MARGIN SPEAK

of caste identity and widened his appeal Bhima–Koregaon to workers and peasants that subsumed under the Independent Labour Myth, Metaphor and Meta-mission Party. The fact that before and even after that, Bhima–Koregaon was forgot- ten until the 1990s when Dalits began Anand Teltumbde congregating there, speaks volumes about the Dalits’ reading of it and the apolo- oon after the “Elgar Conference” exact opposite in the above-mentioned getic theorisations of scholars. at Pune on 31 December 2017, article: “To see historical facts through Ambedkar, for whom there was not Sorganised jointly by Dalits, Other the spectacles of a non-existent nation is even a small structure built at the place Backward Classes (OBCs), Muslims, and equally condemnable.” In terms of the he was cremated until his son erected organisations, presided over by facts cited, there was nothing disputable the existing stupa in 1967 or for whom Justice P B Sawant to commemorate the but when passion runs high reason does Dalits had to perform a massive jail bharo 200th anniversary of the Bhima–Koregaon not count. (court arrest) in 1965 to demand inter battle, I wrote a piece for the Wire alia his picture to be put up in Parlia- (Teltumbde 2018). The conference, of Truth behind Myths ment hall, became an important icon in which I was one of the conveners, was There is no dispute that the obelisk the late 1960s. The causal linkage for it directed against the reactionary anti- standing at Bhima–Koregaon marks the is not diffi cult to seek. Electoral politics people policies of the present Hindutva valour of soldiers or even further, became increasingly competitive with dispensation in power. Despite vigorous that it was largely the Dalit soldiers who the rise of regional parties of the rural canvassing over a month, I was told only won the British their empire.2 In each of rich, created from among the most pop- 30–35 people participated in the long the numerous battles that the British ulous Shudra castes by the postcolonial marches taken out from Nagpur, Shirur, East India Company fought, symboli- political economy. Ambedkar was skill- and Mumbai to Shaniwar Wada, the cally bracketed by the fi rst one at Plassey fully iconised by the ruling classes to venue of the conference. Why such few in 1757 to the last at Bhima–Koregaon in woo Dalits, who nostalgically idolised numbers in the long march whereas 1818, Dalit soldiers played an over- him in the wake of the debacles in their lakhs would be turning up on 1 January whelmingly large role in winning them. movements. Chaitya Bhoomi, his crema- at Bhima–Koregaon? It was depressing When the ungrateful British stopped tion place, where until the late 1960s to see that the conference meant to pre- recruitment of Dalits in 1892 on the pre- only a few hundred people, including his pare people to fi ght against “new Pesh- text that they were not a martial race, family members, paid homage on 6 wai” would only end up adding a few it provoked agitation among them to December, the congregation today goes lakhs to the already swelling crowds demand its restoration. It was led by beyond 2 million. The growing congre- around the obelisk at Bhima–Koregaon. the pioneers of the Dalit movement— gations to commemorate Ambedkar at an It is only due to its association with Gopal Baba Walangkar, Shivram Janba increasing number of memorials (esti- B R Ambedkar that Bhima–Koregaon Kamble, and among them Ramji Maloji mated at over 5 million every year con- and other such places had been attract- Sakpal, father of B R Ambedkar—who suming `500 crore, which over the years ing even greater crowds of Dalits with rightly used the testimony of the Kore- could have provided several universities each passing year. gaon obelisk for their claim of being a for Dalits!) are just the manifestation of The article genereated extreme reac- martial race. identity obsession whipped up by the tions, both positive and negative; positive But to insinuate that the Koregaon contemporary political dynamics. from the progressive who’s who across battle was won by the to avenge the country, and negative (mostly angry their humiliation by the Peshwas is a Metaphor of Peshwai and abusive) from Dalits and Hindutva myth. Ambedkar visited the obelisk for Annual mass congregations at Bhima– bigots. The Dalits typically picked up the the fi rst time on 1 January 1927, 119 years Koregaon have been taking place since “myth” part of it,1 distorting it to their after the war was fought and won, and the 1990s, without any untoward incident. hearts’ content and insinuating that it reportedly many times thereafter. He used So what changed this year? The answer was against Ambedkar. Even scholars it to inspire the Mahars to fi ght against lies in the call given against “new Peshwai” like Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd (2018) Brahminism, as their ancestors did by the forces that refl ected the coming jumped on this bandwagon in distorting while fi ghting against Peshwai.3 In the together of Dalits, Muslims, OBCs and what I wrote: “Anand Teltumbde … who Conference, 1927, he urged Dalits Marathas. In , it could be believed that the Mahar soldiers did to educate their children by telling them quite a threatening development to the not die for the nationalist cause … ” how their ancestors were learned people. ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), whereas I had elaborately written the Thereafter, he realised the limitations particularly in the wake of elections

10 FEBRUARY 3, 2018 vol lIII no 5 EPW Economic & Political Weekly MARGIN SPEAK looming. The Maratha agitation that harmful than Mussolini’s Italy or Hitler’s formidable structural barriers created gripped the state last year was politically Germany. Needless to say, it is going to by the postcolonial ruling classes in the confused because although it was seeded be dangerous to Dalits, as they are the constitution that they hold sacrosanct. by a particular party, it could not prevent real “other” for Hindutva forces. This complex cobweb of caste and class its benefi ts from drifting to rival parties can only be destroyed by the united strug- and so also the alienation of the Dalits Meta-mission of Dalits gle of people on the basis of class identity. and the OBCs. Marathas decided to Unfortunately for Dalits, fascism and To those who smell blasphemy in this befriend Dalits to target the Brahminical imperialism are alien terms—communist proposition, may I just cite Ambedkar’s BJP in power. It is to break this incipient jargons. Their meta-mission is fi ghting own words: unity that the Hindutva forces unleashed caste oppression. But what is the nature No great man really does his work by crip- their agent provocateurs in Sambhaji of this fi ght: reverse the scale or annihilate pling his disciple, by forcing on them his Bhide and Milind Ekbote to instigate the caste altogether? The identity mongering maxims or his conclusions. What a great Marathas against the Dalits using the appears to indicate the former, that the man does is not to impose his maxims on his issue of the Sambhaji Memorial in a Dalits seek to gain a dominant position à la disciples … There is no ingratitude in the disciple not accepting the maxims or the nearby village of Vadu Budruk. They ruling community, as Ambedkar once conclusions of his master. For even when he fabricated history that it was not Govind said, within the caste structure. The rejects them, he is bound to acknowledge to Mahar but a Maratha family, who per- problem with this proposition, however, his master in deep reverence “You awakened formed the last rites over the body of is that it betrays ignorance of the very me to be myself : for that I thank you.” The Sambhaji. On 28 December 2017, they character of caste identity, that is hierarchy. ma ster is not entitled to less. The disciple is not bound to give more.4 damaged the memorial of Govind Mahar, It drives caste to split like amoeba. The gave a call of a bandh in surrounding proof of it is that the aspirational category villages, planned for the attack on Dalits of “Dalits” constructed by Ambedkar Anand Teltumbde ([email protected]) is a writer and civil rights activist with the and executed it on 1 January 2018. The could not hold Dalit castes together and Committee for the Protection of Democratic complicity of the state apparatus was prevent their splintering . Nothing that is Rights, Mumbai. naked. Despite the fi rst information based on caste identity could forge report against the culprits under the a larger unity of people. The dream of Notes Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes becoming a ruling community may 1 Their contention arising from the following sentence in the article, “But when Babasaheb (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 and inspire a section of upwardly mobile Ambedkar painted the Battle of Bhima worldwide outrage against state inac- Dalits, but it will stay a chimera. Koregaon as the battle of Mahar soldiers against their caste oppression in Peshwa rule, tion, the state refused to arrest the The real goal for the Dalits, nay, for he was creating a pure myth.” architects of the violence and instead the country must be the annihilation of 2 Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, Gov- ernment of Maharashtra, Mumbai, Vol 12, p 88. rounded up thousands of Dalit youth all caste, articulated by Ambedkar himself. 3 Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, over the state for participating in the He went along his diagnosis that caste Government of Maharashtra, Mumbai, Vol 17, peaceful bandh observed on 3 January was sourced from the dharmashastra Part 1, p 307. 4 Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches, Gov- 2018 in protest against the attack. stream of Hindu religion and since ernment of Maharashtra, Mumbai, Vol 1, p 240. Peshwai, a metaphor for reactionary, Hindus would never be prepared to Brahminical rule, whose oppressiveness destroy these dharmashastras, decided References is infamously described by an earthen to renounce Hindu religion and embrace Russell, R V (1916): The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India, Vol 4, London: pot round the neck of a Mahar to hold Buddhism. The effi cacy of this solution Macmillan & Co, http://www.gutenberg.org/ his spittle, and a thorny branch tied to apart, it must be realised that Dalits fi les/20668/20668-h/20668-h.htm. Shepherd, Kancha Ilaiah (2018): “Why the Mahar his behind to brush out his footsteps alone can never annihilate caste. Also, Soldier Was the First Freedom Seeker in 1818,” (Russell 1916). The new Peshwai serves castes today are not the classical castes, Wire, 17 January, https://thewire.in/213987/ as a metaphor for the current Hindutva as refl ected in Ambedkar’s consideration understanding-mahar-soldier-bhima-koregaon/. Teltumbde, Anand (2018): “The Myth of Bhima dispensation. It is not to be seen only but are thoroughly mixed with class, Koregaon Reinforces the Identities It Seeks to through the specs of castes and equated which is a dominant category in the con- Transcend,” Wire, 2 January, https://thewire. in/209824/myth-bhima-koregaon-reinforces- to its old version. It is far more insidious temporary world. Moreover, there are identities-seeks-transcend/. than that because of its expanse and fas- cist potentialities. The quibbling of left Obituaries intellectuals over its fascistness notwith- standing, it will prove worse than the The EPW has started a section, “Obituaries”, which will note the passing of teachers and infamous fascist regimes of 1920s–1930s researchers in the social sciences and humanities, and social activists who have Europe. Its hydra-headed organisation, contributed to a just society. ideology of Brahminism (world’s oldest The announcements will be in the nature of short notices about the work and careers of anti-egalitarian ideology), backing of those who have passed away. global capital, and congenial political Readers could send brief obituaries to [email protected]. conditions, make it potentially far more

Economic & Political Weekly EPW FEBRUARY 3, 2018 vol lIII no 5 11