The Neural Circulation. the Use of Analogy in Medicine*
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JOHN EVELYN and MEDICINE* by C
JOHN EVELYN AND MEDICINE* by C. D. O'MALLEY JOHN EvELYN has often been described as a virtuoso in the seventeenth-century meaning of that word, and if it be recalled that the Earl of Arundel, the greatest of the virtuosi was his patron, that Evelyn was a member of the Royal Society almost from its inception and a diligent attendant of its meetings, which at that time dealt with a wide variety of curiosa and technological as well as scientific problems, that he was a vocal and literary exponent and collector of the odd and the artistic, and a recognized authority on architecture and gardens, he must certainly be classed among the notable virtuosi of his day. But within his multifarious interests and their related activities Evelyn appears to have had a particular regard for medicine, one that transcended the usual concern of those members of his class who did not espouse that subject professionally. Except for somewhat intermittent studies at Oxford, undertaken more as an obligation than because of genuine desire, medicine was the only discipline in which he deliberately took any formal instruction, and throughout the many years covered by his Diary medicine and matters ancillary to it received uncommon attention." Anyone living in the seventeenth century was very much aware of accident, disease, and ever proximate death. It was quite in the order of things that Evelyn, born in 1620, recalled from his fifth year the severe plague in 1625, its high mortality and the fact, as he later wrote, that he himself 'was shortly after so dangerously sick of a Feavor, that (as I have heard), the Physitians despair'd of me' (ii.7).2 He was fourteen years old when his sister Elizabeth died (ii.12), fifteen at the death of his mother, whose four attending physicians were identified by name in the Diary (ii.14-15), and twenty at the time of his father's death (ii.26). -
The Eagle 1946 (Easter)
THE EAGLE ut jVfagazine SUPPORTED BY MEMBERS OF Sf 'John's College St. Jol.l. CoIl. Lib, Gamb. VOL UME LIl, Nos. 231-232 PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS FOR SUBSCRIBERS ON L Y MCMXLVII Ct., CONTENTS A Song of the Divine Names . PAGE The next number shortly to be published will cover the 305 academic year 1946/47. Contributions for the number The College During the War . 306 following this should be sent to the Editors of The Eagle, To the College (after six war-years in Egypt) 309 c/o The College Office, St John's College. The Commemoration Sermon, 1946 310 On the Possible Biblical Origin of a Well-Known Line in The The Editors will welcome assistance in making the Chronicle as complete a record as possible of the careers of members Hunting of the Snark 313 of the College. The Paling Fence 315 The Sigh 3 1 5 Johniana . 3 16 Book Review 319 College Chronicle : The Adams Society 321 The Debaj:ing Society . 323 The Finar Society 324 The Historical Society 325 The Medical Society . 326 The Musical Society . 329 The N ashe Society . 333 The Natural Science Club 3·34 The 'P' Club 336 Yet Another Society 337 Association Football 338 The Athletic Club 341 The Chess Club . 341 The Cricket Club 342 The Hockey Club 342 L.M.B.C.. 344 Lawn Tennis Club 352 Rugby Football . 354 The Squash Club 358 College Notes . 358 Obituary: Humphry Davy Rolleston 380 Lewis Erle Shore 383 J ames William Craik 388 Kenneth 0 Thomas Wilson 39 J ames 391 John Ambrose Fleming 402 Roll of Honour 405 The Library . -
Capital, Profession and Medical Technology: Royal College Of
Medical History, 1997, 41: 150-181 Capital, Profession and Medical Technology: The Electro-Therapeutic Institutes and the Royal College of Physicians, 1888-1922 TAKAHIRO UEYAMA* That it is undesirable that any Fellow or Member of the College should be officially connected with any Company having for its object the treatment of disease for profit. (Resolution of the Royal College of Physicians of London, 25 Oct. 1888.) That subject to the general provisions of Bye-law 190 the College desires so to interpret its Bye-law, Regulations, and Resolutions, as no longer to prohibit the official connection of Fellows and Members with medical institutes, though financed by a company, provided there be no other financial relation than the acceptance of a fixed salary or of fees for medical attendance on a fixed scale, irrespective of the total amount of the profits of the Company. (Resolution of the Royal College of Physicians of London, 1922, replacing the Resolution of 1888.) No Fellow or Member of the College shall be engaged in trade, or dispense medicines, or make any engagement with a Pharmacist [altered from Chemist] or any other person for the supply ofmedicines, or practise Medicine or Surgery in partnership, by deed or otherwise, or be a party to the transfer of patients or of the goodwill of a practice to or from himself for any pecuniary consideration. (Bye-law 178 of the Royal College of Physicians of London, 1922, alterations in italics.)l This paper examines the implications of an historical drama at the Censors' Board of the Royal College of Physicians of London (henceforth RCP) in the late 1880s and 1890s. -
British & European Paintings & Watercolours Old Master & Modern Prints
Printed Books, Maps & Documents 16 JUNE 2021 British & European Paintings & Watercolours Old Master & Modern Prints including The Oliver Hoare Collection 23 JULY 2021 Gerald Leslie Brockhurst (1890-1978). Dorette, 1932, etching on wove paper, one of 111 proofs, published May 1932, signed in pencil, plate size 234 x 187 mm (9.25 x 7.3 ins). Wright 72, vi/vi; Fletcher 72. Estimate £1500-2000 For further information or to consign please contact Nathan Winter or Susanna Winters: [email protected] [email protected] 01285 860006 PRINTED BOOKS, MAPS & DOCUMENTS 16 June 2021 commencing at 10am VIEWING: By appointment only AUCTIONEERS Nathan Winter Chris Albury John Trevers William Roman-Hilditch Mallard House, Broadway Lane, South Cerney, Cirencester, Gloucestershire, GL7 5UQ T: +44 (0) 1285 860006 E: [email protected] www.dominicwinter.co.uk IMPORTANT SALE INFORMATION: COVID-19 Please note that due to the UK government's COVID-19 lockdown restrictions currently in place for England there may be no bidding in person for this sale. Viewing for this sale is available by booked appointment only. Please check our website or contact the offices to make an appointment or for more information. All lots are fully illustrated on our website (www.dominicwinter.co.uk) and all our specialist staff are ready to provide detailed condition reports and additional images on request. We recommend that customers visit the online catalogue regularly as extra lot information and images will be added in the lead-up to the sale. CONDITION REPORTS -
JOHN EVELYN and MEDICINE* by C
JOHN EVELYN AND MEDICINE* by C. D. O'MALLEY JOHN EvELYN has often been described as a virtuoso in the seventeenth-century meaning of that word, and if it be recalled that the Earl of Arundel, the greatest of the virtuosi was his patron, that Evelyn was a member of the Royal Society almost from its inception and a diligent attendant of its meetings, which at that time dealt with a wide variety of curiosa and technological as well as scientific problems, that he was a vocal and literary exponent and collector of the odd and the artistic, and a recognized authority on architecture and gardens, he must certainly be classed among the notable virtuosi of his day. But within his multifarious interests and their related activities Evelyn appears to have had a particular regard for medicine, one that transcended the usual concern of those members of his class who did not espouse that subject professionally. Except for somewhat intermittent studies at Oxford, undertaken more as an obligation than because of genuine desire, medicine was the only discipline in which he deliberately took any formal instruction, and throughout the many years covered by his Diary medicine and matters ancillary to it received uncommon attention." Anyone living in the seventeenth century was very much aware of accident, disease, and ever proximate death. It was quite in the order of things that Evelyn, born in 1620, recalled from his fifth year the severe plague in 1625, its high mortality and the fact, as he later wrote, that he himself 'was shortly after so dangerously sick of a Feavor, that (as I have heard), the Physitians despair'd of me' (ii.7).2 He was fourteen years old when his sister Elizabeth died (ii.12), fifteen at the death of his mother, whose four attending physicians were identified by name in the Diary (ii.14-15), and twenty at the time of his father's death (ii.26). -
History of Medicine in the City of London
[From Fabricios ab Aquapendente: Opere chirurgiche. Padova, 1684] ANNALS OF MEDICAL HISTORY Third Series, Volume III January, 1941 Number 1 HISTORY OF MEDICINE IN THE CITY OF LONDON By SIR HUMPHRY ROLLESTON, BT., G.C.V.O., K.C.B. HASLEMERE, ENGLAND HET “City” of London who analysed Bald’s “Leech Book” (ca. (Llyn-din = town on 890), the oldest medical work in Eng the lake) lies on the lish and the textbook of Anglo-Saxon north bank of the leeches; the most bulky of the Anglo- I h a m e s a n d Saxon leechdoms is the “Herbarium” stretches north to of that mysterious personality (pseudo-) Finsbury, and east Apuleius Platonicus, who must not be to west from the confused with Lucius Apuleius of Ma- l ower to Temple Bar. The “city” is daura (ca. a.d. 125), the author of “The now one of the smallest of the twenty- Golden Ass.” Payne deprecated the un nine municipal divisions of the admin due and, relative to the state of opin istrative County of London, and is a ion in other countries, exaggerated County corporate, whereas the other references to the imperfections (super twenty-eight divisions are metropolitan stitions, magic, exorcisms, charms) of boroughs. Measuring 678 acres, it is Anglo-Saxon medicine, as judged by therefore a much restricted part of the present-day standards, and pointed out present greater London, but its medical that the Anglo-Saxons were long in ad history is long and of special interest. vance of other Western nations in the Of Saxon medicine in England there attempt to construct a medical litera is not any evidence before the intro ture in their own language. -
Front Matter Template
Copyright by Reem Elghonimi 2015 The Report Committee for Reem Elghonimi Certifies that this is the approved version of the following report: The Re-presentation of Arabic Optics in Seventeenth-Century Commonwealth England APPROVED BY SUPERVISING COMMITTEE: Supervisor: Denise Spellberg Brian Levack The Re-presentation of Arabic Optics in Seventeenth-Century Commonwealth England by Reem Elghonimi, B.S.; M.A. Report Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts The University of Texas at Austin May 2015 The Re-presentation of Arabic Optics in Seventeenth-Century Commonwealth England Reem Elghonimi, M.A. The University of Texas at Austin, 2015 Supervisor: Denise Spellberg Arabic Studies experienced a resurgence in seventeenth-century English institutions. While an awareness of the efflorescence has helped recover a fuller picture of the historical landscape, the enterprise did not foment an appreciable change in Arabic grammatical or linguistic expertise for the majority of seventeenth-century university students learning the language. As a result, the desuetude of Arabic Studies by the 1660s has been regarded as further evidence for the conclusion that the project reaped insubstantial benefits for the history of science and for the Scientific Revolution. Rather, this inquiry contends that the influence of the Arabic transmission of Greek philosophical works extended beyond Renaissance Italy to Stuart England, which not only shared a continuity with the continental reception of Latinized Arabic texts but selectively investigated some sources of original Arabic scientific ideas and methods with new rigor. -
The Athens Journal of History ISSN NUMBER: 2407-9677 - DOI: 10.30958/Ajhis Volume 6, Issue 3, July 2020 Download the Entire Issue (PDF)
The Athens Journal of (ATINER) (ATINER) History Volume 6, Issue 3, July 2020 Articles Front Pages JACOB ABADI US-Syrian Relations, 1920-1967: The Bitter Harvest of a Flawed Policy MARTIN B. SWEATMAN Zodiacal Dating Prehistoric Artworks DONALD C. SHELTON A Satire, not a Sermon: Four Stages of Cruelty and Murder ELLI PAPANIKOLAOU Walter Charleton’s Theory of Matter: How Politics and Scientific Societies Influenced his Works i ATHENS INSTITUTE FOR EDUCATION AND RESEARCH A World Association of Academics and Researchers 8 Valaoritou Str., Kolonaki, 10671 Athens, Greece. Tel.: 210-36.34.210 Fax: 210-36.34.209 Email: [email protected] URL: www.atiner.gr (ATINER) Established in 1995 (ATINER) Mission ATINER is an Athens-based World Association of Academics and Researchers based in Athens. ATINER is an independent and non- profit Association with a Mission to become a forum where Academics and Researchers from all over the world can meet in Athens, exchange ideas on their research and discuss future developments in their disciplines, as well as engage with professionals from other fields. Athens was chosen because of its long history of academic gatherings, which go back thousands of years to Plato’s Academy and Aristotle’s Lyceum. Both these historic places are within walking distance from ATINER‟s downtown offices. Since antiquity, Athens was an open city. In the words of Pericles, Athens“…is open to the world, we never expel a foreigner from learning or seeing”. (“Pericles‟ Funeral Oration”, in Thucydides, The History of the Peloponnesian War). It is ATINER‟s mission to revive the glory of Ancient Athens by inviting the World Academic Community to the city, to learn from each other in an environment of freedom and respect for other people‟s opinions and beliefs. -
Sydney Arthur Monckton Copeman (1862-1947) (From a Portrait by Frank Eastman, R.A., in the Possession of Dr
Sydney Arthur Monckton Copeman (1862-1947) (From a portrait by Frank Eastman, R.A., in the possession of Dr. W. S. C. Copeman.) Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.202.226, on 25 Sep 2021 at 05:16:21, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0025727300012722 THE PREVENTION OF SMALLPOX: FROM EDWARD JENNER TO MONCKTON COPEMAN* by SIR ARTHUR SALUSBURY MAcNALTY, K.C.B. MY first and pleasant duty is to express my thanks to the Faculty of the History of Medicine and Pharmacy of the Worshipful Society of Apothecaries for appointing me to give the Inaugural Monckton Copeman Lecture. In selecting the 'Prevention of Smallpox from Edward Jenner to Monckton Copeman' as the subject of the Lecture, I value the privilege of paying a tribute to two great benefactors of mankind. It is appropriate at the outset to give you some account of the man in whose memory this Lecture has been founded. OUTLINE OF THE LIFE OF DR. S. MONCKTON COPEMAN Sydney Arthur Monckton Copeman was born at Norwich on 21 February, 1862. His father was the Rev. Canon Arthur Charles Copeman, LL.D., Canon and Rural Dean of Norwich. Before taking Holy Orders, Canon Copeman qualified with the M.B. London in 1848, being gold medallist in anatomy and physiology. Preceding generations of the family were private bankers in Norwich; but medicine was further represented by the Canon's elder brother, Edward Copeman, M.D., F.R.C.P. -
An Article Contributed to an Anniversary Volume in Honor of Doctor Joseph Hersey Pratt: Samuel Jones Gee and His Friends*
AN ARTICLE CONTRIBUTED TO AN ANNIVERSARY VOLUME IN HONOR OF DOCTOR JOSEPH HERSEY PRATT SAMUEL JONES GEE AND HIS FRIENDS * By SIR HUMPHRY ROLLESTON, Bt., G.C.V.O., K.C.B. PERHAPS the best way I can join in a tribute to Joseph Hersey Pratt— the clinical physician^—is to offer a sketch of another clinical physician, at St. Bartholomew's Hospital, with some sidelights on contemporary medical London when I was a student there half a century ago. The names of great physicians have often been linked by their admirers with recently recognized forms of disease, and also with favourite prescriptions—the least of their achievements. Samuel Jones Gee is an example of this eponymous association. Fifty years ago what is now known as posterior basal meningitis or, as Still showed in 1898, chronic meningococcal menin gitis of infants was colloquially known in London as " Gee and Barlow's disease " after their account in 1878 of cervical opisthotonos in infants which in his aphorisms Gee later summarized as follows: " not a tuberculous affec tion; it is due to a chronic meningitis, of the medulla. It may, however, occur as a symptom in tuberculous affections of this region." In 1899 Sir Thomas Barlow (1845- ) and David Bridge Lees (1846-1915) gave an expanded account of the condition under the title of " posterior basic (occlusive) meningitis; acquired hydrocephalus." These three writers were colleagues at the Hospital for Sick Children, Great Ormond Street, W. C. In 1888 Gee published an article of four pages " On the Coeliac Affec tion " beginning " There is a kind of chronic indigestion which is met with in persons of all ages yet is specially apt to affect children between one and five years old." At the time it attracted very little attention perhaps because, like most of his original papers, it appeared in the St. -
Charles Goodall, M.D., F.R.C.P
[From Schurigio: Lithopogia Historico-Medica, Dresden, 1744] ANNALS OF MEDICAL HISTORY Third Series , Volume II January , 1940 Numbe r 1 CHARLES GOODALL, M.D., F.R.C.P. A DEFENDER OF THE ROYAL COLLEGE OF PHYSICIANS OF LONDON By SIR HUMPHRY ROLLESTON, BT., G.C.V.O., K.C.B. HASLEMERE, ENGLAND HARLES GOODALL (1642- title page of this printed dissertation, 1712) was ail ardent cham- which is in the British Museum, de- pion of the rights of the scribed him as “Carolus Goddal, anglus, Royal College of Physicians Acad. Cant. L. et Coll. Email., ibidem of London and the vigorous opponentnuper alumnus. ” He was incorporated ofC unlicensed “practisers” during most m.d . at Cambridge on November 26 in of his professional life, beginning, by the same year. bringing out a book on the subject, even Settling in London he then attended before he was connected with the Col- the anatomical lectures of Walter Need- lege and lasting until his death when ham (1631-1691?) whom he was des- he was president. He was the son of tined to succeed on April 28, 1691, as Thomas Goodall, of Earl Stonham. Suf- physician to the Charterhouse where he folk. Admitted a pensioner (an ordinary resided, as the regulations of the foun- undergraduate) at Emmanuel College, dation directed (which Needham had Cambridge, on January 20, 1658-9 he not obeyed), with occasional visits to was licensed to practise surgery (C.L.)* his house in Kensington. This charity in 1665. was founded by Thomas Sutton (1532- On June 21, 1670 he “entered on the 1611), a soldier and the richest com- physic line’’ at Leyden and on July 6 of moner of his day, for eighty poverty- that year obtained the doctorate of med- stricken “gentlemen,” soldiers, mer- icine there with his “Disputatio de chants ruined by piracy or shipwreck, haemorrhageis scorbuticis,” which was and servants of the sovereign, and sec- dedicated to his father, Rev. -
Margaret Cavendish, Jan Baptista Van Helmont, and the Madness of the Womb
[Please note this is an earlier version of a published essay: Jacqueline Broad, ‘Cavendish, van Helmont, and the Mad Raging Womb’, in The New Science and Women’s Literary Discourse: Prefiguring Frankenstein, edited by Judy A. Hayden (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), pp. 47-63. Please cite the published version.] Margaret Cavendish, Jan Baptista van Helmont, and the Madness of the Womb Jacqueline Broad In April 1667, Mary Evelyn wrote to her son’s tutor, Ralph Bohun, describing a visit that she had paid to Margaret Cavendish, the Duchess of Newcastle (1623-73). Evelyn reports that Cavendish was with the physician and natural philosopher, Walter Charleton (1619- 1707), and that he was “complimenting her wit and learning in a high manner; which she took to be so much her due that she swore if the schools did not banish Aristotle and read Margaret, Duchess of Newcastle, they did her wrong, and deserved to be utterly abolished.”1 Evelyn left the meeting declaring that “Never did I see a woman so full of herself, so amazingly vain and ambitious.”2 And her complete description of the encounter does not leave the reader with a favorable impression of Cavendish’s humility: enthusiastically recounting the details of her philosophy (citing “her own pieces line and page”), Cavendish paused for breath apparently only in order to greet the arrival of new admirers. While Evelyn may have had a personal grudge against Cavendish,3 her detail about “banishing Aristotle from the schools” still rings true with our present-day opinions 52 about Cavendish’s natural philosophy.