Insights from the Political Economy of Cash Transfers in Bolivia (2005 – 2014)

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Insights from the Political Economy of Cash Transfers in Bolivia (2005 – 2014) Redistributing the Surplus: Insights from the Political Economy of Cash Transfers in Bolivia (2005 – 2014) A thesis submitted to University College London (UCL) for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Development Planning 2019 Thomas Aston 1 Acknowledgements First, I owe my thanks to my supervisors Jorge Fiori and Caren Levy. Jorge has been a great support from the beginning and Caren provided helpful feedback at key moments of the journey. Colin Marx also offered useful comments on later thesis drafts. I would also like to thank various members of the Development Planning Unit (DPU) at University College London (UCL). I owe my thanks to those in my PhD cohort, students, and faculty: Róbinson Rojas for his thoughts on structuralism, Giorgio Talocci on semiotics, Sigi Atteneder on post-colonial theory, Camila Cociña, Camilo Boano and Luz Navarro Eslava on discourse, Vicente Sandoval on vulnerability, Raphaëlle Bisiaux on behavioural economics, Julio Dávila, Nikhilesh Sinha and Hector Becerril on institutions, Daniel Oviedo on surveys, and Michael Casey-Gillman for helping me navigate the UCL bureaucracy. I am also grateful to Nicola Jones of the Overseas Development Institute (ODI) from whom I learned more than anyone about social protection when I worked under her as a consultant (2012 – 2013). I owe my thanks to Gaia Gozzo of CARE International who allowed me the flexibility to phase my thesis alongside work, and indeed provided me the opportunity to participate in a study on cash transfers and women’s empowerment in the Andes, led by Maxine Molyneux (2010 – 2011). I must thank those that supported me while in La Paz. I thank Paola Rozo and Francesco Gatta for helping me to think through my scoping phase. I want to thank María Dolores Castro and José Rocabado Sánchez for offering helpful suggestions on the research scope and focus of primary data collection. María was also especially helpful in sharing the raw data from the aforementioned study, allowing me to more closely compare changes for programme beneficiaries between 2010 and 2014. I need also to thank Carolina Gutiérrez for support in understanding Bolivia’s macroeconomic data and making various connections with policy-makers, and Lykke Andersen for support in accessing survey data. I would also like to thank Ximena Echeverría and Alejandro Canelas with whom I had regular conversations while conducting my fieldwork. The thesis also benefited from the space afforded to me by different arms of the Bolivian state. I would like to offer my thanks, in particular, to Luis Salcedo Gutiérrez at Bolivia’s Central Bank who kindly invited me to present some of my preliminary findings and to Joel Mendizábal who was a discussant for that presentation and introduced me to other members of staff at Bolivia’s Social and Economic Policy Analysis Unit (UDAPE). In El Alto, little would 2 have been achieved without recommendations from Miguel Canasa on where to work, and less still were it not for the support of Eddy Yujra Ticona who helped me to gather survey data, or Janeth Casanova who kindly allowed me to conduct a focus group at the Centre for Information and Women’s Development (CIDEM). Finally, I owe my thanks to my parents Mark and Jenny and my brother Henry who were a great support in various ways throughout the process, chief among them the arduous proof- reading by my father. Declaration I, Thomas Aston, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. …………………………………..Thomas Aston 3 Impact Statement Some impacts from the thesis have already materialised inside academia. An earlier version of the thesis’ literature review was acknowledged as an important input into the Partnership for African Social and Governance Research’s (PASGR) book on the politics, public policy and social protection in Africa (see Awortwi, 2017). Likewise, primary and secondary data from the thesis informed Ayliffe et al’s (2018) literature review on the role of social accountability in social protection. Planning for data collection in El Alto also enabled the opportunity to test proxies for peri-urban vulnerability through Bolivia’s household survey. This materialised into a working paper on the subject with the Institute for Advanced Development Studies (INESAD) (Andersen, Aston and Cardona, 2014). In terms of future impact, the thesis’ analytical focus on discourse provides greater attention to the role of ideas in the policymaking of social protection in Bolivia. This focus remains underappreciated in the wider Latin American welfare state literature (see Weyland, 2006). Secondly, the thesis identifies critical gaps in connections between social mobilisation, policy design, and oversight, which are necessary to substantiate claims related to rights-based social assistance (see McGuire, 2013; Ferguson, 2015; Postero, 2017). Dissemination of both these aspects may thus trigger further reflection and debate regarding the role of ideas, the causal significance of civil society pressure, and perceptions of entitlement. The contributions of the thesis outside academia are primarily related to public policy design and service delivery. Learning from shortcomings in Bolivia has informed the evaluation of “Community Reports” accountability mechanisms in the Dominican Republic’s Solidaridad Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) and the design of pilot social accountability mechanisms in Egypt’s Takaful and Karama CCT. Various questions from the thesis’ household survey were used in the accountability pilot in the governorates of Assuit and Giza. In Bolivia, preliminary findings were shared through a presentation at Bolivia’s Central Bank in 2014. This triggered discussion with UDAPE on targeting, vulnerability, administrative capacity and accountability mechanisms (see Mendizábal, 2014). 4 Abstract This thesis aims to explain the key political economy drivers for the introduction of universal cash transfer programmes in countries which rely on natural resources, considering how their introduction and expansion may strengthen or weaken citizen-state relations in this context. The thesis uses Bolivia as a case study, focusing on the period 2005 – 2014, with fieldwork undertaken in La Paz and El Alto. It employs a political economy analysis framework and uses process tracing and discourse analysis as primary methods, supported by surveys and interviews. We argue that in this context the introduction and scale up to universal cash transfers is primarily driven by shifts in the fiscal capture of natural resource rent, the salience of redistributive and egalitarian ideas in political discourse, and the combination of political linkage strategies employed by politicians to appeal to citizens. We posit that higher-level normative ideas are particularly important, especially if these are domestic in origin and arise from or relate to core political constituencies. Despite evidence of resource nationalist ideas and rights-based language, we find the role of civil society to be weak. Moreover, we assert that where programmes are strongly influenced by charismatic (populist) political linkage strategies and where mechanisms for citizen-state interface are weak, programmes are more likely to be perceived as patronage than rights. We argue that in this context, cash transfers do not constitute “rightful shares,” and ultimately do not strengthen rights- based citizen-state relations. Key words: Cash transfers, discourse, populism, citizen-state relations Final word count: 99,998 words (including annexes) 5 Acronyms ADB Asian Development Bank ADN Nationalist Democratic Action Party AFP Pension Fund Administrator ALP Adaptable Loan Programme ANAMBO National Association of Older Persons of Bolivia AUH Universal Child Allowance BDH Human Development Grant BIG Basic Income Grant BoA Bolivian Aviation CCT Conditional Cash Transfer CGD Center for Global Development CIDEM Centre for Information and Women’s Development CIDOB Confederation of Indigenous Peoples of Bolivia CMP Child Money Programme (Mongolia) CNAMIB National Confederation of Indigenous Women of Bolivia COB Bolivian Workers Central Union COFADENA Armed Forces Corporation for National Development CONALCAM National Coordinator for Change CONAMAQ National Council of Ayllus and Maarkas of Qullasuyu CONAN National Food and Nutrition Council CONAPES National Council for Economic and Social Policy CONDEPA Nationhood Awareness Party CONAJUREB National Pensioners’ Confederation COR-El Alto Regional Labour Federation-El Alto CSO Civil Society Organisation CSUTCB Rural Workers Union Federation CT-OVC Cash Transfer for Orphans and Vulnerable Children Programme DAB Bolivian Customs Depots DFID Department for International Development DP Democratic Party (Mongolia) DSF Debt Sustainability Framework ECLAC United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America ENAF National Foundries Company ENDE National Electric Company 6 ENFE National Railways Company ENTEL National Telecommunications Company ESID Effective States and Inclusive Development EXTENSA National Programme for Health Coverage FAM Municipal Association Federation FCI Individual Capitalisation Fund FDI Foreign Direct Investment FEJUVE Federation of Neighbourhood Associations – El Alto FGD Focus Group Discussion FISP Farmer Input Support Programme FOB Freight on Board FONCOM Complementary Funds FOPEBA Basic Pensions Fund FRUV Universal Pension Fund FSE Social Emergency Fund FSI Social Investment Fund FSTMB
Recommended publications
  • Bolivia's 2020 Election: Winning Is Only the Beginning for Luis Arce and The
    LSE Latin America and Caribbean Blog: Bolivia’s 2020 election: winning is only the beginning for Luis Arce and the MAS Page 1 of 3 Bolivia’s 2020 election: winning is only the beginning for Luis Arce and the MAS The new MAS government of Luis Arce will be caught between popular expectations of a return to relative prosperity, a growing ecological catastrophe tied to a declining economic model, and a range of social and ideological challenges that pit right-wing religious forces against an increasingly progressive younger generation. But even if the years ahead will show that this victory was in fact the easy part, for now Bolivians have given the world a vital lesson in democracy, writes Bret Gustafson (Washington University in St Louis). Though the official tally is still being finalised, exit polls released around midnight on Sunday 18 October suggest an overwhelming victory for the MAS party in Bolivia, just eleven months after the ouster of Evo Morales. To avoid a run-off, the MAS presidential candidate Luis Arce needed at least 40 per cent of the vote and a ten-point lead over his nearest rival, but this looked like anything but a foregone conclusion in the lead-up to the elections. Luis Arce and his MAS party achieved a sweeping victory just eleven months after Evo Morales was ousted from the presidency (flag removed, Cancillería del Ecuador, CC BY-SA 2.0) Pre-election polling and a divided opposition In the weeks and days before the vote, polling suggested that Carlos Mesa, a right-leaning historian who was briefly president in the early 2000s, stood a good chance of making it to the second round.
    [Show full text]
  • OEA/Ser.G CP/Doc. 4115/06 8 May 2006 Original: English REPORT OF
    OEA/Ser.G CP/doc. 4115/06 8 May 2006 Original: English REPORT OF THE ELECTORAL OBSERVATION MISSION IN BOLIVIA PRESIDENTIAL AND PREFECTS ELECTIONS 2005 This document is being distributed to the permanent missions and will be presented to the Permanent Council of the Organization ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES REPORT OF THE ELECTORAL OBSERVATION MISSION IN BOLIVIA PRESIDENTIAL AND PREFECTS ELECTIONS 2005 Secretariat for Political Affairs This version is subject to revision and will not be available to the public pending consideration, as the case may be, by the Permanent Council CONTENTS MAIN ABBREVIATIONS vi CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION 1 A. Electoral Process of December 2005 1 B. Legal and Electoral Framework 3 1. Electoral officers 4 2. Political parties 4 3. Citizen groups and indigenous peoples 5 4. Selection of prefects 6 CHAPTER II. MISSION BACKGROUND, OBJECTIVES AND CHARACTERISTICS 7 A. Mission Objectives 7 B. Preliminary Activities 7 C. Establishment of Mission 8 D. Mission Deployment 9 E. Mission Observers in Political Parties 10 F. Reporting Office 10 CHAPTER III. OBSERVATION OF PROCESS 11 A. Electoral Calendar 11 B. Electoral Training 11 1. Training for electoral judges, notaries, and board members11 2. Disseminating and strengthening democratic values 12 C. Computer System 13 D. Monitoring Electoral Spending and Campaigning 14 E. Security 14 CHAPTER IV. PRE-ELECTION STAGE 15 A. Concerns of Political Parties 15 1. National Electoral Court 15 2. Critical points 15 3. Car traffic 16 4. Sealing of ballot boxes 16 5. Media 17 B. Complaints and Reports 17 1. Voter registration rolls 17 2. Disqualification 17 3.
    [Show full text]
  • UNIVERSIDAD MAYOR DE SAN ANDRÉS FACULTAD DE HUMANIDADES Y Cs
    UNIVERSIDAD MAYOR DE SAN ANDRÉS FACULTAD DE HUMANIDADES Y Cs. DE LA EDUCACIÓN CARRERA DE LINGÜÍSTICA E IDIOMAS TESIS DE GRADO “WHAT LIES BEHIND THE POLITICAL DISCOURSE OF THE M.A.S.-POLITICAL PARTY WHICH IS NOW IN POWER IN BOLIVIA” THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF LICENCIATURA EN LINGÜÍSTICA E IDIOMAS. By Esteban Rojas Q. SUPERVISOR: Lic. M. Virginia Coronado LLAA PPAAZZ –– BBOOLLIIIVVIIIAA 22001144 UNIVERSIDAD MAYOR DE SAN ANDRÉS FACULTAD DE HUMANIDADES Y CIENCIAS DE LA EDUCACIÓN CARRERA DE LINGÜÍSTICA E IDIOMAS THESIS “WHAT LIES BEHIND THE POLITICAL DISCOURSE OF THE M.A.S.- POLITICAL PARTY WHICH IS NOW IN POWER IN BOLIVIA” (A qualitative study) © 2014 Esteban Rojas Q. Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Licenciatura en Lingüística e Idiomas. …………………………………………………....................................................... ..…………………………………………………..................................................... ………………………………………………………................................................ Head of Department: Lic. Orlando Montaño Supervisor: Lic. M. Virginia Coronado Committee: Lic. Gregorio Calisaya Committee: Lic. David Aduviri Date: …................................................... / 2014 ii CONTENTS Page Presentation -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- i Acknowledgments ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ii Preface -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
    [Show full text]
  • Las Dictaduras En América Latina Y Su Influencia En Los Movimientos De
    Revista Ratio Juris Vol. 16 N.º 32, 2021, pp. 17-50 © UNAULA EDITORIAL DICTATORSHIPS IN LATIN AMERICA AND THEIR INFLUENCE OF RIGHT AND LEFT MOVEMENTS SINCE THE 20TH CENTURY* LAS DICTADURAS EN AMÉRICA LATINA Y SU INFLUENCIA EN LOS MOVIMIENTOS DE DERECHA E IZQUIERDA DESDE EL SIGLO xx Juan Carlos Beltrán López José Fernando Valencia Grajales** Mayda Soraya Marín Galeano*** Recibido: 30 de noviembre de 2020 - Aceptado: 30 de mayo de 2021 - Publicado: 30 de junio de 2021 DOI: 10.24142/raju.v16n32a1 * El presente artículo es derivado de la línea Constitucionalismo Crítico y Género que hace parte del programa de investigación con código 2019 29-000029 de la línea denominada Dinámicas Urbano-Regionales, Economía Solidaria y Construcción de Paz Territorial en Antioquia, que a su vez tiene como sublíneas de trabajo las siguientes: Construcción del Sujeto Político, Ciudadanía y Transformación Social; Constitucionalismo Crítico y Género; Globalización, Derechos Humanos y Políticas Públicas, y Conflicto Territorio y Paz e Investigación Formativa. ** Docente investigador Universidad Autónoma Latinoamericana (UNAULA); Abogado, Universidad de Antioquia; Politólogo, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Sede Medellín; Especialista en Cultu- ra Política: Pedagogía de los Derechos Humanos, Universidad Autónoma Latinoamericana (UNAU- LA); Magíster en Estudios Urbano Regionales, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Sede Medellín; estudiante del Doctorado en Conocimiento y Cultura en América Latina, Instituto Pensamiento y Cultura en América Latina, A. C.; editor de la revista Kavilando y Revista Ratio Juris (UNAULA), Medellín, Colombia. ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8128-4903; Google Scholar: https://scho- lar.google.es/citations?user=mlzFu8sAAAAJ&hl=es. Correo electrónico: [email protected] *** Directora de la Maestría en Derecho y docente investigadora de la Universidad Católica Luis Amigó, investigadora de la revista Kavilando.
    [Show full text]
  • THE TRICONTINENTAL[:Es]
    1 Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research international, movement-driven institution focused on stimulating intellectual debate that serves people’s aspirations. We Are That History That Is Discredited, but Which Reappears When You Least Expect It: The Forty-Fourth Newsletter (2020) Tricontinental · Thursday, October 29th, 2020 Bolivian President-elect Luis Arce and Vice President-elect David Choquehuanca, 2020 Dear Friends Greetings from the desk of the Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research. Almost exactly a year ago, on 10 November 2019, a coup d’état struck down the Bolivian people after General Williams Kalimansuggested ‘ ’ that President Evo Morales Ayma resign. Morales – following acts and threats of physical violence against him, his family, and his political party – left the presidency, went to Mexico, and then eventually went into exile in Argentina. Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research - 1 / 7 - 01.10.2021 2 The coup followed an election that would have resulted in Morales’ fourth term as president, the results of which were questioned by the Organisation of American States or OAS (60% of whose funding comes from the US government). That Morales’ third term would not have ended for several months did not bother liberals around the world, who adopted the Washington-driven OAS view that there had been fraud in the October 2019 election. It was later shown by US political scientists that no such fraud had taken place; Morales was ejected by an old fashioned coup. There is now a call by progressive governments in Latin America for the resignation of Luis Almagro, the head of the OAS. Immense repression greeted the Bolivian people, who were told that ‘democracy’ had arrived.
    [Show full text]
  • Performance of Banks and Microfinance in Bolivia
    POOLING VERSUS SEPARATING REGULATION: THE PERFORMANCE OF BANKS AND MICROFINANCE IN BOLIVIA UNDER SYSTEMIC SHOCKS DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Marcelo Villafani‐Ibarnegaray ***** The Ohio State University 2008 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Claudio Gonzalez‐Vega, Adviser Professor Mario Miranda Adviser Graduate Program in Professor Joseph Kaboski Agricultural, Environmental and Development Economics i ABSTRACT Bank superintendents implement prudential regulation that simultaneously seeks protection of the stability and solvency of financial intermediaries and several dimensions of financial deepening. If they use only one instrument, a given level of safety is achieved at the expense of some intermediation. The question addressed by this dissertation are the excessive losses of intermediation efficiency from a single, uniform (pooling) regulation, which treated loan portfolios built with a traditional banking technology or with a microfinance technology as if they carried the same risk profile. Given significant differences between the two lending technologies, in their ability to match their clienteles and to recognize different risks, a differentiated (separating) set of prudential norms would contribute more to the dual goals of stability as well as financial deepening and breadth of outreach. This task is specially challenging in developing countries exposed to frequent systemic shocks. The dissertation develops a simple theoretical framework to guide regulators about the welfare shortcomings of pooling regulation, compared to separating regulation. If the risk profiles of the portfolios are different, different prudential norms should be applied. The problem for the regulator, however, is incomplete information ii about these risk profiles and the high costs of overcoming the information imperfections about their characteristics.
    [Show full text]
  • Bolivia 68 PARTLY FREE /100
    FREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2017 Bolivia 68 PARTLY FREE /100 Political Rights 29 /40 Civil Liberties 39 /60 Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. Capital La Paz (administrative), Sucre (judicial) Overview Bolivia is a democracy where credible elections are held regularly. However, respect for freedom of expression and the rights of indigenous peoples and women remain issues, as does corruption, particularly within the judicial system. Key Developments in 2016 • In February, voters rejected a referendum that would have permitted President Evo Morales to run for a fourth term. • Despite the referendum’s defeat, Morales’s Movement for Socialism (MAS) voted in December to approve him as its candidate for the 2019 presidential election. • In August, Vice Minister of Interior Rodolfo Illanes was kidnapped and murdered by protesting miners. Executive Summary In February 2016, voters rejected a referendum that would have permitted Morales to run for a fourth term, in what was seen as a major defeat for the president. Nevertheless, in December, the MAS voted to approve Morales as its candidate for the presidential election set for 2019, and signaled that it might undertake legal reforms order to permit him to do so. Bolivia has a vibrant civil society, but occasional outbursts of violence at demonstrations remain a concern. In August 2016, Vice Minister of the Interior Rodolfo Illanes was abducted while traveling to speak with a group of miners who were protesting environmental and labor regulations. The government announced later that he had been killed. Political Rights A. Electoral Process Bolivia’s president is directly elected, and presidential and legislative terms are both five years.
    [Show full text]
  • List of Delegations to the Seventieth Session of the General Assembly
    UNITED NATIONS ST /SG/SER.C/L.624 _____________________________________________________________________________ Secretariat Distr.: Limited 18 December 2015 PROTOCOL AND LIAISON SERVICE LIST OF DELEGATIONS TO THE SEVENTIETH SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY I. MEMBER STATES Page Page Afghanistan......................................................................... 5 Chile ................................................................................. 47 Albania ............................................................................... 6 China ................................................................................ 49 Algeria ................................................................................ 7 Colombia .......................................................................... 50 Andorra ............................................................................... 8 Comoros ........................................................................... 51 Angola ................................................................................ 9 Congo ............................................................................... 52 Antigua and Barbuda ........................................................ 11 Costa Rica ........................................................................ 53 Argentina .......................................................................... 12 Côte d’Ivoire .................................................................... 54 Armenia ...........................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Bolivia 2017
    FREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2017 Bolivia 68 PARTLY FREE /100 Political Rights 29 /40 Civil Liberties 39 /60 Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. Capital La Paz (administrative), Sucre (judicial) Overview Bolivia is a democracy where credible elections are held regularly. However, respect for freedom of expression and the rights of indigenous peoples and women remain issues, as does corruption, particularly within the judicial system. Key Developments in 2016 • In February, voters rejected a referendum that would have permitted President Evo Morales to run for a fourth term. • Despite the referendum’s defeat, Morales’s Movement for Socialism (MAS) voted in December to approve him as its candidate for the 2019 presidential election. • In August, Vice Minister of Interior Rodolfo Illanes was kidnapped and murdered by protesting miners. Executive Summary In February 2016, voters rejected a referendum that would have permitted Morales to run for a fourth term, in what was seen as a major defeat for the president. Nevertheless, in December, the MAS voted to approve Morales as its candidate for the presidential election set for 2019, and signaled that it might undertake legal reforms order to permit him to do so. Bolivia has a vibrant civil society, but occasional outbursts of violence at demonstrations remain a concern. In August 2016, Vice Minister of the Interior Rodolfo Illanes was abducted while traveling to speak with a group of miners who were protesting environmental and labor regulations. The government announced later that he had been killed. Political Rights A. Electoral Process Bolivia’s president is directly elected, and presidential and legislative terms are both five years.
    [Show full text]
  • Memoria Camc
    MEMORIA DE NUESTRA PARTICIPACIÓN EN LA COMISIÓN QUE INVESTIGÓ LOS CONTRATOS DE CAMC CRÓNICA PERIODÍSTICA UN MAR DE CONTRADICCIONES Relatores: Diputada Griselda Muñoz Colque Senador Óscar Ortiz Septiembre de 2016 Depósito legal: 8 - 1 - 4277 - 16 SENAPI: Resolución Administrativa N° 1 - 1238/2016 Autores: Diputada Griselda Muñoz Colque Senador Oscar Ortiz Antelo Primera edición: septiembre de 2016 Impreso en Santa Cruz - Bolivia Queda prohibida la reproducción total o parcial de esta publicación (texto, imágenes y diseño), su manipulación informática y transmisión, sea electrónica, por fotocopia u otros medios, sin permiso previo de los autores, bajo pena de Ley. Índice PARTE I Investigación PRESENTACIÓN DE LA MEMORIA ……………………...................……………….2 RESUMEN EJECUTIVO…………………………………………………………………4 INFORME DE LA MEMORIA ..………………………………….……………………...11 CONCLUSIONES .........................................………………………….………………73 PARTE II Crónica Periodística LA DENUNCIA DE VALVERDE………………………………………...………………88 VÍNCULOS MORALES-ZAPATA......................................…………...………………90 EL ROL DEL MINISTRO DE LA PRESIDENCIA, Vínculos Quintana-Zapata-Choque……………………………………..……………121 CAMC Y LOS CONTRATOS CON EL ESTADO…………………………...…………146 Parte I Investigación 1 MEMORIA DE NUESTRA PARTICIPACIÓN EN LA COMISIÓN QUE INVESTIGÓ LOS CONTRATOS DE CAMC PRESENTACIÓN DE LA MEMORIA Memoria de nuestra participación en la Comisión Especial Mixta de la Asamblea Legislativa que investigó el caso CAMC A principios de febrero de 2016, el país entero fue sorprendido por la denuncia del periodista Carlos Valverde Bravo sobre las funciones desempeñadas por una expareja sentimental del presidente Evo Morales en la empresa china CAMC ENGINEERING CO. LTD., la cual se ha adjudicado contratos con el Estado boliviano que superan los 570 millones de dólares, la mayor parte de los cuales fueron adjudicados de forma directa y financiados con recursos nacionales.
    [Show full text]
  • Bolivia After the 2020 General Elections. Despite the Return To
    NO. 55 NOVEMBER 2020 Introduction Bolivia after the 2020 General Elections Despite the Return to Power of the MAS, a New Political Era Could Be About to Begin Claudia Zilla and Madeleyne Aguilar Andrade On 8 November Luis Arce and David Choquehuanca took office as the new president and vice-president of Bolivia, respectively. Less than a month earlier, they had won the elections in the first round with more than 55 per cent of the vote. Thus, the Move- ment towards Socialism (Movimiento al Socialismo or MAS) was returned to power and obtained an absolute majority in the parliament after a one-year interregnum follow- ing the fraudulent ballot in 2019. This outcome can be attributed not only to the desire of the people for economic and political stability as well as social peace but also to the poor performance of the transitional government of Jeanine Áñez and the oppo- sition’s fragmentation and polarizing campaign. The dethronement of Evo Morales and the current adverse conditions – not least Covid-19 – are among those factors that will make it impossible for the MAS to conduct business as usual. It was a long and extremely difficult path to the first round of the elections, Bolivians the October 2020 general elections, which for and against him had already taken to were a re-run of the annulled October 2019 the streets. In its final report, published ballot. Evo Morales had pushed through in December, as well as in its preliminary four presidential mandates in a row by reports of October and November, the elec- means of violating constitutional provisions toral observation mission of the Organiza- (2009), ignoring the results of a plebiscite tion of American States (OAS) testified to against his re-election (2016) and obtaining significant irregularities in the counting of both the Constitutional Court’s recognition the votes.
    [Show full text]
  • LATIN AMERICA ADVISOR a DAILY PUBLICATION of the DIALOGUE Tuesday, March 30, 2021
    LATIN AMERICA ADVISOR A DAILY PUBLICATION OF THE DIALOGUE www.thedialogue.org Tuesday, March 30, 2021 BOARD OF ADVISORS FEATURED Q&A TODAY’S NEWS Diego Arria Director, Columbus Group ECONOMIC Devry Boughner Vorwerk Are Bolivian Politics Argentine Bank Chief Corporate Affairs Officer, Grubhub Groups Seek Joyce Chang Global Head of Research, Focused on Unity Eased Regulations JPMorgan Chase & Co. Officials from Argentina’s four Paula Cifuentes largest banking industry groups Director of Economic & Fiscal Affairs, or Retribution? have reportedly asked the govern- Latin America & Canada, Philip Morris International ment to ease some regulations. Marlene Fernández Page 2 Corporate Vice President for Government Relations, Arcos Dorados (McDonald’s) BUSINESS Peter Hakim President Emeritus, Brazil’s Raízen Inter-American Dialogue Taps Banks Donna Hrinak Senior VP, Corporate Affairs, to Manage IPO Royal Caribbean Group Brazilian energy company Raízen, Jon E. Huenemann a joint venture between Cosan and Council Member, Royal Dutch Shell, has reportedly GLG Inc. tapped four investment banks to James R. Jones Former interim Bolivian President Jeanine Áñez’s interior minister sought to imprison leftist Chairman, former President Evo Morales. Now, an ally of Morales is president, and Áñez is behind bars. // manage its initial public offering. Monarch Global Strategies Photo: @JeanineAnez via Twitter. Page 3 Craig A. Kelly Upon taking office, leftist Bolivian President Luis Arce Senior Director, Americas Int’l Gov’t Relations, Exxon Mobil vowed to unite the politically divided country, as did his POLITICAL John Maisto predecessor, conservative Jeanine Áñez. However, shortly Bolsonaro Shuffles Director, U.S. Education Finance Group Q after Áñez’s government took over in November 2019, her in- Cabinet Amid Nicolás Mariscal terior minister sought to imprison leftist former President Evo Morales.
    [Show full text]