639 Jorah 640 org.il] ■ Slouschz, N.,” The Sea of Jaffa,” Davar (February have ascended the throne in the seventh year of Jo- 23, 1938) 2. [Available at www.jpress.nil.org.il] [Heb.] ram’s reign, and not the fifth year, as is stated in ■ “What is Troubling the World?” Davar (April 4, 1958) 24. his introduction formula. This three-to-four-year [Available at www.jpress.nil.org.il] [Heb.] discrepancy is usually accounted for by postulating Maoz Azaryahu a co-regency with his father Jehoshaphat, which is perhaps implied in the introduction formula (2 Kgs Jorah 8 : 16). The inability to accurately calculate his co- regency (if such in fact existed) results in disagree- Jorah (MT Yôrâ; LXX Ιωρα) is the head of a family ments in the dating of his reign, e.g., (852) 847– mentioned in Ezra 2 : 18 who brought one hundred 845 BCE (Begrich), (853) 848–841 BCE (Thiele) and and twelve people from Babylon to Jerusalem and 850–843 BCE (Andersen). Judah. In the parallel list in Neh 7 : 24 the name is 2. Geo-political Setting for Jehoram’s Reign. Jo- replaced by Hariph. Bergdall argues that since Jorah ram reigned over Judah in the mid-9th century means “autumn rain” and Hariph refers to “au- BCE, a formative period of the Judahite monarchy tumn,” these names should be regarded as “two during which its territory expanded from the Juda- forms of the same family name.” The name “Ha- hite hill country to the Shephelah in the west and riph” is later used again in Neh 10 : 20, when the the Beer-sheba and Arad valleys in the south (Naa- covenant of the reform was sealed. man 2013; Sergi 2013). Since the days of Joram’s Bibliography: ■ Bergdall, C. R., “Jorah,” ABD 3 (New York father, Jehoshaphat, the Davidic kings of Judah 1992) 949. were allied with the powerful Omride kings of Is- Esias Meyer rael. The Omride-Davidic alliance was sealed with See also /Hariph the marriage of Jehoram and Athaliah, an Omride princess, likely the daughter of King Omri (2 Kgs 8 : 26). Diplomatic marriages were common in ANE Jorai diplomacy, and were intended to strengthen loyalty Jorai (MT Yôray; LXX Ιωρεε) is a Gaddite and one of between kings and royal dynasties. Thus, powerful seven “clans” mentioned in 1 Chr 5 : 13. These kings in the ANE sent their daughters to the royal seven are listed as the sons of Abihail. According to courts of their vassals (or to kings inferior to them- 1 Chr 5 : 11 the sons of Gad lived next to the Reu- selves) with the expectation that they would take benites. The information in 1 Chr 5 does not corre- the position of “chief wife” and bear the royal heir. late with other lists of Gaddites found in Gen Considering the superior political and territorial 46 : 16 and Num 26 : 15–18 (Jonker: 60). status of the Omride Dynasty in the mid-9th cen- tury BCE, it seems that this was also the reason be- Bibliography: ■ Jonker, L. C., 1 & 2 Chronicles (NCB; Grand hind the marriage of Jehoram and Athaliah. Clearly Rapids, Mich. 2013). Athaliah had won the status of a chief wife in the Esias Meyer Davidic court, as her son, Ahaziah, inherited the Ju- dahite throne following the death of his father Joram (2 Kgs 8 : 26). The presence of an Omride princess in the Jerusalem court, and the fact that Ahaziah was a descendant of both the Omrides and the Davidides, 1. King of Judah allowed for the establishment of Omride hegemony Joram/Jehoram (MT Yôrām/Yĕhôrām; LXX Ιωραμ) in Judah. Omride hegemony is also reflected in the was king of Judah (r. ca. 850–843 BCE), son and fact that both the historical narrative in the book of successor of Jehoshaphat and contemporary of Jo- Kings (e.g., 1 Kgs 22 : 1–38, 45; 2 Kgs 3 : 4–27; ram and perhaps also Ahaziah, both kings of Israel. 8 : 28–29) and the Tel Dan Stele (lines 7–9) indicate According to the Deuteronomistic introduction for- that the kings of Judah addressed Omride military mula referring to his reign (2 Kgs 8 : 16–17), which needs even when this endangered their own lives. is probably based on an older source (i.e., a king 3. Joram King of Judah in the Book of Kings list), he was thirty-two years old when he took the and in History. The book of Kings is the only throne and he ruled Judah for eight years. source that mentions the reign of Joram in Judah. 1. Chronology. The synchronism given in the in- Except for the theological evaluation of his cultic troduction formula for Jehoram’s reign states that activities (2 Kgs 8 : 18–19) the short summary of his he ascended the throne in the fifth year of the reign reign (2 Kgs 8 : 16–24) only includes information re- of Joram, king of Israel (2 Kgs 8 : 16). According to garding his marriage to Athaliah (2 Kgs 8 : 18) and the synchronism given in 2 Kgs 3 : 1 Joram of Israel a report regarding his military/diplomatic efforts ascended the throne in the eighteenth year of the south and west of Judah (2 Kgs 8 : 21–22). This re- reign of Jehoshaphat, king of Judah. If so, and con- port is “chronistic” in nature – that is, it is short, sidering the fact that Jehoshaphat ruled over Judah factual and contains no theological message, and for 25 years (1 Kgs 22 : 42), Joram of Judah should thus seems to have been taken from an older chron-

Encyclopedia of the Bible and Its Reception vol. 14 Authenticated | [email protected] © Walter de Gruyter, Berlin/Boston, 2017 Download Date | 1/1/19 11:07 PM 641 Joram 642 icle detailing the deeds of the kings of Judah. contrast with the dynasties of Israel – the House of 2 Kings 8 : 20, 22a report an Edomite revolt against David survived and maintained its rule over Judah Judah, while v. 21 tells of an unsuccessful military even when its kings had sinned (Sergi 2014). The campaign that Jehoram led against the Edomites. meaning of the word nîr is disputed. It was tradi- From this it seems that before Joram’s southern tionally understood as a “lamp” (e.g., Cogan/Tad- campaign, Judah had some sort of hegemony over mor: 95), but the ancient translations of the Bible the inhabitants of the southern desert fringe who at do not always support this interpretation (Mont- some point rebelled (cf. 2 Sam 8 : 14; 1 Kgs 22 : 48). gomery: 247). Relying on Akkadian (Hanson) or However, throughout the 10th–early 9th centuries Egyptian (Görg) it was interpreted as a “yoke” or a BCE a desert polity related to copper production in “royal dominion.” These interpretations are, how- the Aravah, thrived thanks to an Egyptian presence ever, inconsistent with other instances of nîr in the (Martin/Finkelstein). It is unlikely that Judah HB, in which the term refers to cultivated land or would have been able to control the thriving desert a field (Hos 10 : 12, Jer 4 : 3, Prov 13 : 23). In light polity to its south. According to 2 Kgs 8 : 21 Joram’s of this, the most plausible suggestion is that the southern campaign failed (Montgomery: 395; meaning of nîr in the Book of Kings is land or a Würthwein: 322; Miller/Hayes: 322). The first victo- field granted to the House of David as a royal estate ries over the Edomites south of Judah are recorded (domain), thus symbolizing its rule over Judah only in the days of Amaziah (2 Kgs 14 : 7) during (Ben-Zvi). the early 8th century BCE. This information puts 5. Joram in Chronicles (2 Chr 21). The author of Joram’s southern campaign in context: it was the 1 Chr 21 takes up – albeit not word for word – the first in an ongoing effort by the Judahite kings to summary of Joram’s reign from the book of Kings push the desert dwellers south, and probably to es- (2 Kgs 8 : 16–22; 2 Chr 21 : 5–10b). He also reinfor- tablish Judahite hegemony in the region. Within ces the Deuteronomistic negative evaluation of Je- the account of the Edomite revolt there is a short horam by ascribing to him additional crimes that note on a similar conflict west of Judah, in the She- are not mentioned in Kings. First, he accuses Joram phelah (2 Kgs 8 : 22b): “Then Libnah revolted at the of having his brothers, to whom their father, Je- same time.” Libnah has been identified as Tel hoshaphat, granted riches and fortified cities, slain Burna (Uziel/Shai: 242, with further literature), lo- (2 Chr 21 : 2–4). He then goes on to argue that the cated about 8 km south-southeast of Gath. Taking unsuccessful military campaigns to Edom and Lib- the account at face value, it can be concluded that nah (recounted in 2 Kgs 8 : 21–22) were the result of Libnah, a town loyal to Jehoram, successfully re- his cultic misdeeds (2 Chr 21 : 10–11). Furthermore, belled and Joram did not regain his authority over the Chronicler cites a legendary letter by Elijah it. Given that Gath, the largest city in the western (2 Chr 21 : 12–15) in which the prophet portends Shephelah, must have controlled some of the rural that Joram will face divine punishment for his territory in its vicinity Libnah could have marked crimes against YHWH, against his brothers and the westernmost point of Judahite expansion, against his people. The fulfillment of the prophecy though according to the biblical narrative this west- can be seen in the report of bands of Philistines and ern expansion was brief. The reports on Joram’s Arabs attacking Judah and killing the king’s sons military or diplomatic efforts west and south of Ju- and wives. Joram himself died in agony from a se- dah thus reflect the expansion process of the king- vere illness (2 Chr 21 : 16–20). The entire portrayal dom during this period. Since he was married to of Jehoram in 2 Chr 21 seems to be marked by the Athaliah, his territorial ambitions must have been Chronicler’s theology regarding guilt and punish- pursued with the approval – either tacit or ex- ment, and thus it hardly contributes to the histori- plicit – of the Omrides, who continued to maintain cal reconstruction of Jehoram reign. their regional dominance. Bibliography: ■ Andersen, K. T., “Die Chronologie der Kö- 4. The Deuteronomistic Theological Evaluation nige von Israel und Juda,” ST 22 (1969) 67–112. ■ Begrich, of Joram (2 Kgs 8 : 18–19). The theological evalua- J., Die Chronologie der Könige von Israel und Juda (BHT 3; Tü- tions in the book of Kings are mostly related to the bingen 1929). ■ Ben-Zvi, E., “Once the Lamp has Been Kin- dled: A Reconsideration of the Meaning of the MT Nîr in cultic activities of the kings of Israel and Judah. The 1 Kgs. 11 : 36; 15 : 4; 2 Kgs. 8 : 19 and 2 Chr. 21 : 7,” ABR 39 evaluation given to Joram accuses him of venerating (1991) 19–30. ■ Cogan, M./H. Tadmor, II Kings (AB 11; foreign gods “like the kings of Israel” because of New York 1988). ■ Görg, M., “Ein Machtzeichen Davids his wife, Athaliah (2 Kgs 8 : 18), from the House of 1Könige XI 36,” VT 35 (1985) 363–68. ■ Hanson, P. D., Omri, which is considered in the dtr edition of “The Song of Heshbon and David’s NIR,” HTR 61 (1968) Kings as the most sinful dynasty (1 Kgs 16 : 25–26, 297–320. ■ Martin, M. A. S/I. Finkelstein, “Iron IIA Pot- 30–33). Yet, the theological evaluation also states tery from the Negev Highlands: Petrographic Investigation and Historical Implications,” TA 40 (2013) 6–45. ■ Miller, that YHWH avoided destroying Judah in the days J. M./J. H. Hayes, A History of Ancient Israel and Judah (Louis- of Jehoram only because he promised to grant a ville, Ky. 22006). ■ Montgomery, J. A., A Critical and Exegeti- “nîr” to David’s descendants (2 Kgs 8 : 19). The con- cal Commentary on the Book of Kings (ICC; Edinburgh 1951). cept of a nîr was meant to explain why – in direct ■ Naaman, N., “Three Notes on the Aramaic Inscription

Encyclopedia of the Bible and Its Reception vol. 14 Authenticated | [email protected] © Walter de Gruyter, Berlin/Boston, 2017 Download Date | 1/1/19 11:07 PM 643 Joram 644 from Tel Dan,” IEJ 50 (2000) 92–104. ■ Naaman, N., “The that the same anti-Assyrian coalition resisted Shal- Kingdom of Judah in the 9th Century BCE: Text Analysis maneser, continuously blocking his advance in cen- Versus Archaeological Research,” TA 40 (2013) 247–76. tral Syria, Israel, under the rule of Joram, probably ■ Sergi, O., “Judah’s Expansion in Historical Context,” TA maintained an important role in the coalition 40 (2013) 226–46. ■ Sergi, O., “Foreign Women and the Early Kings of Judah: Shedding Light on the Historio- throughout the 40s of the 9th century BCE (Ya- graphic Perception of the Author of Kings,” ZAW 126 (2014) mada: 164–183; Younger). Sometime after the last 193–207. ■ Thiele, E. R., The Mysterious Numbers of the He- battle between the coalition and Shalmaneser III brew Kings (Grand Rapids, Mich. 21965). ■ Uziel, J./I. Shai, (845 BCE) a dynastic crisis erupted in Damascus, “The Settlement History of Tel Burna: Results of the Surface resulting in the seizing of the Aramaean throne by Survey,” Tel Aviv 37 (2010) 227–45. ■ Würthwein, E., Die Hazael (Lipiński: 376–83) and the termination of Bücher der Könige: 1. Kön. 17–2. Kön. 25 (ATD 11/2; Göttingen the alliance between Israel and Aram-Damascus. 1984). ■ Yamada, S., The Construction of the Assyrian Empire: A Historical Study of the Inscriptions of Shalmaneser III (859–824 Consequently, in the Battle of Ramoth-gilead, B.C.) Relating to his Campaigns to the West (Culture and History fought between Israel and Aram-Damascus (842/ of the Ancient Near East 3; Leiden 2000). 841 BCE), Joram was defeated by Hazael, and Jehu, son of Nimshi, a senior officer in Joram’s army, 2. King of Israel usurped power in a bloody coup (2 Kgs 9–10; Hos 1 : 4) during which all the descendants of the Om- 1. Chronology. The absolute chronology of Joram’s ride dynasty (in Israel) were killed. Thus, By 841 reign can be quite easily determined from extra- BCE when Shalmaneser III campaigned against biblical sources. According to the Kurkh Monolith Aram-Damascus, Hamat allowed him to pass (RIMA 3: A.0.102.2) Ahab was the king of Israel in through its territory, and Israel – already under the the sixth year of Shalmaneser III’s reign (853 BCE). rule of Jehu – was subjugated to him. According to the Assyrian annals inscribed on the Black Obelisk (RIMA 3: A.0.102.14), in the 18th 3. Joram in History and in the Book of Kings. year of Shalmaneser’s reign (841 BCE), Jehu, who The block of material in 2 Kgs 1 : 17–9 : 27 is situ- usurped the Omride throne, was already reigning ated in the days of Joram. This includes the short over Israel. Since Joram ruled Israel for 12 years Deuteronomistic summary of his reign (2 Kgs 3 : 1– (2 Kgs 2 : 1), and he was preceded by Ahaziah, who 3); the prophetic story about the military campaign ruled for two years (1 Kgs 22 : 52), it seems that he led in order to suppress the revolt of Mesha, king Ahab died a short time after the Battle of Qarqar in of Moab (2 Kgs 3 : 4–27); short reports on his battle 853 BCE (Naaman 2005). If so, his son, Ahaziah, against Hazael, king of Damascus, for Ramoth- reigned until 852/851 BCE and Joram reigned dur- gilead (2 Kgs 8 : 28–29; 9 : 14–16) and the story ing most of the 840’s BCE (Thiele; Lipiński; Yam- about Jehu’s revolt, which contains the narration ada). Other suggestions do not deviate much from of Joram’s death (2 Kgs 9 : 17–27). Prophetic stories this chronology: 853 to 842 BCE (Andersen); 851 to about wars with the Aramaeans (2 Kgs 6 : 8–7 : 20), 845 BCE (Begrich). together with other prophetic narratives that were 2. Geo-political Setting for Joram’s Reign. Joram ascribed by the editors of Kings to the days of Joram was the last king of the Omride dynasty. Under (2 Kgs 2; 4–5; 6 : 1–7; 8 : 7–15) hardly reflect the po- Omride rule Israel controlled vast territories and litical reality of the time. It has therefore been sug- important trade routes, exerted regional hegemony gested that these should be ascribed to the reign of in both cis- and trans-Jordan, and played a promi- Jehu, or even later, as part of the compositions nent role in the international arena (Miller/Hayes: added to the book of Kings during a secondary re- 284–327; Finkelstein: 83–118). During Joram’s daction. Joram is also mentioned in an extra-bibli- reign Israel was part of an alliance of central and cal source – the Tel Dan Stele, commonly ascribed southern Syrian kingdoms that was formed in an to Hazael, king of Aram-Damascus (Biran/Naveh). attempt to resist Shalmaneser III, king of Assyria According to the prophetic story in 2 Kgs 3 : 4– (859–826 BCE), who led military campaigns west of 27, Joram, together with Joshaphat, king of Judah, the Euphrates and who subjugated the Syro-Hittite and the king of Edom, led an unsuccessful military kingdoms. The alliance managed to block Shalma- campaign to suppress Mesha’s rebellion in Moab. neser’s advance in central Syria in 853, 849, 848 and This story is complex on both the literary and theo- 845 BCE. According to the Assyrian annals (RIMA logical level, and there is hardly any consensus re- 3: A.0.102.2) the three kings who contributed the garding the extent and the content of its source main body of the fighting forces in the Battle of (e.g., Schmitt: 32–34; Naaman 2007; Gass). Consid- Qarqar in 853 BCE were Hadadezer, king of Aram- ering this problem, it is very hard to use the narra- Damascus, Irhuleni, king of Hamat and Ahab, king tive for historical reconstruction. It has often been of Israel. The Assyrian annals documenting the suggested that Joram or Jehoshaphat (or both) were western campaigns of 849, 848 and 845 BCE men- only introduced to the story in a secondary redac- tion Hadadezer and Irhulani along with twelve tion. The literary arguments for such conclusions other kings, whose identities are not elaborated on are highly disputed. The basic setting of the pro- (RIMA 3: A.0.102.6, 8, 10, 14, 16). Since it seems phetic story (that Moab was subjugated to the Om-

Encyclopedia of the Bible and Its Reception vol. 14 Authenticated | [email protected] © Walter de Gruyter, Berlin/Boston, 2017 Download Date | 1/1/19 11:07 PM 645 Joram 646 rides until Mesha cast off their yoke) is confirmed events it depicts and which are written on a high by the Mesha Inscription, and thus there is little literary level (Naaman 2000). reason to doubt the historicity of the political con- 4. The Deuteronomistic Theological Evaluation text of the battle. From a historical point of view, of Joram. Like all the other kings of Israel, the Joram was engaged in the effort to block Shalmane- Deuteronomists accused Joram of “not doing right ser III’s advance in central Syria at least three times in the eyes of YHWH” because he maintained the in the years 849–845 BCE and immediately after- sins of Jeroboam (2 Kgs 3 : 2–3), who erected the cult wards his alliance with the powerful kingdom of places in Dan and Bethel (1 Kgs 12 : 26–30). Yet, the Aram-Damascus came to an end, marking a change theological evaluation of Joram includes an impor- in the balance of power in the southern Levant. tant reservation – he was not considered as bad as Such a geo-political climate was enough to enable his father (Ahab) and his mother (Jezebel), since he Mesha’s revolt. As for Jehoshaphat, it is indeed removed the cultic pillar of Baal (2 Kgs 3 : 2). This questionable whether he actually could have taken reservation should not be taken as evidence of any part in this campaign, as his reign seems to have major cultic or religious change in the days of Jo- preceded Mesha’s rebellion (Timm: 171–80; Würth- ram however. It seems that it was meant to imply wein: 284–85). However, evidence exists that Ahaz- that the demise of the Omride dynasty during Jo- iah, king of Judah, at least joined Joram in the bat- ram’s reign was not only the result of his own sins tle for Ramoth-gilead, and it is safe to assume that but of the accumulated cultic sins of his family (cf. he or his father (Jehoram) also joined Joram in his 1 Kgs 16 : 25–26, 30–33; 21 : 21–26). A similar con- attempt to quell Mesha’s rebellion. This conclusion cept is seen in the theological evaluation of the last is further supported by the family ties between the king of Israel in 2 Kgs 17 : 2. Davidic and Omride kings (Athaliah, the Omride 5. Joram in the Book of Chronicles. The Chroni- princess was the wife of Jehoram, king of Judah, and cler is only interested in the Judahite king, so that the mother of his son and successor, Ahaziah.) Joram of Israel serves only as background. The The battle of Ramoth-gilead, which brought Jo- Chronicles only gives the summary of Ahaziah’s ram’s reign to an end, also marks the fall of the reign from the book of Kings, where Joram is men- Omride Dynasty and a shift in power balance in the tioned in the context of the battle of Ramoth-gilead southern Levant. It is mentioned in the summary (2 Kgs 8 : 28–29; 2 Chr 22 : 5–6). of Ahaziah’s reign (2 Kgs 8 : 28–29) and as the back- ground to the story of Jehu’s revolt (2 Kgs 9 : 14– Bibliography: ■ Andersen, K. T., “Die Chronologie der Kö- 16). The results of the battle are depicted in both nige von Israel und Juda,” ST 22 (1969) 67–112. ■ Begrich, texts in a similar manner, with almost identical J., Die Chronologie der Könige von Israel und Juda (BHT 3; Tü- bingen 1929). ■ Biran, A./J. Naveh, “An Aramaic Stele narration (2 Kgs. 8 : 28, 9 : 15a, 16a) – Joram was Fragment from Tel Dan,” IEJ 43 (1993) 81–98. ■ Biran, A./J. wounded in the battle and retreated to Jezreel, Naveh, “The Tel Dan Inscription: A New Fragment,” IEJ 45 where he met Ahaziah, king of Judah. However, the (1995) 1–21. ■ Finkelstein, I., The Forgotten Kingdom: The battle’s circumstances are presented in a contradic- Archaeology and History of Northern Israel (Ancient Near Eastern tory manner. According to the story about Jehu’s Monographs 5; Atlanta, Ga. 2013). ■ Gass, E., “Topogra- revolt, only Joram confronted Hazael, who attacked phical Consideration and Redaction Criticism of 2 Kings 3,” Ramoth-gilead (2 Kgs 9 : 14b), while according to JBL 128 (2009) 65–84. ■ Lipiński, E., An Assyro-Israelite Alli- the note in the summary of Ahaziah’s reign, Joram ance in 842/841 BCE? Proceedings of the Sixth World Congress of Jewish Studies, vol. 1 (Jerusalem 1977).[Esp. 273–78] ■ Mil- was the one who attacked Ramoth-gilead, and he ler, J. M./J. H. Hayes, A History of Ancient Israel and Judah (Lou- was joined by Ahaziah (2 Kgs 8 : 28). The Tel Dan isville, Ky. 22006). ■ Montgomery, J. A., A Critical and Exe- Stele corresponds with the version in 2 Kgs 8 : 28, getical Commentary on the Book of Kings (ICC; Edinburgh 1951). and relates that Joram, together with Ahaziah, king ■ Naaman, N., “Three Notes on the Aramaic Inscription of Judah, were the aggressors who attacked the from Tel Dan,” IEJ 50 (2000) 92–104. ■ Naaman, N., “Was King of Aram-Damascus (Robker: 265, 285–291). Ahab Killed by an Assyrian Arrow in the Battle of Qarqar?” ■  Joram’s defeat in the battle of Ramoth-gilead UF 37 (2005) 461–74. Na aman, N., “Royal Inscription was the immediate catalyst for Jehu’s revolt. Ac- Versus Prophetic Story: Mesha’s Rebellion Accordingto Bib- lical and Moabite Historiography,” in Ahab Agonistes: The Rise cording to 2 Kgs 9, Joram was wounded in the bat- and Fall of the OmriDynasty (ed. L. L. Grabbe; London 2007) tle and returned to Jezreel. In his absence, Jehu, one 145–83. ■ Robker, J. M., The Jehu Revolution: A Royal Tradi- of the leading army commanders, was proclaimed tion of the Northern Kingdom and Its Ramifications (BZAW 435; King, and soon after headed back to Jezreel, where Berlin 2012). ■ Schmitt, H. C., Elisa: Traditionsgeschichtliche he killed Joram, his mother Jezebel, and Ahaziah, Untersuchungen zur Vorklassischen Nordisraelitischen Prophetie the king of Judah. According to the Tel Dan Stele, (Gütersloh 1972). ■ Thiele, E. R., The Mysterious Numbers of 2 however, Hazael credits himself with the death of the Hebrew Kings (Grand Rapids, Mich. 1965). ■ Timm, S., Joram and Ahaziah, probably in the battlefield at Die Dynastie Omri (FRLANT 124; Göttingen 1982). ■ Würthwein, E., Die Bücher der Könige: 1. Kön. 17–2. Kön. 25 Ramoth-gilead. This version of events has more cre- (ATD 11/2; Göttingen 1984). ■ Yamada, S., The Construction dence than the version in Kings, as contemporane- of the Assyrian Empire: A Historical Study of the Inscriptions of ous inscriptions should be considered more reliable Shalmaneser III (859–824 B.C.) Relating to his Campaigns to the than a prophetic story that was composed after the West (Culture and History of the Ancient Near East 3; Leiden

Encyclopedia of the Bible and Its Reception vol. 14 Authenticated | [email protected] © Walter de Gruyter, Berlin/Boston, 2017 Download Date | 1/1/19 11:07 PM 647 Jordan River 648

2000). ■ Younger, K. L., “Neo Assyrian and Israelite His- Jordan River tory in the 9th Century: The Role of Shalmaneser III,” in Understanding the History of Ancient Israel (ed. H. G. M. Willi- I. Hebrew Bible/Old Testament amson; PBA 143; Oxford 2007) 243–77. II. New Testament III. Judaism 3. A Levite IV. Christianity V. Literature Joram is a member of the house of Amram and de- VI. Visual Arts scendant of Moses’ son Eliezer (2 Chr 26 : 25, cf. VII. Music 2 Chr 23 : 6–24). He appears in a list of Levites serv- VIII. Film ing in the temple. The list is ascribed to the time of David, though it more likely reflects the temple I. Hebrew Bible/Old Testament administration from Persian period Jerusalem. The headwaters of the Jordan River (MT Yardēn; LXX Ιρδ νης) lie at the foot of Mount Hermon. 4. A Priest They flow through the Huleh Valley before entering According to the Chronicler, Joram was a priest the Sea of Galilee. The Jordan flows southward from the time of Jehoshaphat, king of Judah (2 Chr from there, winding torturously on its journey to 17 : 8). He was sent by the king together with an- the Dead Sea, into which its waters empty. The river other priest, eight Levites and five officials to in- is a political boundary in modern times; it seems to struct the book of the law of God. The historicity of have occasionally been a tribal and political bound- this text is questioned, as it expresses the Chroni- ary in antiquity as well. According to the biblical cler’s theological concepts regarding the loyalty of record, the river could pose difficulties to commerce king Jehoshaphat to the Yahwistic cult. and travel, especially when at flood stage. The Bibliography: ■ Klein, R. W., 2 Chronicles (Hermeneia; Min- river’s status as a political and economic boundary neapolis, Minn. 2012). in antiquity, although not impassable, led to its uniquely symbolic position in the text of the 5. Son of Toi HB/OT. Joram was the son of Toi, king of Hamat (2 Sam 1. Name and Derivation. The linguistic origin of 8 : 10). After David’s victory over the Aramaean the Jordan River’s name has been heavily debated, king, Hadadezer of Zoba, who according to v. 10 in large part because of the varying forms in which was at war with Toi, Toi sent his son, Joram, to it was preserved in antiquity. The name is yardēn bring tribute to David (2 Sam 8 : 9–12). This verse (<*yardin) in Biblical and Modern Hebrew (see also has often been taken as evidence that David subju- yardĕnā in Aramaic [e.g., TO Gen 13 : 10–11]), gated the Kingdom of Hamat, located in central but Ιρδ νης (<*yurdān) in Greek texts (see ywrdn Syria. Yet, the entire account of David’s wars with in the Aramaic of TPss [e.g., 42 : 7]), and Urdunn Israel’s neighbours in 2 Sam 8 reflects the geo-po- (< /yurdun/?) or Urdan (< /yurdān/?) in modern Arabic litical reality of a much later period (Naaman). The (Thompson: 954; Hommel: 169). The river is named parallel version of this story in 2 Chr calls the Ara- in an Egyptian text of the 19th Dynasty (13th cent. maean prince Hadoram instead of Joram (1 Chr BCE) as pzḫd n yrdwnz “the river (of) Jordan” (p. Anas- 18 : 10). This is because, given the fact that the chief tasi 1: 22-8-23.1, for which see Gardiner: 68; = Aramaean deity was Hadad, the Chronicler likely ANET, 477; see also Ahituv: 123). Albright rendered felt that this theophoric was more fitting of an Ara- this spelling syllabically as Ya-ar-du-na (1934: 36, maean prince than a Yahwistic name. iv.6; 1968: 111–12, esp. n. 5). He considered this Bibliography: ■ Naaman, N., “In Search of Reality Behind orthography to betray the name’s West Semitic ori- the Account of David’s Wars with Israel’s Neighbours,” IEJ gin (which he esteemed to show the development 52 (2002) 200–24. ■ Stolz, F., Das erste und zweite Buch Sam- *yurdān >*yurdōn [Canaanite shift] > /yardōn/ [dis- uel (ZBK.AT 9; Zurich 1981). similation of u-u vowels]). The name is also com- monly identified with entry 150 (jwrwdn)inthe 6. Brother of Tibni Bubastite Portal list of Sheshonq (22nd Dynasty, Joram is the Brother of Tibni, the individual who 10th cent. BCE; see Ritner: 208, 210). Albright con- was Omri’s rival in the struggle for the throne of sidered yardēn to be an “Aramaizing development Israel (1 Kgs 16 : 21–22). The phrase “Joram, his from Canaanite-Hebrew” (1968: 111n.5). brother” does not appear in the MT version of Some have argued for a Semitic derivation of Kings; it is to be found only in the LXX version, but the name, citing either the verbal root y–r–d, “to since the origin of this additional phrase in LXX descend,” or the common noun yĕ ōr, “river,” fol- cannot be explained, a strong claim is made for its lowed by the element dān (purportedly incorporat- originality. ing the name of the city at the river’s headwaters). Bibliography: ■ Würthwein, E., Die Bücher der Könige: 1 Kö- This etymology is typically credited to Jerome (e.g., nige 1–16 (ATD 11/1; Göttingen 1977). Hommel: 169), and was preserved by several Medie- Omer Sergi val and Renaissance cartographic representations

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