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N. Tanner the Nuclear Family in Minangkabau Matriliny: the Mirror of Disputes

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N. Tanner the Nuclear Family in Minangkabau Matriliny: the Mirror of Disputes N. Tanner The nuclear family in Minangkabau matriliny: the mirror of disputes In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 138 (1982), no: 1, Leiden, 129-151 This PDF-file was downloaded from http://www.kitlv-journals.nl Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 03:05:55PM via free access NANCY MAKEPEACE TANNER THE NUCLEAR FAMILY IN MINANGKABAU MATRILINY: THE MIRROR OF DISPUTES Introduction Many disputes among the matrilineal Islamic Minangkabau of West Sumatra, Indonesia, are among kinfolk — preeminently among matri- lineal kin, then among kin related by marriage.1 In the latter instance a dispute often initiates between a woman and her husband, then expands outwards to include wider and wider circles of kin — of both her and his matrilineal kin groups. Information on Minangkabau disputes can shed light on both the dynamics of kin interaction in Minangkabau society and on some aspects of change, but only in the context of Minangkabau ethnography and history (Tanner 1976). In- deed, simply to understand the disputes themselves — let alone use disputes as a key to comprehend patterns of social and cultural change — is a major endeavor (Tanner 1969, 1971). Not only do the Minangkabau have differing modes of settling disputes out of court and within the courts, but also they utilize principles from three legal heritages — their adat or 'custom', Islam, and the West (Tanner 1970, 1975, n.d.). Even more basic, to study disputes among kin necessitates considerable familiarity with the intimate workings of family life. I thank the many who entrusted detailed and private information to me in four years of fieldwork during the 1960s and 1970s in and around Bukittinggi, West Sumatra, Indonesia, and hope I have not misrepresented these delicate and oft-times painful aspects of their lives. The Minangkabau have been called duolocal, uxorilocal, matrilocal, and now also, for those who leave their villages, neolocal: duolocal because men still stay very attached to their mother's matrilineally extended family and household, often returning during the daytime for NANCY MAKEPEACE TANNER is an anthropologist with several years' research experience regarding the Minangkabau of West Sumatra during 1963-66, 1972, and 1974. She has taught at the University of Chicago and currently teaches anthropology at the University of California, Santa Cruz, U.S.A. She has published many articles on the Minangkabau and is the author of a recent book published by Cambridge University Press, On Becoming Human. Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 03:05:55PM via free access 130 Nancy M. Tanner various activities; uxorilocal because today men are increasingly be- coming attached, both residentially and in terms of activities and commitment, to their wives' matrilineal households; matrilocal because women do not need to change homes —• an adult woman can continue living in the home of her mother, the home where she grew up; and neolocal for those women and men who leave their natal village to go to a nearby or very distant urban area, sometimes obtaining a new house of their own in this new place. The matrilineal, matrifocal extended family in which a young person is reared remains of real significance throughout life, and no matter where one is (Tanner 1972, 1974). Matriliny, for the Minangkabau, is not only a matter of the sort of home and kin group one grew up in. It is also a matter of identification and pride. The Minangkabau do not find themselves surprised when anthropologists and others are interested in their heritage (Kato n.d.). Yet the Minangkabau are very much a part of the 'modern' world. They have a custom called merantau which, roughly, means to go out from the home village, to migrate — perhaps only to another area in Indonesia, perhaps to another country. The migration may well be temporary, a way to establish oneself financially, with sporadic or frequent returns to the village. Or it may be a much longer-term migration, one where the adults still remember the village but their children have never seen it. Merantau was once thought of as something that young men did, while the women remained in their matrilineal homes in the village supervising the farming of the matrilineal lands and engaging in home industries and marketing, and older more established men had traditional village roles. In contemporary society a woman also leaves the village to continue her education, to seek a city job, and/or to join a husband with a position in the rantau (migration area) that is important enough to leave the village for. Urban Minangkabau families coexist with village families. And, in both the village and city, the nuclear family functions in the con- text of the matrilineal extended family. It is of somewhat more importance than previously and its growing significance in the con- text of matrilineal kinship is helping Minangkabau matriliny adapt to the increased mobility of both women and men in the contemporary world. These adjustments are not occurring without tension, conflict, in- formal and formal disputing, and civil, criminal and Islamic court cases, however. It is the purpose of this article to explore some of the difficulties that the Minangkabau have been dealing with, in what is on the whole a very effective process of continuity and change. The perspective of this report and analysis is that of Minangkabau villages and provincial towns. A comparable study of Minangkabau in the rantau remains to be done. Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 03:05:55PM via free access The Nuclear Family in Minangkabau Matriliny 131 Marriage: Romance and kin choice A great deal has been written about Minangkabau romance and practices of selecting husbands and wives, most of it by the Minang- kabau themselves: During the twentieth century they have written innumerable short stories and novels, many of them reprinted several times, with titles that, for example, can be roughly translated as: [Mistaken Choice] (Nur St. Iskandar n.d., 4th printing 1962), [Searching for a Fianceé] (A. Damhoeri 1935, 4th printing 1962), [Meeting of the Betrothed] (Abdoel Moeis 1932, 5th printing 1964), [To Meet Again] (Ajip Rosidi n.d.), [Girl in the Window] (Djamalul Abidin Ass n.d., 2nd printing 1962), [Modern Girl] (Abbas Hassan n.d., 5th printing 1963), [A Best Friend's Wife] (Suwardi Idris n.d., reprinting 1963). Similarly, there are songs with titles like 'Girl of My Dreams' (Rachmat Cartolo 1963) and 'Broken Heart' (no author listed 1963) .2 The Minangkabau have an ideal of romantic love — at a distance. The romantic ideal is evinced in Minangkabau song, dance, and litera- ture. Although it is difficult to determine how long this ideal has existed, it clearly is not an innovation of the present generation. An important literature on romantic themes exists in the national literature written by Minangkabau, starting in the 1920s and 1930s (Johns 1967; Teeuw 1967). Old people will occasionally admit to exchanging handkerchiefs with their foeloved when they were young; old plays often refer to a young man leaving hls village because his beloved married another; or, alternatively, such traditional plays speak of the disappointment of the young man returning from afar, only to find that his beloved has already married. Similarly, the existence of love magie, a traditional means for gaining the favor of one's beloved or of punishing her if one-is rejected, seems to indicate that the ideal of romantic love is no recent innovation. Set off over and against this ideal is the stated norm that choosing a spouse is "old folk's business". And it is a very complicated business indeed, requiring considerable thought and discussion within circles of kin that become more and more inclusive as the choice becomes more certain. Negotiations with the kin of the husband- or wife-to-be are extensive, ritualized and complex. Further, not only does marriage represent an alliance between matrilineal kin groups, it is also a major topic of intra-kin groupinteraction. As for all important decisions by Minangkabau kin groups, mupakaik (choice through group discussion, deliberation, and consensus) is the ideal. The following example illustrates what Minangkabau mupakaik can mean in practice. A young woman in her late twenties showed no interest in getting married, nor did her mother have any prospective candidates in mind. Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 03:05:55PM via free access 132 Nancy M. Tonner Her older brother returned from the rantau (migration area) to the village. He helped repair their minor lineage house and suggested that it was time to look for a husband for his sister. Later he found a man who was interested in taking a second wife. He suggested the man to his mother as a possible candidate. She discussed it informally with her sister and both agreed that the man would be acceptable. The young woman probably realized that these informal discussions were taking place but was not a party to them. The mother and this son then invited the adult lineage men (the men of four houses — the children and grandchildren of five sisters, three of whom were still living) plus the urang sumando (inmarried males) of that house cluster to gather at the mother's house to discuss the prospective marriage candidate. The men first ate together, served by the mother, her daughters (with the exception of the young woman whom the meeting concerned) and her daughters' daughters. Af ter eating, the young woman's older brother, who was the oldest male of the lineage, explained why they were gathered together. It was, he said, not good for a woman to remain unmarried and he had found a possible candidate — a young man who, although of a different matrilineal kin group, as is required for marriage, was still somewhat related to them.
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