Wlhatever He Thought Worthy of Preservationi; in This Way Office That the D.P.H
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The Eagle 1946 (Easter)
THE EAGLE ut jVfagazine SUPPORTED BY MEMBERS OF Sf 'John's College St. Jol.l. CoIl. Lib, Gamb. VOL UME LIl, Nos. 231-232 PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS FOR SUBSCRIBERS ON L Y MCMXLVII Ct., CONTENTS A Song of the Divine Names . PAGE The next number shortly to be published will cover the 305 academic year 1946/47. Contributions for the number The College During the War . 306 following this should be sent to the Editors of The Eagle, To the College (after six war-years in Egypt) 309 c/o The College Office, St John's College. The Commemoration Sermon, 1946 310 On the Possible Biblical Origin of a Well-Known Line in The The Editors will welcome assistance in making the Chronicle as complete a record as possible of the careers of members Hunting of the Snark 313 of the College. The Paling Fence 315 The Sigh 3 1 5 Johniana . 3 16 Book Review 319 College Chronicle : The Adams Society 321 The Debaj:ing Society . 323 The Finar Society 324 The Historical Society 325 The Medical Society . 326 The Musical Society . 329 The N ashe Society . 333 The Natural Science Club 3·34 The 'P' Club 336 Yet Another Society 337 Association Football 338 The Athletic Club 341 The Chess Club . 341 The Cricket Club 342 The Hockey Club 342 L.M.B.C.. 344 Lawn Tennis Club 352 Rugby Football . 354 The Squash Club 358 College Notes . 358 Obituary: Humphry Davy Rolleston 380 Lewis Erle Shore 383 J ames William Craik 388 Kenneth 0 Thomas Wilson 39 J ames 391 John Ambrose Fleming 402 Roll of Honour 405 The Library . -
Capital, Profession and Medical Technology: Royal College Of
Medical History, 1997, 41: 150-181 Capital, Profession and Medical Technology: The Electro-Therapeutic Institutes and the Royal College of Physicians, 1888-1922 TAKAHIRO UEYAMA* That it is undesirable that any Fellow or Member of the College should be officially connected with any Company having for its object the treatment of disease for profit. (Resolution of the Royal College of Physicians of London, 25 Oct. 1888.) That subject to the general provisions of Bye-law 190 the College desires so to interpret its Bye-law, Regulations, and Resolutions, as no longer to prohibit the official connection of Fellows and Members with medical institutes, though financed by a company, provided there be no other financial relation than the acceptance of a fixed salary or of fees for medical attendance on a fixed scale, irrespective of the total amount of the profits of the Company. (Resolution of the Royal College of Physicians of London, 1922, replacing the Resolution of 1888.) No Fellow or Member of the College shall be engaged in trade, or dispense medicines, or make any engagement with a Pharmacist [altered from Chemist] or any other person for the supply ofmedicines, or practise Medicine or Surgery in partnership, by deed or otherwise, or be a party to the transfer of patients or of the goodwill of a practice to or from himself for any pecuniary consideration. (Bye-law 178 of the Royal College of Physicians of London, 1922, alterations in italics.)l This paper examines the implications of an historical drama at the Censors' Board of the Royal College of Physicians of London (henceforth RCP) in the late 1880s and 1890s. -
Henry More, Richard Baxter, and Francis Glisson's Trea Tise on the Energetic Na Ture of Substance
Medical History, 1987, 31: 15-40. MEDICINE AND PNEUMATOLOGY: HENRY MORE, RICHARD BAXTER, AND FRANCIS GLISSON'S TREA TISE ON THE ENERGETIC NA TURE OF SUBSTANCE by JOHN HENRY* The nature of the soul and its relationship to the body has always proved problematical for Christian philosophy. The source ofthe difficulty can be traced back to the efforts of the early Fathers to reconcile the essentially pagan concept of an immaterial and immortal soul with apostolic teachings about the after-life in which all the emphasis is placed upon the resurrection of the body. The tensions between these two traditions inevitably became strained during the sixteenth century when Protestant reformers insisted on a closer adherence to Scripture. Furthermore, even when leaving the problems of Scriptural hermeneutics aside, the dualistic approach to the question, in which soul (or spirit) and body are held to be categorically different in essence, had to overcome a number of intractable philosophical problems. So, it was not simply coincidence that when the new mechanical philosophy began to be formulated in a systematic way in the seventeenth century, it was couched in vigorously dualistic terms. In fact, three of the earliest fully elaborated systems of mechanical philosophy, those of Descartes, Digby, and Charleton, were explicitly intended to provide a philosophical prop for dualist theology.' Moreover, it was because of its usefulness in promoting dualism that Cartesianism was first popularized in England not by a natural philosopher but by the Cambridge Platonist and theologian, Henry More.2 *John Henry, MPhil, PhD, Wellcome Institute for the History ofMedicine, 183 Euston Road, London NWI 2BP. -
History of Medicine in the City of London
[From Fabricios ab Aquapendente: Opere chirurgiche. Padova, 1684] ANNALS OF MEDICAL HISTORY Third Series, Volume III January, 1941 Number 1 HISTORY OF MEDICINE IN THE CITY OF LONDON By SIR HUMPHRY ROLLESTON, BT., G.C.V.O., K.C.B. HASLEMERE, ENGLAND HET “City” of London who analysed Bald’s “Leech Book” (ca. (Llyn-din = town on 890), the oldest medical work in Eng the lake) lies on the lish and the textbook of Anglo-Saxon north bank of the leeches; the most bulky of the Anglo- I h a m e s a n d Saxon leechdoms is the “Herbarium” stretches north to of that mysterious personality (pseudo-) Finsbury, and east Apuleius Platonicus, who must not be to west from the confused with Lucius Apuleius of Ma- l ower to Temple Bar. The “city” is daura (ca. a.d. 125), the author of “The now one of the smallest of the twenty- Golden Ass.” Payne deprecated the un nine municipal divisions of the admin due and, relative to the state of opin istrative County of London, and is a ion in other countries, exaggerated County corporate, whereas the other references to the imperfections (super twenty-eight divisions are metropolitan stitions, magic, exorcisms, charms) of boroughs. Measuring 678 acres, it is Anglo-Saxon medicine, as judged by therefore a much restricted part of the present-day standards, and pointed out present greater London, but its medical that the Anglo-Saxons were long in ad history is long and of special interest. vance of other Western nations in the Of Saxon medicine in England there attempt to construct a medical litera is not any evidence before the intro ture in their own language. -
The Dissenting Tradition in English Medicine of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries
Medical History, 1995, 39: 197-218 The Dissenting Tradition in English Medicine of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries WILLIAM BIRKEN* In England, medicine has always been something of a refuge for individuals whose lives have been dislocated by religious and political strife. This was particularly true in the seventeenth century when changes in Church and State were occurring at a blinding speed. In his book The experience of defeat, Christopher Hill has described the erratic careers of a number of radical clergy and intellectuals who studied and practised medicine in times of dislocation. A list pulled together from Hill's book would include: John Pordage, Samuel Pordage, Henry Stubbe, John Webster, John Rogers, Abiezer Coppe, William Walwyn and Marchamont Nedham.1 Medicine as a practical option for a lost career, or to supplement and subsidize uncertain careers, can also be found among Royalists and Anglicans when their lives were similarly disrupted during the Interregnum. Among these were the brilliant Vaughan twins, Thomas, the Hermetic philosopher, and Henry, the metaphysical poet and clergyman; the poet, Abraham Cowley; and the mercurial Nedham, who was dislocated both as a republican and as a royalist. The Anglicans Ralph Bathurst and Mathew Robinson were forced to abandon temporarily their clerical careers for medicine, only to return to the Church when times were more propitious. In the middle of the eighteenth century the political and religious disabilities of non-juring Anglicanism were still potent enough to impel Sir Richard Jebb to a successful medical career. But by and large the greatest impact on medicine came from the much larger group of the displaced, the English Dissenters, whose combination of religion and medicine were nothing short of remarkable. -
2859 Alumninews to Prnt
AlumniAlumniNewsDukeDukeMedMed News In TheirTheir NextNext LifeLife WINTER 2001 What’s it like to enter medical school after years in the working world? p.10 6 Meet the New MAA President 8 Diary of a Tragedy: Alumni Respond to the Events of September 11 DukeMed In Brief ALUMNI NEWS ALUMNI NEWS Reynolds Chronicles Lincoln Hospital History Many Duke pediatrics and general medicine residents can remember seeing patients at Lincoln Community Health Center in downtown Durham. Now a new book by P. Preston Reynolds, T’79, G’81, MD’85, PhD’87, of Baltimore, Md., chronicles the history of the original Lincoln Hospital, which served Durham’s black community from 1901 to 1976. In 1976, Lincoln and Watts Hospital, Durham’s “white” hospital, merged to form Durham County General Hospital—now Durham Regional Hospital. The Lincoln name was given to the community health center, which stands on the site of the old hospital campus. During the Jim Crow era, Lincoln was a rare model of interracial collaboration, according to Reynolds. “I think, because of those professional relations—at the The Next Best Thing to Being Here: trustee level, at the physician level, at the staff level— DukeMed Interactive [Lincoln] served a critical role when the community Potential medical students can now check out Duke merged Watts and Lincoln in Durham General,” School of Medicine without leaving their desks. says Reynolds. DukeMed Interactive, a Web site for medical school Lincoln served a thriving black community in admissions, is designed to help applicants understand Durham, which was home to two of the nation’s what makes Duke one of the nation’s top medical largest African-American-owned institutions: N.C. -
Sydney Arthur Monckton Copeman (1862-1947) (From a Portrait by Frank Eastman, R.A., in the Possession of Dr
Sydney Arthur Monckton Copeman (1862-1947) (From a portrait by Frank Eastman, R.A., in the possession of Dr. W. S. C. Copeman.) Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.202.226, on 25 Sep 2021 at 05:16:21, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0025727300012722 THE PREVENTION OF SMALLPOX: FROM EDWARD JENNER TO MONCKTON COPEMAN* by SIR ARTHUR SALUSBURY MAcNALTY, K.C.B. MY first and pleasant duty is to express my thanks to the Faculty of the History of Medicine and Pharmacy of the Worshipful Society of Apothecaries for appointing me to give the Inaugural Monckton Copeman Lecture. In selecting the 'Prevention of Smallpox from Edward Jenner to Monckton Copeman' as the subject of the Lecture, I value the privilege of paying a tribute to two great benefactors of mankind. It is appropriate at the outset to give you some account of the man in whose memory this Lecture has been founded. OUTLINE OF THE LIFE OF DR. S. MONCKTON COPEMAN Sydney Arthur Monckton Copeman was born at Norwich on 21 February, 1862. His father was the Rev. Canon Arthur Charles Copeman, LL.D., Canon and Rural Dean of Norwich. Before taking Holy Orders, Canon Copeman qualified with the M.B. London in 1848, being gold medallist in anatomy and physiology. Preceding generations of the family were private bankers in Norwich; but medicine was further represented by the Canon's elder brother, Edward Copeman, M.D., F.R.C.P. -
An Article Contributed to an Anniversary Volume in Honor of Doctor Joseph Hersey Pratt: Samuel Jones Gee and His Friends*
AN ARTICLE CONTRIBUTED TO AN ANNIVERSARY VOLUME IN HONOR OF DOCTOR JOSEPH HERSEY PRATT SAMUEL JONES GEE AND HIS FRIENDS * By SIR HUMPHRY ROLLESTON, Bt., G.C.V.O., K.C.B. PERHAPS the best way I can join in a tribute to Joseph Hersey Pratt— the clinical physician^—is to offer a sketch of another clinical physician, at St. Bartholomew's Hospital, with some sidelights on contemporary medical London when I was a student there half a century ago. The names of great physicians have often been linked by their admirers with recently recognized forms of disease, and also with favourite prescriptions—the least of their achievements. Samuel Jones Gee is an example of this eponymous association. Fifty years ago what is now known as posterior basal meningitis or, as Still showed in 1898, chronic meningococcal menin gitis of infants was colloquially known in London as " Gee and Barlow's disease " after their account in 1878 of cervical opisthotonos in infants which in his aphorisms Gee later summarized as follows: " not a tuberculous affec tion; it is due to a chronic meningitis, of the medulla. It may, however, occur as a symptom in tuberculous affections of this region." In 1899 Sir Thomas Barlow (1845- ) and David Bridge Lees (1846-1915) gave an expanded account of the condition under the title of " posterior basic (occlusive) meningitis; acquired hydrocephalus." These three writers were colleagues at the Hospital for Sick Children, Great Ormond Street, W. C. In 1888 Gee published an article of four pages " On the Coeliac Affec tion " beginning " There is a kind of chronic indigestion which is met with in persons of all ages yet is specially apt to affect children between one and five years old." At the time it attracted very little attention perhaps because, like most of his original papers, it appeared in the St. -
Restoring Thymic Function Then And
Cytokine 120 (2019) 202–209 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Cytokine journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/cytokine Restoring thymic function: Then and now T ⁎ Abed El-Hakim El-Kadirya,b, Moutih Rafeic,d,e, a Department of Biomedical Sciences, Faculty of Medicine, Université de Montréal, Montréal, Qc, Canada b Montreal Heart Institute, Montréal, Qc, Canada c Department of Pharmacology and Physiology, Université de Montréal, Montréal, Qc, Canada d Department of Microbiology, Infectious Diseases and Immunology, Université de Montréal, Montréal, Qc, Canada e Department of Microbiology and Immunology, McGill University, Montréal, Qc, Canada ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT Keywords: Thymic vulnerability, a leading cause of defective immunity, was discovered decades ago. To date, several Thymopoiesis strategies have been investigated to unveil any immunorestorative capacities they might confer. Studies ex- Immune reconstitution ploiting castration, transplantation, adoptive cell therapies, hormones/growth factors, and cytokines have de- Aging monstrated enhanced in vitro and in vivo thymopoiesis, albeit with clinical restrictions. In this review, we will GVHD dissect the thymus on a physiological and pathological level and discuss the pros and cons of several strategies Bone marrow transplantation esteemed thymotrophic from a pre-clinical perspective. Finally, we will shed light on interleukin (IL)-21, a IL-21 pharmacologically-promising cytokine with a significant thymotrophic nature, and elaborate on its potential clinical efficacy and -
Charles Goodall, M.D., F.R.C.P
[From Schurigio: Lithopogia Historico-Medica, Dresden, 1744] ANNALS OF MEDICAL HISTORY Third Series , Volume II January , 1940 Numbe r 1 CHARLES GOODALL, M.D., F.R.C.P. A DEFENDER OF THE ROYAL COLLEGE OF PHYSICIANS OF LONDON By SIR HUMPHRY ROLLESTON, BT., G.C.V.O., K.C.B. HASLEMERE, ENGLAND HARLES GOODALL (1642- title page of this printed dissertation, 1712) was ail ardent cham- which is in the British Museum, de- pion of the rights of the scribed him as “Carolus Goddal, anglus, Royal College of Physicians Acad. Cant. L. et Coll. Email., ibidem of London and the vigorous opponentnuper alumnus. ” He was incorporated ofC unlicensed “practisers” during most m.d . at Cambridge on November 26 in of his professional life, beginning, by the same year. bringing out a book on the subject, even Settling in London he then attended before he was connected with the Col- the anatomical lectures of Walter Need- lege and lasting until his death when ham (1631-1691?) whom he was des- he was president. He was the son of tined to succeed on April 28, 1691, as Thomas Goodall, of Earl Stonham. Suf- physician to the Charterhouse where he folk. Admitted a pensioner (an ordinary resided, as the regulations of the foun- undergraduate) at Emmanuel College, dation directed (which Needham had Cambridge, on January 20, 1658-9 he not obeyed), with occasional visits to was licensed to practise surgery (C.L.)* his house in Kensington. This charity in 1665. was founded by Thomas Sutton (1532- On June 21, 1670 he “entered on the 1611), a soldier and the richest com- physic line’’ at Leyden and on July 6 of moner of his day, for eighty poverty- that year obtained the doctorate of med- stricken “gentlemen,” soldiers, mer- icine there with his “Disputatio de chants ruined by piracy or shipwreck, haemorrhageis scorbuticis,” which was and servants of the sovereign, and sec- dedicated to his father, Rev. -
Margaret Cavendish, Jan Baptista Van Helmont, and the Madness of the Womb
[Please note this is an earlier version of a published essay: Jacqueline Broad, ‘Cavendish, van Helmont, and the Mad Raging Womb’, in The New Science and Women’s Literary Discourse: Prefiguring Frankenstein, edited by Judy A. Hayden (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), pp. 47-63. Please cite the published version.] Margaret Cavendish, Jan Baptista van Helmont, and the Madness of the Womb Jacqueline Broad In April 1667, Mary Evelyn wrote to her son’s tutor, Ralph Bohun, describing a visit that she had paid to Margaret Cavendish, the Duchess of Newcastle (1623-73). Evelyn reports that Cavendish was with the physician and natural philosopher, Walter Charleton (1619- 1707), and that he was “complimenting her wit and learning in a high manner; which she took to be so much her due that she swore if the schools did not banish Aristotle and read Margaret, Duchess of Newcastle, they did her wrong, and deserved to be utterly abolished.”1 Evelyn left the meeting declaring that “Never did I see a woman so full of herself, so amazingly vain and ambitious.”2 And her complete description of the encounter does not leave the reader with a favorable impression of Cavendish’s humility: enthusiastically recounting the details of her philosophy (citing “her own pieces line and page”), Cavendish paused for breath apparently only in order to greet the arrival of new admirers. While Evelyn may have had a personal grudge against Cavendish,3 her detail about “banishing Aristotle from the schools” still rings true with our present-day opinions 52 about Cavendish’s natural philosophy. -
The Apothecary As Man of Science
Iv THE APOTHECARY AS MAN OF SCIENCE INTRODUCTION The development and use of rational scientific methods was well established by the mid-seventeenth century. The collection of data and the systematic arrangement of ideas, the application of mathematics and sound reasoning, and, above all, the experi- mental testing of hypotheses, advocated by men of the calibre of Johan Kepler (1571-1630), Galileo Galilei (1564-1642), Francis Bacon (1561-1626), and Rene Descartes (1596-1650) were, by the time of the Commonwealth, accepted roads to the advancement of knowledge. A new intellectual outlook had evolved, as noted by John Aubrey (1626-97) in 1671, "Till about the year 1649 'twas held a strange presumption for a man to attempt an innovation of learning". The English apothecary was, of course, much influenced by these changes. He developed methods of inquiry and investigation, he experimented, he joined societies, he wrote to like-minded contemporaries, he published his findings, and, above all, he had the good fortune to be caught in the toils of collectors' mania, be it "curiosities" or new information. The apothecary had a particular interest in those fields that most closely impinged upon his own profession - botany, chemistry, and medicine. Although considerable advances in the description and classification of plants and animals had been made by 1760, no great theoretical principles or "laws" of biology had been developed. It should be noted, though, that the generation of scientists arriv- ing on the scene after 1760 was able to study an immensely richer collection of natural history specimens from distant lands, which helped towards developing new interpretations of Nature based on sounder doctrines.