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Jews, Christians and Muslims in Medieval and Early Modern Times

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Jews, Christians and Muslims in Medieval and Early Modern Times Jews, Christians and Muslims in Medieval and Early Modern Times A Festschrift in Honor of Mark R. Cohen Edited by Arnold E. Franklin Roxani Eleni Margariti Marina Rustow Uriel Simonsohn LEIDEN | BOSTON Poor Relief in Ottoman Jewish Communities Yaron Ayalon In Judaism, charity (ṣedaqa) took on many forms. Supplying funds, food, and services, or forming organizations and institutions to support those in need were considered acts of beneficence. The Talmud distinguishes between ṣedaqa and another form of charitable giving, gemilut ḥasadim (literally, bestowal of loving kindness). While ṣedaqa applied to giving money or assets to the living poor, gemilut ḥasadim referred to any type of contribution (in cash, kind, or time invested) to all people, including the dead.1 Differences between the two types of charity, however, had blurred from Talmudic times; by the Ottoman period almost any form of voluntary giving, among individuals or between communities and individuals, was perceived as a charitable act.2 Charity was first and foremost a duty Jews had to fulfill. Maimonides (d. 1204) and later scholars presented ṣedaqa as a commandment one had to follow conscientiously, as failing to give might lead to the death of those who depended on it.3 In principle any Jew, rich or poor, was expected to give ṣedaqa, even recipients of charity.4 Certain social categories, such as orphans and the utterly destitute, whose giving would jeopardize their own sustenance, were exempt, but were still allowed to contribute if they so wished.5 The rates of charity were set in Talmudic times to be no greater than one fifth (ḥomesh) of one’s assets or income, and no less than a third of a shekel a year.6 Beyond the basic obligation, giving ṣedaqa was considered one of the most reward- ing miṣvot: those who made charitable contributions would be blessed with wealth, children, and repute in this world and the hereafter. Ṣedaqa was also 1 bSuk 49b. 2 Avraham Moshe, Sefer ahavat ṣedaqa: Hilkhot ṣedaqa u-maʿaser kesafim (Jerusalem: Yad Mikhal, 2008), 27. 3 Maimonides, Mishneh Torah, Matnot ʿAniyyim, 10:1; Yaʿaqov b. Asher, Arbaʿa ṭurim (Ṭur) and Yosef Karo, Shulḥan ʿArukh (Shulḥan), Yore Deʿa, 247:1. 4 Maimonides, Mishneh Torah, 7:5; Yaʿaqov b. Asher, Ṭur and Karo, Shulḥan, 248:1. 5 Moshe, Sefer ahavat ṣedaqa, 62–63, 79–83. 6 Maimonides elaborated on the three levels of giving: twenty percent was considered the true fulfillment of the idea of charity (miṣva min ha-muvḥar), ten percent was “medium” (beinoni), and giving less than that was an “evil eye” (ʿayin raʿa) meaning there was no sincere intention to give. Whoever gave less than a third of a shekel a year (shelishit ha-sheqel be-shana) was not considered to have fulfilled the miṣva (Maimonides, Mishneh Torah, Matnot ʿAniyyim, 7:4). See also yPeah 2b; bKet 50a and bBB 9a; Yaʿaqov b. Asher, Ṭur and Karo, Shulḥan, 249:1–2. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���4 | doi ��.��63/9789004�67848_��7 68 ayalon a remedy for illness and a way to atone for one’s sins.7 It could therefore also be given voluntarily, in excess of the required minimum or the recommended one-fifth ceiling.8 This essay explores Jewish communal charity in the pre-nineteenth cen- tury Ottoman Empire and shows its resemblance to practices that had existed among Jews during the classical Geniza period. Using the communities of Damascus and Aleppo as a primary case study, it divides Jewish charitable giving into three main spheres: public, semi-private, and private. The first included ordinary giving of money, food, and other items directly to funds the community administered. Officials appointed by each congregation were responsible for receiving and distributing charitable assets. Semi-private char- ity referred to forms of giving the community encouraged and often helped in facilitating, yet did not fund or administer directly. Caring for orphans or widows and supporting initiatives to redeem captives fell under this category. All other charitable activities were considered private: they were performed without intermediaries, away from public attention, and were almost never recorded. Examining the three levels of charity, this study argues that an array of interests and loyalties, and not formal obligations instituted by communi- ties, stimulated Ottoman Jews to participate in communal charity. Public Charity Jewish communal charitable institutions had existed at least since the time of the Mishnah. The Tosefta spoke of two separate institutions: an alms box or bas- ket (kuppa, pl. kuppot) and an alms tray or soup kitchen (tamḥui). The kuppa, made up of cash gifts, was intended for the local poor; the tamḥui, consisting of food, supported wayfarers and the poor of other cities. Originally, donations for the kuppa were collected once a week, and those for the tamḥui daily.9 This structure was outlined in the Jerusalem Talmud, and later in the Babylonian Talmud, and it is somewhat unclear whether it reflected actual practice or the wish of rabbis. By the time Maimonides was writing his Mishneh Torah a few centuries later, the distinction between kuppa and tamḥui had seemingly blurred, and the two had been consolidated into a single institution.10 We do 7 Moshe, Sefer ahavat ṣedaqa, 30–35, 83. 8 The rule guiding voluntary ṣedaqa was that one would not be risking his own sustenance by giving to others (ibid., 117–21). 9 mDemai 3:1; tPeah 4:9; yPeah 36b; bBB 8a–8b. 10 Mark Cohen, Poverty and Charity in the Jewish Community of Medieval Egypt (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005), 204–11; what Cohen inferred for medieval Cairo, Rabbi poor relief in ottoman jewish communities 69 not know for how long after Maimonides communal charity continued to be administered this way, but by the sixteenth century most communities had a general charity alms box (kuppa shel ṣedaqa) and charity officers (gabbai, pl. gabba ʾim) who distributed aid to specific charitable causes.11 In eighteenth-century Ottoman Aleppo, charity was administered through five separate units, collectively known as the kuppa shel ṣedaqa.12 Rabbis occa- sionally mentioned the terms kuppa and tamḥui, but it seems they were refer- ring to the collection and distribution of charity in general, not to a particular institution. Most likely, money and food were collected from the community as kuppa or tamḥui, and then allocated by the gabba ʾim to the five alms boxes, or to other needs as they saw fit. Such a structure apparently existed in other Jewish communities in the Ottoman Empire, as well as in Europe.13 In distributing funds from the kuppot, the gabba ʾim followed certain guidelines that determined who should be given alms and by what priority. These were first elaborated by Maimonides, and then complemented by later Sephardi scholars. Thus the hungry preceded the naked, women had priority over men, and the learned or Torah scholars took precedence over ordinary Jews. Captives who had to be redeemed would come before all of the above. Yaʿaqov b. Asher of Toledo (d. 1340) said explicitly: “Some argue that all those mea- surements [which determine who is eligible for charity] were only valid for their days, when they had kuppa and tamḥui and they would distribute the tithe for the poor every year . but now that all of these no longer exist, one may take enough to enable him to make a living” (Yaʿaqov b. Asher, Ṭur, Yore, 253:2). 11 Yosef Karo, Bet Yosef, Yore, 256:1–4. 12 The five were: the “Torah study” box (talmud torah), which supported those who stud- ied Torah full time and the education of children from poor families; the “visiting of the sick” (bikkur ḥolim) fund, which supported the community’s sick who had no one to care for them; the “hospitality” (hakhnasat orḥim) box that helped visitors and wayfarers; the “bestowal of loving kindness” (gemilut ḥasadim) fund, which assisted the poor in general and paid for burial expenses of indigents; and the “house maintenance” (bedeq ha-bayit) box, which made possible the upkeep of the synagogue building. See Raphaʾel Shelomo Laniado, Bet dino shel Shelomo: sheʾelot u-teshuvot be-arbaʿa ḥelqei shulḥan ʿarukh (Jerusalem: Mekhon ha-Ktav, 1981), 112–13. 13 For the Ottoman Empire, see Yaron Ben-Naʾeh, “Poverty, Paupers, and Poor Relief in Ottoman Jewish Society” [Hebrew], Sefunot 23 (2003): 230–32; Minna Rozen, The Jewish Community of Jerusalem in the Seventeenth Century [Hebrew] (Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University, 1984), 167–74. For the Jews of Berlin: Steven Lowenstein, The Berlin Jewish Community: Enlightenment, Family, and Crisis, 1770–1830 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), 64–65. For Livorno: Renzo Toaff, La nazione ebrea a Livorno e a Pisa (1591–1700) (Florence: L. S. Olschki, 1990), 75–82, 253–58. For elsewhere in Europe: Salo Wittmayer Baron, The Jewish Community: Its History and Structure to the American Revolution (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1942), 2:320–25. 70 ayalon In addition, when considering potential recipients of alms from the kuppa, the officers were to measure assets against needs, and deny support to those with rich relatives. How indigent one had to be to merit communal support changed over time, most rabbis agreed, but the basic principles remained the same from Maimonides’ time to the eighteenth century.14 Charitable institutions were supported primarily by daily or weekly contri- butions to the kuppa shel ṣedaqa. Little is known about specific occasions that would induce giving to the alms box, or the procedure of giving. The rabbis were conspicuously silent about it, and only one, Shelomo Laniado of Aleppo, explained that “for three kuppot money is collected at the synagogue, and they are: talmud torah, bikkur ḥolim, and hakhnasat orḥim.”15 Jews were expected to give at the synagogue on Fridays, holidays, or when going up to the Torah to offer a blessing, usually during a family celebration.
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