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NATO's Mediterranean Dialogue, As Well As to Get a Better Appreciation of Each Partner's Specific Objectives and Priorities

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NATO's Mediterranean Dialogue, As Well As to Get a Better Appreciation of Each Partner's Specific Objectives and Priorities RESEARCH PAPER No. 137 NOVEMBER 2009 NATO’s MEDITERRANEAN DIALOGUE: AN ASSESSMENT YANNIS A. STIVACHTIS (Virginia Polytechnic Institute & State University and Senior Advisor at RIEAS) BENJAMIN JONES (Virginia Polytechnic Institute & State University) RESEARCH INSTITUTE FOR EUROPEAN AND AMERICAN STUDIES (RIEAS) # 1, Kalavryton Street, Alimos, Athens, 17456, Greece RIEAS url: www.rieas.gr RIEAS MISSION STATEMENT Objective The objective of the Research Institute for European and American Studies (RIEAS) is to promote the understanding of international affairs. Special attention is devoted to transatlantic relations, intelligence studies and terrorism, European integration, international security, Balkan and Mediterranean studies, Russian foreign policy as well as policy making on national and international markets. Activities The Research Institute for European and American Studies seeks to achieve this objective through research, by publishing its research papers on international politics and intelligence studies, organizing seminars, as well as providing analyses via its web site. The Institute maintains a library and documentation center. RIEAS is an institute with an international focus. Young analysts, journalists, military personnel as well as academicians are frequently invited to give lectures and to take part in seminars. RIEAS maintains regular contact with other major research institutes throughout Europe and the United States and, together with similar institutes in Western Europe, Middle East, Russia and Southeast Asia. Status The Research Institute for European and American Studies is a non-profit research institute established under Greek law. RIEAS’s budget is generated by membership subscriptions, donations from individuals and foundations, as well as from various research projects. The Institute is autonomous organization. Its activities and views are independent of any public or private bodies, and the Institute is not allied to any political party, denominational group or ideological movement. Dr. John M. Nomikos Director 2 RESEARCH INSTITUTE FOR EUROPEAN AND AMERICAN STUDIES (RIEAS) Postal Address: # 1, Kalavryton Street Athens, 17456, Greece Tel/Fax: + 30 210 9911214 E-mail: [email protected] Administrative Board John M. Nomikos, Director Gustavo Diaz Matey, Senior Advisor Yiannis Stivachtis, Senior Advisor Darko Trifunovic, Senior Advisor Charles Rault, Senior Advisor, Research Team Andrew Liaropoulos, Senior Analyst Vasiliki Koulani, Junior Analyst Konstantinos Louridas, Junior Analyst Maria Alvanou, Senior Analyst Andreas G. Banoutsos, Senior Analyst Aya Burweila, Senior Analyst International Advisors Richard R. Valcourt, Editor-in-Chief, International Journal of Intelligence and Counterintelligence Shlomo Shpiro (PhD), Bar Illan University Prof. Daniel Pipes (PhD), Director, Middle East Forum Prof. Miroslav Tudjman (PhD), University of Zagreb and Former Director of the Croatian Intelligence Service 3 Col (ret) Virendra Sahai Verma, Former Military Intelligence Officer from India James Bilotto, CBRN Chief Operating Officer Prof. Anthony Glees (PhD), Director, Center for Security and Intelligence Studies, Buckingham University Prof. Vasilis Botopoulos (PhD), Chancellor, University of Indianapolis (Athens Campus) Prof. Peter Gill (PhD), University of Salford Andrei Soldatov (MA), Journalist, Editor of Agentura.ru (Russia) Chris Kuehl, Armada Corporate Intelligence Review Zweiri Mahjoob (PhD), Centre for Strategic Studies, Jordan University Meir Javedanfar (PhD), Middle East Economic-Political Analysis Inc. Daniele Ganser (PhD), Basel University Prof. Siegfried Beer (PhD), Director, Austrian Centre for Intelligence, Propaganda and Security Studies Prof. Herman Matthijs (PhD), Free University of Brussels Prof. Michael Wala (PhD), University of Munich Prof. Wolfgang Krieger (PhD), University of Marburg Michael Tanji, Director at Threatswatch.org - (OSINT) Prof. Ioannis Mazis (PhD), Ionian University Robert Nowak (PhD Cand), Institute of History of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Bureau of the Committee for Special and Intelligence Services (Prime Minister’s Chancellery) Lauren Hutton (PhD), Researcher, Institute for Security Studies (South Africa) LTC General, Prof. Iztok Podbregar (PhD), University of Maribor, Former National Security Advisor to the President of the Republic of Slovenia, Former Chief of Defense (CHOD), Former Director of the Slovenian Intelligence and Security Agency, Former Secretary of the Slovenian National Security Council. 4 Research Associates Ioannis Konstantopoulos (PhD), Intelligence Studies Liam Bellamy (MA), Maritime Security (Piracy) Spyridon Katsoulas, (PhD Candidate) Greek-American Relations Ioannis Kolovos (MA), Illegal Immigration in Greece Naveed Ahmad (MA), South-Central Asia and Muslim World Ioannis Moutsos (MA), Independent Journalist Nadim Hasbani (MA), Lebanon-Syria and North African States Nikos Lalazisis (MA), European Intelligence Studies RESEARCH PAPER No. 137 NOVEMBER 2009 NATO’s MEDITERRANEAN DIALOGUE: AN ASSESSMENT Yannis A. Stivachtis (Virginia Polytechnic Institute & State University and Senior Advisor at RIEAS) Benjamin Jones (Virginia Polytechnic Institute & State University) After the Cold War ended, NATO experienced an unprecedented transformation from a military alliance focused on collective self-defense to a multi-dimensional alliance that is capable of handling the emerging security environment mainly through out of area operations. With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact, NATO was forced to search elsewhere for a purpose of existence and a strategic framework to carry it into the twenty-first century. NATO’s members turned close to home to Eastern and 5 Southeastern Europe, as well as the Mediterranean and realized that the organization needed to have the ability to handle different types of threats such as terrorism, weapons of mass destruction proliferation, and even social or economic problems. As a result, NATO began to focus on these regions as the starting point for security and stability building initiatives. NATO’s post-Cold War transformation accelerated after the terrorist attacks of 9/11, and resulted in the strengthening of NATO’s approach to the Southeastern European and Mediterranean security environment. The Mediterranean region is important to the security and stability of many NATO members. Around twenty countries share a coastline on the Mediterranean shores and even more rely on its strategic and economic importance. The stability of the region has been a focus of NATO for quite some time. During the Cold War, NATO’s primary objective was to control the activities of the Soviet Mediterranean Fleet and minimize Soviet political influence over the countries of Northern Africa and the Middle East. Since the end of the Cold War, NATO has focused on the Mediterranean because of the various types of security threats (political, societal, economic and environmental) emanating from the southern shores of the Mediterranean Sea, as well as the proximity of the region to the Middle East. During the 1999 Washington Summit, NATO proclaimed, “security in the whole of Europe is closely liked to security and stability in the Mediterranean” (NATO, 2000). Security and stability in the Mediterranean is closely tied to two forms of security: hard and soft. Hard security is related to issues that stem from terrorism, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and sources of conflict, while soft security is related to political, economic, and social issues. According to RAND’s analysis, “problems that have occurred in the Mediterranean sprung from similarly trends, unresolved questions of political legitimacy, relentless urbanization and slow growth, resurgent nationalism, and religious radicalism” (Larrabee et al. 1998, p. 2). By concentrating on the Mediterranean, NATO hoped it could help stabilize the transforming security environment by providing the necessary institutional mechanisms in the region for its allies and partners. Since many of NATO’s members are located in the Mediterranean basin, it was strategically important for NATO to be involved in the area. Because of the emergence of new type of threats, as well as existing conflicts, the prospect for instability was too great for NATO not to be involved, so, as a result, NATO 6 established the Mediterranean Dialogue as a key component of its post-Cold War strategy. The Mediterranean Dialogue In 1994, NATO embarked on its Mediterranean initiative aimed at increasing stability in the region by establishing the Mediterranean Dialogue, a regional partnership between NATO and Mediterranean states. The establishment of the Dialogue represents one of NATO’s official steps in adapting to the post-Cold War security environment, and according to Alberto Bin, has become a “key instrument in support of the Alliance’s overall strategy of partnership, dialogue, and cooperation” (Bin 2002, p. 2). The Mediterranean Dialogue originated with five participating countries, which included Egypt, Israel, Mauritania, Morocco and Tunisia, and within a few years, Algeria and Jordan followed. The logic for the cooperation among the participants rests on the fact that “a strong and confident relationship between NATO and the countries of the Mediterranean and the Persian Gulf regions will build trust and encourage mutual understanding” (Rizzo 2007, p. 10). This style of relationship builds upon the concept that working together, sharing expertise, and cooperation will make NATO, its member countries,
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