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CHAPTISR-III

POLITICAI BIOGRAPHY OP SIR PHSROZESHAH MBHTA 51

OHAFPER~III

POIITICAL BIOGRAIHY Of SIR PHEROZBSHAH MEHTA

Barly life

Sir Fherosesliah Iferwanjee Hebta, \ioxn on 4th August, 1843» at Boabay, in a irsalthy nerehant family of tha Parai ooanunity, had a raaarkahle edueational career* After paaaiag his Katrieulatien exaaination in 1861, he graduated as B.A« of the JSomhay t&iiyeraity in 1864 and passed with honours M.A* exaaination within six months only, hy a special dispensation* He was nominated as ])a]cshina Fellow of the Blphinstone College in 1864* He was a keen student of history and English literature* Daring his eollei^ eareer he eaae under the influenee of Sir Alexander Grant, the then Principal of the SLphinstone College, and a great eduoationist of the time* He was highly Impressed with the talents of Pherozeshah from the beginning of his eollege career. Sir Alexander Grant did not exhibit racial discrimination, and as a sinoere well wisher and a mentor, he encouraged Pheroseshah Mehta to aetuire higher education* Sir Alexemder procured for his favourite student, the trayelling fellowship founded by Rustomji Jeejeebhoy to 52

study at the Sar in England. He took special Interest in Hehta's higher education and convinced his father to send Pherozeshah to England. In December 1864 Mehta proceeded to Ezigland and Joined Lincoln's Inn, and in a period over three years was called to the Bar. He left for in September 1868.

Daring his stay in England his close association with the great parliamentarian Dadabhai Haoroji played ,an Important part in moulding his personality. He owed his liberal outlook to that influence. Dadabhai*s love for his country was a source of inspiration for him. It enthused him to work for the cause of progress and liberty. Mehta was initiated into politics by Dadabhai Haoroji. He was also intimately associated with his colleague W.C. Bannerjee, the President of the Pirst , in establishing the London Literacy Society which was shortly superseded by the Bast India Association. His connections with the Association made him interested in Indian politics from the beginning. He displayed his mature judgement and foresight on Indian problems.

His stay in England helped him to achieve mastery 53

on the English language, and afforded an opportunity to study theerolutlon of English hia-^ory and noms of parliaaentary desoeraey* He also studied political thinkers like Benthaa.Xill and Mazxini. That brightened the flaise of patriotism in him* EoneTer* he was not influeneed, as Sawarkar was, hy Hassini's Tiews on seeret socle ties and Tiolent roTolutlons* He was Huoh Bore influenced by the eiadstenian liheralisa lAleh was preyalent at that tiae. He was a roracious reader and rerelled widely in the literary work of eainent English authors. Daring his stay in England he studied the freneh language and read Ireneh literature of the Freneh rerolutionary period with great interest. This study of the Freneh language and its iapertanee led hlB te Introduoe Freneh language as a seeond language in the Boahay University later on. *His ; association with Western life and thought instilled into hlB breadth of view, courage and independence of thought, and a IOTS of ordered progress, allied with a certain conserratisn. * It also dereloped his faith in parliaaentary deaocraey.

He believed in English education as a oreative force for building up a nation and took interest in the 5

educational aetlyities from the beglimlng* Pherozesbah read a paper before the Sast India Asaooiation on *The Educational systen of the Fresidenoy of Boabay.* The p^r was baaed on facte and figures and contained sound suggestions for beneficial and practical educational progress* She paper was aeclained and made its mark. In the paper he said, "The first paramount aim of education in India is the absorption of the lower into the higher ciTilisation, the reformation of the old system of culture by the new". Stressing the importance of English language as a medium of education he wrote: 'that the yemaculars of the country were unsuited to become the Tohicles. of the requisite high education, and that, consequently, English was to be the principal medium of imparting knowledge.* On his return from England, the GrO'vemment offered him the position of a first class sub-judge; but he preferred private practice, and in no time became known as a fearless and powerful advocate, of course, with handsome practice. His legal ability was 3 remarkable. In ia9&~1873 in the Tower of Silence case, he made his mark as a lawyer against the forces of lawlessness and disorder and the insolence of highhanded 55

authority. Mr. Anstey la open court appreelating his ability as a lawyer said that be was a lawyer ±n yAkom lay the genas of future eaiuenee.

Political Career

In his stiTUggle against foreign domination, his independent spirit, originality, self-respect, his fiery imagination, sincere desire for national uplift, patriotism, his faith in constitutional methods, his dislike of regional and communal tendencies, and his belief in the gradual growth of parliamentary institutions earned him a reputation as a political stalwart and an opposition leader. Here are some of the landmarks in his political career.

In 1871 when the Indian Eridenee Act was being revised, Sir James ?lizJames Stephen, the emiinnt jurist irtio drafted the Act, passed some strictures on Indian lawyers. Some observations attacking the integrity and independence of legal profession were made in the Bill. Fhlrozeshah Hehta strongly protested against such provisions in the Act which were subseciuently withdrawn.

Mehta attacked the Bngllsh Section of the Bar, 56

for not inviting Indian lawyers to the dinner held to honour Sir Joseph Arnold, the eminent judge of the High Court who had retired from the Bench, The replies were evasive the Anglo-Indian press and English advocates tried in vain to assail his position. When his approach to the press in this matter was questioned,

staunch patriot and lawyer he replied, "I am a public man and not only a harrister, hut as harrister I am much more than that* As a public man I am bound to ventilate the grievances of the Indian Community." He further mentioned that his activities as a newspaper correspondent could not be questioned by the Bar Association which had no jurisdiction over his conduct.

Pherozeshah Mehta registered his opposition to the Grant-in-Aid system to schools formulated by Sir Charles Wood, before the branch of the Bast India Association in December 1869* though H.G. Ranade and Telan^ were in favour of the system in spite of its defects* In his paper he criticized that it showed the pace of education as the sums allotted for education by the Government of India were meager (1^ of the revenue as against 40^ of defence). 57

He was a democratic aM fear lee sly pleaded for fairziess and freedom of opportuziity. He advocated upon competition for recruitment to the Civil Service while opposing ^the clause (6) of the Bast India (Laws and Regulations) Bill, which introduced appointment to u / the Civil Service by nomination*

His fundamental objections to this measure were: "Ist that it strilces a fatal blow at the principle of competition in the Civil Service of India; 2nd that it revives and encourages the promotion of political jobbers^} 5rd that it destroys the unity and espirit decorps of the service; 4th that it is unjust and 5 demoralising to the natives themselves*" He could not share Haeaulay*s concept of prerogative of British rule to man service, as he thought that the Civil Service was to serve as an instrument for public good and felt that the officers should be aware of their obligations. The municipal corporation had a rudimentary constitution. Mehta organised public meetings to consolidate public opinion for bringing about iiqprovemsnt In the working of the corporation, and took a leading part in the reform agitation. There was already discontent and unrest against despotic behaviour of , 58

the then Municipal ComMiaaioner. Fherozeshah Hehta* hoipe-ver, tried to restore anity and concord, as his ohjeet was to elininate the epidemics and other auil- praetices and not the CoBonissioner. He said, "I am not hex^e to defend Crawford. Let me clear oyself. But I am here for the welfare of Bombay citizens, for the purification of Bombay, for the clearing of Bombay streets and for the driTing away of the diseases and epidemics established among us. Mr* Crawford has done inestimable aerrice to the City and I am not going to 6 blind myself to that side of his actirities*" In his paper read before the Bombay Branch of the Bast India Association, he advocated electi-ve principle for membership of local bodies and emphasised the utility of responsible ezeeuti-ve in the elected representatiTe body. He was also in farour of concentrating ezeeutive powers in one man for rapid and forceful execution of duties* Tha goremment accepted the scheme proposed by him in his paper for improvement in the working of the corporation. When a Parsi-Muslim riot broke out in Bombay in 1874, the government wasrather indifferent about the safety of the people of both the oommanities. The Par sis 59

being a lainori-ty community suffered the most* Far sis were subjected to ill treatment by the goyemment and police* Sir Philip Wodehouse, the OoTemor of Bombay, told the Pars! deputation, "You Parsia, ought to learn the lesson of defending yourselTes and not dex>end wholly on govemfflsnt*** !Ehe Police Commissioner, Frank Souter, addressing a Parsi crowd spolEe, "Damn you Par si 8* Tou have provoked the row* I would like to see all killed. I will remove the Police force and will not help you."^ Mehta caBW forward boldly to protest against the conduct of the gOTerzuaent and police and ventilated the grievances of his community through the press and from the platform, and representations* References were made to the Secretary of State* And the House of Coonons had a brief discussion* The government was blamed by the European community for allowing the police to be negligent in their general obligations.

A public meeting was held on 30th June 1877 under the chairmanship of the Governor of Bombay Sir Richard Temple to support the volunteer movement* But Europeans and Anglo-Indians wanted to confine the move­ ment to their groups. Pherozeshah Mehta who attended 60

the aeetlag protested against such a fomatlo& of a Tolmateer corps excluding the inha'bitants of the country* He said that the civil defence ivas the problem of Indians as a whole and ooult not he sorted out by recruiting Anglo-Indians to the exclusion of Indian population.

fhe Governor pressed Hehta to withdraw his amendnent "fhat it is not advisable to resolve on the formation of Volunteer corps composed exclusively of Europeans, in a public meeting of the inhabitants of g Bombay" and asked the natives to make representation to the government for the formation of their own corps* if they so desired* He also assured to consider the representation on its merit* Mehta*s protest had served its purpose and he withdrew his amendment*

^ fhe enforcement of the vernacular Press Act by Lord Lytton was vehemently opposed by Pheroseshah Xehta, because it tried to inflict penalties and adopt vigourous censorship* He observed that the Act was an attempt to strengthening government oontrol over the press* He could not break the muEsling of the press* . He believed that free press was the life->breath of ei

democracy* Srltaln could nsike remarkable progress in democracy as the people and the coimtry had a genuine belief and love for free press, he thought.

He registered his opposition to the proposal to erect a memorial to Sir Richard Temple , the then Governor of Bombay* His objeetion was mainly on the ground that such a step irould be treated as a mark of confidence of the people of the Sombay Presidency and would help Temple's candidature for Parliament, and his opinions about India would carry weight with the British. He said, "This would gi've him a moral authority, it should not be accorded to him and I protest agaLnst the whole movemsnt on that ground as it will be used for this illegitimate purpose." ^

Similarly he protested against the municipal corporation's proposal to present an address to Lord Kitohenre for his appointment as a Commander-in-Chief of India, on the ground of precedent that only Royal personages were giTsa such address. He also protested against the proposal of the address of welcome to Lord Curzon for his second term of Vieeroyalty, He openly denounced the autocratic rule of Lord Curzon in the latter G'2

part of hie viceroyalty. He said, "This is not the man to be honoured. He has already received a customary address when he went. Why give his second address? I oppose this." Even in dinner party he took no notice of Lord Ourzon when Curzon himself hegan to talk and asked Mehta, "Why do you persecute me?"

Hehta fearlessly said, "We were old chums at Oxford irtien you come over as Viceroy I did every honour towards you, I did everything I should to show that I was friend« You became arrogant* You became usibearable. And you refused to recognise that I was a Member of the Imperial Council when I was away at hill station* You wrote through your Private Secretary, "You did not care for me. I want to show that I have teeth also."^^

Mehta's probity and skill in marshalling facts were very much appreciated when he charged Mr. Waton Bxeeutiie Engineer of the Bombay Muncipal Corporation, for (attempted) corruption. He was emphatic that connivance at instances of corruption would create a feeling of immunity and indolence in the official concerned.

The Bombay Municipal Corporation agreed, in principle to pay Rs.15000/- annually, subject to 63

aTallablllty of funds, to the Govemiaent of Bonliaj towards the Inplementation of the Contagious Diseases Act 1880 in Boabay. The controversy between the Corporation and the Govemaent arose when the local gorernment deducted the amount fron the administratiye charges payable by the government to the corporation towards police maintenance* Such a deduction at the source by the goTernment of the amount to be paid to the corporation was seriously objested to by Fheroseshah Mekta as he thought it was irregular and an encroachment on the pririleges of the corporation* He

•j made the corporation to write to the Gcvemment of India, **The step talEen by goferoment in this matter is opposed < to all considerations of true municipal policy, and strikes a fatal blow at the integrity and Independence 12- of their munioipal constitution." When the Go-vemment of India pleaded their helplessness as they had no power to interfere, he approached the White Hall, England* The Ilbert Bill

The Ilbert Bill which was introduced during Lord Hipon's regime errisaged equality of all community before a law, and this provision conferred the right of Indian Magietrates to try eren the Buropeaa British fi*> •

subjects, In the court of law. The Anglo-Indian eoraiuBlty opposed this Bill, and pleaded for modified enactnsnt disallowing Indians to try European subjects. There was a hue and cry all orer the country about the pros and cons at the Bill. Bminent leaders, including Pheroseshah Hehta, welcomed the Ilbert Bill for this proposed measure of equality before law. Fheroseshah lehta played a prominent irole in public meetings. He openly questioned the moral principles of justice and equality of all sections of the people of whatever creed and caste, assured in Queen's Proclamation. His speech was appreciated even by one of his enemies Mr. Lorat l!er. At the end a compromise was arrived at and it was decided to concede a choice to elicit approval or opposition to being tried by specific and extraordinary magistrates* According to the proposed Ilbert Bill, a District Judge, or Magistrate of any nationality could try cTen Europeans, but the panel of jury had to be constituted with Suropean alone, if the accused demanded it. Fheroseshah Mehta opposed this specific privilege because he thought, the Indian Judges with the Jury of European majority would nullify the provision of the Bill. Some sections demanded similar concessions for the 65

Indians, but Pherozeshah Mehta opposed it* He said, **It was no use pxirehasing equality of rights, at such a 13 cost*** Instead of demanding equality against injustice, he preferred that in e-very case when a Boropean subject was let off very lightly or with light sentence, the accuser or govemaent should hare the right of appeal, which the Ilbert Bill had denied. The BoMbaT Municipal Ooanperation

Pherozeshah Ifehta plajrsd an important part in the civic affairs* He was a nenber of the Bombay Municipal Corporation since 1872. Before that he was on the Bench of Justices of Peace. In 1884 he was elected as the Chairman of the Corporation. It was his dream to make the Bombay Municipal Corporation a Model institution for the rest of India. He struggled hard to enhance the prestigs of statutory bodies like Local Self Goremment on the Western model. He was convinced and maintained that Indians ire re quite fit to run such bodies. He showed respect to the provisions of law and tireated people equally, impartially and with remarkable courtesy. BB evinced keen interest in various municipal schemes, viz* water supply, sanitation aal primary 66

eduoation. During bis long mimioipal career he dealt with most Important tuestlons of the corporation related to settlement of police charges, apportionment of plague charges and powers of plague committee» and the question of corporation's share of revenue derived from liquor and tobacco licences and purchase of tramways*

He Tirtually waged war against all undemocratic methods and procedures and endearoured to improre the conditions imposed through Tariousexisting enactments* His chief aim was reformation of municipal administration for larger public welfare* The introduction of eleeti-ve principle of ms^ers and separation of exeeutlTc and legislatlTe powers form his main contribution in the aanala of municipal administration* He was also of the opinion that though local self goyemment corporation enjoyed latitude in all matters and were to be permitted discretion, these should also be some effectlTe check and control ever them to secure the desired objeetlTe* The enunciation of the Municipal Act of 1888

This Act of 1888 in consonance with Lord Ripen* s policy farouring transformation of local self government into public oriented bodies is the fruit of 67

Hehta'8 labour* This Aot of 1888 is the Magnaoharta of the local self goyarnaent* Duke of Catmaught appreciated hie genius in this lespeot* Slevation of the BoBbay Municipal Corporation to its present stature is a matter of pride for all, and the credit for it goes to Pherozeshah Hehta.

The Bombay Presidency Association

This Association was established in January 1883 in Bombay for the promotion of public interest* It sent memorials to the local as weU as the imperial goyernment* Pherozeshah Hehta was aotiyely associated with this organisation as its secretary, and to some extent, influenced the proyinclal politics. It made his entry into the Indian National Coztgress and the Legislatiye Councils almost certain. It was the natural outcome of hisextraordlnary talents and debating skill eyinced by him of yarlous functions and from different platforms* In course of time, the Bombay Presidency Association grew in importance as an all India institution of repute under his guidance. 68

Bduoatlonal Activities

Pherozeshah Mehta evinced keen interest in educational developments* His paper on the system of education in Bombay Presidency was widely acclaimed by the Bast India Association. It was his firm belief that English education would open the avenues of fruitful enlightenment to Indian classes and also masses. He knew the problemsof the students. He was one of the promoters of the Graduate Association whioh was started in April 1886. He was also its president for a ntimber of years.In ii;s seventh annual meeting he denounced the educational policy of the government and exposed with pertinent facts and figures, the fallacies and specious arguments put forward by government. He wielded great Influence in educational matters. Whenever grant-in-aid was curtailed and attempts were made to arrest the progress of education he was often indignant in his criticism. He was keen on the reform of higher education. He was against making the statutory bodies lllSB universities the department of government.

On the recommendation of Sir Alexander Grant, Pherozeshah Mehta got Fellowship of the Bombay Universityi Bit

He was nominated to the senate In 1867* He ivas elected as the Dean of Faculty of Arts in 18891 and as a aeidaer of the syndicate of the TJniTeraity in 1892#

He made various attenptsfor reformation of University education, enhancement of government grants, and for preservation of Hniversity's autonomous status in spits of severe handicaps. He severely criticised and opposed the Indian Universities Act 1904 introduced by Lord Curzon. He also opposed the injudicious attempt made by Sir Greorge Clarke the Crovernor of Bombay, to introduce ourrioular chaiyges in the University of Bombay. He was in favotir of full-fledged autonomy in the field of university education and he did not want that universities in India should merely become an administrative unit of the British Government.

His Role in the Indian Rational Congress

Mehta was associated with the Congress Organisa­ tion and dominated the Congress ever since its inception* He played a decisive role in the formation and running of political associations and gave impetus to various national mo-vements* He successfully condueted the deliberations of the Indian National Congress right from 70

its beglBzdng, and commazidod rejBpeet and adaiiratloa till his death* He was twice the Chairman of the Reception Ceaaittee of the Congress held in 1889 and 1904 at Bonbaj* His attendaMte at diffeirent sessions of the Congress was instrumental in reforming the Coiuitry's administration by moving or supporting a nnaber of resolutions* From the platform of the Congress he ventilated puhlic grievances and oritioised British administration and policy* His work in the Congress was mostly in the committees, deputations and I ' delegations* He dealt with problems like Indian Admlnistra- tlon, Public Service Commission and reforms of the Legislative Councils* He criticized Arms Act and the question of the annexation of Upper Buzma* etc* His • election as a President of the Congress and his Presidential speech in the year 1890 enthused members of all oonmunitles to associate themselves with affedrs of the Congress, as a national body*

Parsis were a minority c

nulllfTlng the Inportaxioe and Infln^K^e of the extremists in the Congress* He made effort to keep the Congress in the hands of Moderates and never allowed inclusion of the extremists in the Congress* He was against radical transformation of the Congresst and till the endy he clung to his Tiewt though the moderates and extremists worked separately on many relevant issues* He also opposed the Home Hule League he started hy Dr* as he thought it was a . challenge to the Congress* Pheroseshah Mehta had full faith in the British rulers and always maintained eyen in the Congress meetings that they will observe all the niceties and legdLties with reason and logic and will not obstruct the healthy growth of constitutional progreiim* Though his association with the Congress movement was not prolonged and continuous like that of » Madan Mohan Malviya and D.S* Wachs, his influence on the national movement was acknowledged, and leaders in other provinces looked upon him as a powerful and inspiring political stalwart to advocate the cause of Indians* He was again elected as President of the Congress in 1909> but Hehta let down the office at last moment "Hot the Caesar shall go forth, against the entreaty 72

of CallpiirBla!'' aa Hon'ble Saatrl l^^ptit it.

Jttdloial OoamlBflloner

As a Judicial CooBiaaioner of the atate at Jimagacih in 1892, he left aa indelihle nark on the conduct of important atate trial. Hon'ble V.S* Sriniraea Sastri praiaed Fberoaeshah Mehta aa 'an ideal Pre aide nt of 15 tribunal' OTer his aehie-veaent, n^ioh lends testinony to his reaaikable capaaitj*

In Iiegislative Counoila

Pherozeahah Mehta oceupied key positions in local bodies and wielded treaendoua influence in the Imperial LegislatiTB Council and the Bombay Legialati-ve Council* Coneurrently with the expansion of Legialatiia Councils in 1893, Phe rose shah Mehta represented the Bombay Municipal Corporation in the Bombay legialati-ve Council, for many years* Before that in 1886 he was appointed to the oouncil for two years by lord Re ay, the Soremor of Bombay, as there was no eleetion at that time. ?rom 1894- to 1896 and again in 1899 he represented Bombay Presidency in the reformed Imperial legislatiTre Council* His nomina­ tion to the Imperial Council was unanimous; it was an acknowledgement of his outatanding ability* Hie performanea 73

in the Counoile was of yery high order and he was glTen patient hearing whenever he dwelt on any Issue of importance* His speeches exhibited a studied approach to the yarious subjects on hand. As a result, he was in a position to command respect from all including his ad-Tersaries. 7he principles of English jurisprudence and culture were thoroughly assimilated by him* Based on this knowledge he raised the cpestion of reforms in the legislatiTS councils, which had been long overdue* His performaice in the Bombay Legislative Council and the Imperial Council} earned him the reputation of a celebrated parliamentarian.

In the Bombay Legislative Council while criticising provincial administration he made valuable suggestions in matters of education, law and judiciary, excise, land revenue, medical relief, anti plague laeasures, famine measures, industry, taxation, polios administration, reorganisation of departments, financial allocation and decentralisation, etc*

As regards government financial policies, he stressed th» necessity of exercising financial control to avoid wastage of resources and to ensure equilibrium between 3.

reeelptB and expenditure. He always urged the gOTemmsnt not to resort to unbearable taxation and not to reduce expenditure on public utility soheaes, such as education^ on the score of economy. He exhorted the rulers to desist from highhandedness and appealed to them to pay emergent attention to the larger welfare of the Indian people. The Tiewsthat he expressed at the time of disousi&)n of the Bills in the Council, on subjects such as education, medical profession, charitable institutions, local self goTemment institutions, anti-gaabling measures, Bombay Improrement Trust Act, etc. was pragmatic.

He rery often opposed the goyemment, but his opposition was not for the sake of opposition. Whene-Ter he opposed he had the welfare of the people and the country at heart. There are incidences of his having supported the gcvemment measures also. It was he who first introduced the novel way of registering protest by opposi­ tion benches, against government in the form of a walkout. He staged such a walkout along with his colleagues at the time of the discussion on the Land Revenue Code (Amendment) Bill 1901.

1 In the Governor General's Council (The Imperial 75

Council) t Baking full use of the oonoesoioas afforded in the Indian Councils Act of 1892 to discuss financial statementst he supported the *Draln Theory' of Sadahhai Naoroji, his political *guru', that England was beeoning financially prosperous at the cost of Indians which has progressiTely iapoTerished the country and drlTen it to the brink of starration* He alleged that parity of exchange rates, land revenue system, military ezi>en8e8 and rising administratiTO expenditures haye all heen collectifely 3?esponsible for large scale poverty of the Indian people* He waged a vail^t war against deliberate connivance of the rulers in the welfare of Indian masses, through studied approach to various basic problems* He also tried to convince the rulers that their prosperity was closely linked with meaningful happiness of the natives and assured the British imperialists that Indian people had faith in them* He criticised British bureaucracy severely during the discussion on the 'Police Bill' which considerably damaged government's reputation* He was deadly against giving unlimited powers to bureauoraey* His speeches on the other Bills in the council viz* 6otton Ihities Bill, the Indian Contract Amendment Bill, the Sugar Duties Bill, the Whipping Bill, 76

The Restitution of Conjugal Bights Bill, aad the Seocan Agriculturists Relief Act, were very thought provoking. He approached all important matters to secure larger public frelfai^ through people's willing participation. He withdrew from the Imperial Council in January 1901, on the grounds of health*

Special Honours

At the end of his career he was at the zenith of his glory* He was awarded C.I.B. in 1894 and was Knighted in 1904•

Morley-Mlnto Reforms

When Horley became the Secretary of State, he prepared the preamble to his reforms* Hehta was behind the liberal group. Morley announcing the first outline of hisrefoms said, "Ve hare distinctly maintained that representative government in its western sense is totally inapplicable to the Indian fispire, and would be uncongenial to the traditions of Eastern populations, that Indian conditions do not admit of popular representation, that the safety and welfare of this country must depend on the supremacy of British administration, and that supremacy can in no circumstances be delegated to any kind of 77

16 representation assembly." Though the statement brought comfort azd consolation to the Torie8» it aroused bitterness In India. Mehta interpreted Morley's above statement that he thought Morley was supporting the liberal issue, carrying reluctant Tories with him* He said, "With his usual caution Lord Horley has remarked that the Parliamentary System in India was a goal to which he did not aspire. I venture to think that this might have been left unsaid, considering the upheaval throughout the whole of Asia. When Persia and China talk about representative government and parlisments, one does not care to set any particular seal of importance on India* But I have always been sigainst looking too far \ ahead. I have for a long time deprecated the fashion of talking of ideals. In India, at any rate, at present, let our aims and goals be practical, looking forward to the near future without troubling ourselves as what may be the ultimate goal." The share of Pherozeshah Mehta in shaping Morley Hinto reforms was less direct though

equally decisive in many respects* He showed aeuteness of his mind and the political sagacity which he had learnt from the experience of English parllaientary institutions. Morley*s success so far as Indian reforms were concerned n 8

was also in part traced to hlB, and many a man in India thought although Hehta was silent, his hand was visible everywhere. Agakhan in London on 15-12-1915» while praising Mehta's performaice in public life, admitted that Mehta's encouragement led Lord Morley and Minto to shape more progressive reforms on liberal lines* fhe Bombay correspondent of the 'Capital* also regarded the reform scheme as a great personal triumph for Mehta* ^^

On Indians in South Africa

During the year 1913 he boldly pleaded for the right of immigration of every subject all over the Bapire* . He strongly protested the denial of this right by any Colonial Grovemment of the Empire and appealed to the Imperial Grovernment for immediate reasonable action. He opposed the reeeption to be accorded to Gokhale, who according to him, had given up the cause of Indians in the South Africa* He regarded the surrender of such important right of immigration as a cardinal mistake* This <|iestion considered important by Grand hi ji and V* S* Srlnivasa Sastri, but Mehta's method of dealing with it was different from that of Gandhiji's but similar to that of Sastri's who became the Agent of the Grovernrasnt of 79

India in South Africa to supervise the implementation of Capetown Agreement.

Eridenee before the Public Service Oommission 1913

In this deposition, before Lord Islington, Chairman of the Public Service Commission 1913 he candidly said that Indians had better knowledge of their own problems and should be associated with the Civil Service. He stressed introduction of simultaneous examination in India. In this context he referred to the cherished principles of equality practised under the Union Jack and the promise contained in the Queen's Proclamation of 1858 read to the Indian assembly at Delhi by lord Canning.

The Central Bank

Be struggled for improvement of the banking system even at great personal sacrifice by averting possible financial crisis in the Central Bank of India. When the Central Bank of India got into trouble and was on the brink of insolvency Mehta made herculean efforts by mobilizing deposits through his personal title deeds and also pursuaded his friends to do likewise and thus restored the confidence of people in the Central Bank and banking system as a whole. In recognising his services to the Central 80

Bank his bust was erected In the premises of the Central Bank as a monmnent to his services to the national institutions*

Industries axA Agriculture

In industrial matters he was inclined to provide a footing for indigenous industries such as soap manufacturing companies and fluLways attempted to prevent usurpation of the country's finances by unscrupulous measures by the British community. Movement of free trade and enactments like cotton duties were critically examined by him with a view to protecting the Indian trade and commerce.

In the field of agriculture he tried to ensure the welfare, of the native rural population. He criticized the Bombay Land Revenue Code Amendment Bill 19OI which concerned the right of the people to property. He aroused public consciousness through newspapers and meetings and educated them about the latent motives of the government to progressively assume the ownership of land on the pretext of rendering protection to the land owners from the ravages of moneylenders. 81

He criticized the Deccan Agriculturist's Relief Act 1895 as he thought this measure could not solve the root cause of rural indehtedness though it gave some relief to the agriculturist. In absence of rural "banking system he upheld the Sawakar institution in those days in rural economy. He held the administration of land revenue, particularly the land assessment system in Bombay Presidency, responsible for the decay of agriculture and poverty of peasants in the province and vehemently attacked it.

The Bombay Chronicle

To focus attention on current matters concerning Indian interest, and to consolidate political opposition, he started, in 1913 > an independent newspaper known as the | Bombay Chronicle. This was Bombay's first nationalist Indian Daily.

The Vice-chancellor of the Bombay University

His appointment as the Vice-Ohancellor of the Bombay University during his last phase of life added one more feather to his cap, in recognition of his untiring efforts for the uplift of Indian masses in 82

multiple aspects of social life. The conferaent of Honorary Degree of Laws by the University remains yet another feather in his cap but he succumbed before the convocation in 1915.

The salient features of his public career at once make it clear that Pherozeshah Mehta made full use of the limited opportunities and resources, faced the difficulties oonfroatins him as a man of opposition boldly and emerged triumphant as the leader of opposition.

As he bailed from an educated rich Parsi family, it was easy for him to prosecute for higher education and talented as he was, he made full use pf this happy circumstance. His stay in England afforded him an opportunity of studying closely various institutions in that country. It also helped him to achieve mastery over the English language, which facilitated him to assert himself before the English rulers effectively and in their own language. He could carefully study the constitutional developments in that coiintry and also the typical circumstances that moulded the English character. He could study the pattern of democracy in England, institutionsof repute, cultural developments and 83

admlnlstratlye reforms* He could closely observe the straggle of the English people for acquisition of their rights and for preserration of their liberty in all fields of human actiyities* All this knowledge that he gained in that country, particularly of the constitutional methods, stood in good stead while using constitutional methods in his struggle for freedom frcoi British domination and for social, economic and political uplift of HiB people* With his scholarship and ingrained modesty he could effeetiTsly place before the English rulers the type of reforms that were necessary in India in those days, and the pattern of democracy cherished by him and the people*

As an opposition leader, he was well aware of the manifold economic and other problems* His legal practice in rural areas helped him to obtain first-hand knowledge of rural problems particularly those of agriculturists. His association with the municipal administration enlightened him on assorted oiric problems, and dSTelopments needed* Thus well equipped as he was, he could press forward his demand for grant of Local Self Goyemment institutions in the country* In the Imperial M

LeglslatlTe Council he put forward forcefully, with reliable docusentary eyidence the cirouBBtancea of the Indian people* In the Bomhay LegialatiTe Council alao he ventilated the grievances of the people by enlisting the co-operation of his colleagues with whom he had freqiAnt dialogues on important matters*

He had also providential contacts with other Indian luminaries such as Badabbai Haoroji, M,G. Banadet Sinshaw Wacha, Telang, Badruddin Taybjee, Gokhale and several others* His association with them was immensely useful for acquisition of his goals. His connection with the Bombay Presidency Association and the Indian National Congress provided him a forum to express his views on various important questions-tfemfi affected tha people and the country.

His belief that English education was indispensable for social» economic and political uplift of the Indiaias, culminated in the provision of proper education, in adequate measure, at all levels, which was the need of the hour* In regard to higher education, with active association with the Bombay University and the Grraduates* Association he could bring about reforms in education* 85

He could not lag behind In ncQclng full use of the Indian press In the language and style that was nest befitting an opposition leader in those days*

Except for two rather unfortunate erents in his life the image he had created in the public mind was very bright* His contesting the election as a * Trustee* on the Board of Farsi Fanchayat in 1911 and his participation (as a representati-ve of municipal corporation) in the eirio function to honour the King and Queen of England in 1912 were not appreciated by the elite*

It is therefore appaz«nt that Mehta did not rise to eminence automatically* The course of hislife and the •arious erents indicate that he was STsr alive and watchful to understand things* study problems» learn the trend of public opinion, estimate reactionsof the rulers and then give considered reflection of his own views with characteristic modesty and persuasion. It was not so simple and easy to work as an opposition leader in the times he lived, particularly when the facilities available were very meagre, people were deeply drowned in poverty and ignorance and the rulers were fully armed with tremendous power over the years*