyright 2015 Brandon F. Jones University of Washington Abstract The Sophistic Roman: Education and Status in Quintilian, Tacitus and Pliny Brandon F. Jones Chair of Supervisory Commitee: Professor Alain Gowing Department of Classics This study is about the construction of identity and self-promotion of status by means of elite education during the first and second centuries CE, a cultural and historical period termed by many as the Second Sophistic. Though the Second Sophistic has traditionally been treated as a Greek cultural movement, individual Romans also viewed engagement with a past, Greek or otherwise, as a way of displaying education and authority, and, thereby, of promoting status. Readings of the work of Quintilian, Tacitus and Pliny, first- and second-century Latin prose authors, reveal a remarkable engagement with the methodologies and motivations employed by their Greek contemporaries—Dio of Prusa, Plutarch, Lucian and Philostratus, most particularly. The first two chapters of this study illustrate and explain the centrality of Greek in the Roman educational system. The final three chapters focus on Roman displays of that acquired Greek paideia in language, literature and oratory, respectively. As these chapters demonstrate, the social practices of paideia and their deployment were a multi-cultural phenomenon. Table of Contents Acknowledgements ........................................................................... 2 Introduction ....................................................................................... 4 Chapter One. -
The Second Sophistic the Second Sophistic
THE SECOND SOPHISTIC THE SECOND SOPHISTIC A Cultural Phenomenon in the Roman Empire Graham Anderson London and New York First published 1993 by Routledge 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2005. “To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge’s collection of thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk.” Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001 © 1993 Graham Anderson All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Anderson, Graham. The second sophistic: a cultural phenomenon in the Roman empire/Graham Anderson p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Rome–History–Empire, 30 B.B.–284 A.D. 2. Rome–Civilization-Greek influences. 3. Sophists (Greek philosophy) 4. Rhetoric, Ancient. I. Title DG78.A63 1993 937′07–dc20 92–47085 ISBN 0-203-97405-0 Master e-book ISBN ISBN 0-415-09988-9 (Print Edition) For Ewen Bowie Contents Preface vi List of abbreviations ix INTRODUCTION: ROMAN EMPIRE AND GREEK 1 RENAISSANCE 1 SOPHISTS IN SOCIETY 13 2 PREPARATION, -
The Hadrianic Chancellery
CHAPTER 5 Governing by Dispatching Letters: The Hadrianic Chancellery Juan Manuel Cortés-Copete In the year 142 AD, Aelius Aristides was a young sophist fulfilling his dream of making an appearance in Rome to declaim before senators and, even, the emperor himself. He wished this trip would be the start of a triumphal politi- cal activity under the auspices of one of his teachers, Herodes Atticus, friend of emperors and appointed consul at Rome within that year. Illness and mys- ticism thwarted his political vocation, but never hindering the opportunity to present in public his speech Regarding Rome.1 The encomium to the city that dominated the world was composed of two series of comparisons: the superiority of Roman domination against Greek hegemonies, brief in time and space; and the kindliness of the Empire in contrast with the kingdoms that had previously tried to subdue the world.2 After indicating the flaws of the Persian Empire, the limitations of the reign of Alexander, and the failures of Hellenistic kingdoms, the sophist praised the Roman Empire. The authentic control over the ecumene by Rome and the perfection of its political structure were its arguments. This section concluded as follows (26.33): Therefore there is no need for him [the Emperor] to wear himself out by journeying over the whole empire, nor by visiting different people at different times to confirm individual matters, whenever he enters their land. But it is very easy for him to govern the whole inhabited world by dispatching letters without moving from the spot. And the letters * This article is part of the Project “Adriano y la integración de la diversidad regional” (HAR2015- 65451-C2-1-P MINECO/FEDER), financed by the Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad, Government of Spain. -
Paradeigmata FINAL2 NEW.Pdf (1.445Mb)
PARADEIGMATA Studies in Honour of Øivind Andersen IV PAPERS AND MONOGRAPHS FROM THE NORWEGIAN INSTITUTE AT ATHENS GENERAL EDITOR: PANOS DIMAS PAPERS AND MONOGRAPHS 1. Bydén, Börje, and Katerina Ierodiakonou, 2012. The Many Faces of Byzantine Philosophy. Athens. x+243pp. ISBN 978-82-999128-1-5. MONOGRAPHS 1. Whittaker, Helène, 2004. Mycenaean Cult Buildings. A study of their architecture and function in the context of the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean. Athens and Oslo. x+338 pp. ISBN 82-91626-03-0. 2. Hauken, Tor, 1998. Petition and Response. An epigraphic study of petitions to Roman emperors 181-249. Bergen. xii+383 pp. ISBN 82-9126-08-1. 3. Schreiner, Johan Henrik, 2004. Two Battles and two Bills: Marathon and the Athenian Fleet. Oslo. 159 pp. ISBN 82-9126-30-8. PAPERS 1. The Norwegian Institute at Athens. The first five lectures. Eds. Øivind Andersen and Helène Whittaker. Athens and Bergen, 1991. 86 pp. ISBN 960-85415-0-9. 2. Greece & Gender. Eds. Britt Berggren and Nanno Marinatos. Bergen, 1995. 184 pp. ISBN 82-91626-00-6. 3. Homer’s World: Fiction, Tradition, Reality. Eds. Øivind Andersen and Matthew Dickie. Bergen, 1995. 173 pp. ISBN 82-991411-9-2. 4. The World of Ancient Magic. Eds. David R. Jordan, Hugo Montgomery and Einar Thomassen. Bergen, 1999. 335 pp. ISBN 82-91626-15-4. 5. Myth and Symbol I. Symbolic phenomena in ancient Greek culture. Ed. Synnøve des Bouvrie. Bergen, 2002. 332 pp. ISBN 82-91626-21-9. 6. Celebrations. Sanctuaries and the vestiges of cult practice. Ed. Michael Wedde. Bergen, 2004. -
Philostratus's Apollonius
PHILOSTRATUS’S APOLLONIUS: A CASE STUDY IN APOLOGETICS IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE Andrew Mark Hagstrom A thesis submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirement of the degree of Master of Arts in Religious Studies in the School of Arts and Sciences. Chapel Hill 2016 Approved by: Zlatko Pleše Bart Ehrman James Rives © 2016 Andrew Mark Hagstrom ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Andrew Mark Hagstrom: Philostratus’s Apollonius: A Case Study in Apologetics in the Roman Empire Under the direction of Zlatko Pleše My argument is that Philostratus drew on the Christian gospels and acts to construct a narrative in which Apollonius both resembled and transcended Jesus and the Apostles. In the first chapter, I review earlier scholarship on this question from the time of Eusebius of Caesarea to the present. In the second chapter, I explore the context in which Philostratus wrote the VA, focusing on the Severan dynasty, the Second Sophistic, and the struggle for cultural supremacy between Pagans and Christians. In the third chapter, I turn to the text of the VA and the Christian gospels and acts. I point out specific literary parallels, maintaining that some cannot be explained by shared genre. I also suggest that the association of the Egyptian god Proteus with both Philostratus’s Apollonius and Jesus/Christians is further evidence for regarding VA as a polemical response to the Christians. In my concluding chapter, I tie the several strands of my argument together to show how they collectively support my thesis. -
The High Imperial Period. 97Ad–267Ad
chapter 4 The High Imperial Period. 97ad–267ad 4.1 Introduction to the Period The dates I chose to begin the three previous chapters—323bc (the death of Alexander), 197bc (Battle of Kynoskephalai), 31bc (Battle of Actium)—can each be thought of as ushering in a new historical era. It might therefore seem slightly odd that I have chosen 97ad as the start date for the period covered by this chapter. In that year the Emperor Nerva died and power passed to his chosen successor Trajan. The transition was a smooth one by any standards and life all over the Empire carried on much as it had before. This might not seem a particularly momentous event in the history of Greece so the choice of date probably requires some justification. As stated in the Introduction, the dates chosen to bracket all of my chapters are to a large extent arbitrary—they conveniently produce four chapters that cover periods of roughly equal length—each around a century and a half. It is, furthermore, one of the central arguments of this book that the transformation of the agora did not match neatly to particular political events but rather proceeded at an uneven pace over a period of several centuries. Nonetheless it should be clear enough from the discussion in the previous three chapters that the development of the agora certainly was affected by the currents of historical change. The rise of the Hellenistic monarchs, the coming of Rome and the transformation of Rome from Republic to Empire all created a new cultural and political climate and affected life in the Greek polis and life on its main public spaces. -
88-100S V. Suvak
Philosophia, 46, 2016, pp. 88-100 SOCRATIC THERAPY: THE ROLE OF SOCRATES1 The therapeutic approach to reading Socratic literature of the 4th century BC is based on the assumption that the Socrates appearing in Socratic dialogues is not only a tireless inquirer (similarly to the way he appears in the early Plato) or an example of ethical behaviour, as in Xenophon’s Socratic works, but also a healer capable of healing souls2. Naturally, this therapeutic layer should not be sought in all «Socratic speeches» (ÏfiÁÔÈ ™ˆÎÚ·ÙÈÎÔ›). However, several of them make references to therapeia either directly or indirectly, associating Socrates with an ability to heal, i.e. to help himself and his associates take care of themselves. Although a major part of the contemporary interpretations of Socratic literature dating back to the 4th century BC focuses on analysing individual issues, the interpreters almost never raise the question to what extent their analytical approach to reading these texts is actually justified. They do not ask if it is at all possible to separate issues concerning justice, courage, piety, anamnesis, erotic love, education, akrasia, or others from the dialogues involving specific participants these issues are related to. If we accept the therapeutic assumption, however, analysing the issues exemplified above will not be a goal unto itself; instead, it will become part of a wider examination that we can only understand if we consider the narrative layer of the texts in question, i.e. if we allow ourselves to be more receptive of the dramatic structure of the individual dialogues3. 1. This work was supported by the Slovak Research and Development Agency under the contract No.