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Feed the Future Nigeria Agricultural Extension & Advisory Services
Nigeria Agricultural Extension and Advisory Services Conflict Assessment FEED THE FUTURE NIGERIA AGRICULTURAL EXTENSION AND ADVISORY SERVICES ACTIVITY Conflict Assessment July 2020 Submission Date: July 8, 2020 Contract Number: 72062020C00001 Activity Start Date and End Date: May 25, 2020 to May 24, 2025 COR Name: Charles Iyangbe Submitted by: Jennifer Snow, Associate Director, Agriculture, Resilience, & Water Winrock International 2101 Riverfront Drive, Little Rock, AR 72202 Tel: +1 501-280-3073 Email: [email protected] This document was produced for review by the United States Agency for International Development Nigeria (USAID/Nigeria). 1 Nigeria Agricultural Extension and Advisory Services Conflict Assessment 2 Nigeria Agricultural Extension and Advisory Services Conflict Assessment Table of Contents Acronyms ...................................................................................................................................................... 4 1. Introduction/Executive Summary ......................................................................................................... 5 2. Objective and Methodology ................................................................................................................. 5 Objective ................................................................................................................................................... 5 Methodology ............................................................................................................................................ -
Oil and Violence: Examining the Niger Delta Crisis and Its Implication to Nigeria’S Democratic Stability
International Journal of Advanced Academic Research | Social & Management Sciences | ISSN: 2488-9849 Vol. 4, Issue 5 (May 2018) OIL AND VIOLENCE: EXAMINING THE NIGER DELTA CRISIS AND ITS IMPLICATION TO NIGERIA’S DEMOCRATIC STABILITY Iwediba, Innocent Odinaka Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Lagos, Akoka, Lagos State, Nigeria. +2348069119178 [email protected] Abstract At the start of oil exploration in the Niger Delta in 1956, the oil bearing communities had anticipated some measure of industrialization and economic empowerment. Unfortunately, this was not the case as oil exploration orchestrated systemic contradictions in the region evidenced in marginalization, social exclusion and environmental degradation. The situation was further complicated by the unholy alliance between the Nigerian state and the oil multinationals which consequently engendered militancy in the region, thus constituting a grave threat to Nigeria’s democratic stability. As a panacea to the crisis, this paper calls for reforms in the country’s land use act, restructuring of the Nigerian federation, stringent measures against the oil firms and continued dialogue between the warring parties amongst others. The qualitative research method of secondary data collection was adopted while the frustration-aggression theory was utilized as a framework of analysis. Keywords: Resource curse, crisis, oil exploration, militia groups, democracy 88 International Journal of Advanced Academic Research | Social & Management Sciences | ISSN: 2488-9849 Vol. 4, Issue 5 (May 2018) Introduction Conflict is as old as human history and an inevitable outcome of human diversity and social interactions. It is a feature of everyday life and subsists in multiple forms and dimensions across the globe (Ajodo, 2011). -
Dr. Modupe Oshikoya, Department of Political Science, Virginia Wesleyan University – Written Evidence (ZAF0056)
Dr. Modupe Oshikoya, Department of Political Science, Virginia Wesleyan University – Written evidence (ZAF0056) 1. What are the major security challenges facing Nigeria, and how effectively is the Nigerian government addressing them? 1.1 Boko Haram The insurgency group known globally as Boko Haram continues to wreak havoc in northeast Nigeria and the countries bordering Lake Chad – Cameroon, Chad and Niger. The sect refers to itself as Jamā'at Ahl as- Sunnah lid-Da'wah wa'l-Jihād [JAS], which in Arabic means ‘People Committed to the Propagation of the Prophet’s Teaching and Jihad’, and rejects all Western beliefs. Their doctrine embraced the strict adherence to Islam through the establishment of sharia law across all of Nigeria, by directly attacking government and military targets.1 However, under their new leader, Abubakar Shekau, the group transformed in 2009 into a more radical Salafist Islamist group. They increased the number of violent and brutal incursions onto the civilian population, mosques, churches, and hospitals, using suicide bombers and improvised explosive devices (IEDs). The most prominent attack occurred in a suicide car bomb at the UN headquarters in Abuja in August 2011.2 Through the use of guerrilla tactics, Boko Haram’s quest for a caliphate led them to capture swathes of territory in the northeast of the country in 2014, where they indiscriminately killed men, women and children. One of the worst massacres occurred in Borno state in the town of Baga, where nearly an estimated 2,000 people were killed in a few hours.3 This radicalized ideological rhetoric of the group was underscored by their pledge allegiance to Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIS) in March 2015, leading them rename themselves as Islamic State’s West Africa Province (ISWAP).4 One of the most troubling characteristics of the insurgency has been the resultant sexual violence and exploitation of the civilian population. -
Lessons from Colombia for Curtailing the Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria
Lessons From Colombia For Curtailing The Boko Haram Insurgency In Nigeria BY AFEIKHENA JEROME igeria is a highly complex and ethnically diverse country, with over 400 ethnic groups. This diversity is played out in the way the country is bifurcated along the lines of reli- Ngion, language, culture, ethnicity and regional identity. The population of about 178.5 million people in 2014 is made up of Christians and Muslims in equal measures of about 50 percent each, but including many who embrace traditional religions as well. The country has continued to experience serious and violent ethno-communal conflicts since independence in 1960, including the bloody and deadly thirty month fratricidal Civil War (also known as the Nigerian-Biafran war, 1967-70) when the eastern region of Biafra declared its seces- sion and which claimed more than one million lives. The most prominent of these conflicts recently pitch Muslims against Christians in a dangerous convergence of religion, ethnicity and politics. The first and most dramatic eruption in a series of recent religious disturbances was the Maitatsine uprising in Kano in December 1980, in which about 4,177 died. While the exact number of conflicts in Nigeria is unknown, because of a lack of reliable sta- tistical data, it is estimated that about 40 percent of all conflicts have taken place since the coun- try’s return to civilian rule in 1999.1 The increasing wave of violent conflicts across Nigeria under the current democratic regime is no doubt partly a direct consequence of the activities of ethno- communal groups seeking self-determination in their “homelands,” and of their surrogate ethnic militias that have assumed prominence since the last quarter of 2000. -
Contradictions in Nigeria's Amnesty Programme Implementation in Niger Delta
Research Journal of Humanities, Legal Studies & International Development |RJHLSID p-ISSN: 2536-6564 | e-ISSN: 2536-6572 Volume 4, Number 1 April, 2020 Contradictions in Nigeria's Amnesty Programme Implementation in Niger Delta 1John T. Kalama & 2Johnson Alalibo Sinikiem 1Department of Political Science, Federal University Otuoke, Bayelsa State, Nigeria 2Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Ibadan, Nigeria A b s t r a c t everal scholars have raised issues bothering on the implementation of Nigeria's amnesty policy in the Niger Delta region hence this paper Sexamined the contradictions inherent in the amnesty programme and its DDR scheme in the Niger Delta region. The paper contend that policy actions and measures can only yield the desired result when they are formulated and conceived holistically taken into account the basic needs and welfare of the people. The study adopted secondary data and the basic human needs theory as its theoretical framework. The study was descriptive while analysis was done qualitatively in order to explain the subject-matter. A major contradiction in the study shows that the federal government's amnesty programme in the Niger Delta region was militant centred and not development centred hence the resurgence of violence in the Niger Delta. The attitude of state governors and other political leaders from the Niger Delta region also constitutes another contradiction responsible for the unending conflict and insecurity in the region. The paper advocates for a comprehensive review of the ongoing amnesty programme and other development policy actions in the Niger Delta. Keywords: Contradictions, Nigeria's amnesty programme, Implementation, Niger Delta and Nigeria's federal government Corresponding Author: John T. -
Pervasive Corruption in Nigeria: a Holistic Approach
KIU Journal of Social Sciences KIU Journal of Social Sciences Copyright©2017 Kampala International University ISSN: 1996902-3; 3(1): 199–207 Pervasive Corruption in Nigeria: A Holistic Approach S.M. ABDULMALIK Lead City University, Ibadan, Nigeria. L.A. AYINLA University of Ilorin, Nigeria Abstract. “Our strange romance with corruption constitutes the major political agenda of began with the enthronement of a kleptomaniac President Mohammadu Buhari led Federal leadership at the exits of the military from our Government of Nigeria as manifested in his on- polity. The biggest mistake of the electorates is going fight against the malaise. To this end, this the sale of its franchise to greedy ruling elites paper therefore sets out to examine the varying who captured power and cornered our resources avalanches of corrupt practices by political and to the extent that it is now adept at the tricks of public office holders in Nigeria coupled with its self-perpetuation---We now have corruption attendant negative consequences with a view to sharing the spotlight with terrorism as our proffer workable and viable remedies to this biggest and most common problem. They are clog in wheel of the Nigeria progress. Emphasis like Siamese twins who have an embryonic will be placed on the on-going crusade, activities relationship”. Going by international rating as /actions of the Buhari led Federal Government regard corrupt practices, Nigeria has consistently of Nigeria in the fight against the menace. been rated as either the most corrupt or one of the most corrupt countries in the world. Keywords: Corruption, Pervasive Corruption, Corrupt Practices, Democracy and Nigeria. -
Nigeria Page 1 of 8
Nigeria Page 1 of 8 Published on Freedom House (https://freedomhouse.org) Home > Nigeria Nigeria Country: Nigeria Year: 2016 Freedom Status: Partly Free Political Rights: 4 Civil Liberties: 5 Aggregate Score: 48 Freedom Rating: 4.5 Overview: After 16 years in power, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) lost the 2015 presidential election and its majority in the National Assembly to the opposition All Progressives Congress (APC). The polls, which observers regarded as competitive and generally well conducted, represented a milestone in the country’s democratic development, marking the first time that the opposition gained power at the national level through elections. On assuming office in May, President Muhammadu Buhari identified combatting corruption, defeating the militant Islamist group Boko Haram, and boosting the living standards of Nigerians as his main policy priorities. The new administration implemented reforms to increase the effectiveness of the Nigerian military in its counterinsurgency efforts. By December, the government had recaptured a significant amount of territory, and Buhari announced that the military had “technically” defeated Boko Haram, saying the group could no longer mount full-scale attacks on security forces or population centers. The government’s gains were attributed in part to an offensive launched in mid-February by the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF), which includes soldiers from Nigeria, Niger, Cameroon, Chad, and Benin. Nevertheless, the security situation in northeastern Nigeria remained grave throughout 2015, as Boko Haram carried out guerilla-style attacks and suicide bombings against civilian and government targets. In addition, reports from domestic and international https://freedomhouse.org/print/48089 6/17/2016 Nigeria Page 2 of 8 advocacy groups indicated that government forces continued to commit gross human rights violations with impunity, including extrajudicial killings, arbitrary mass arrests, illegal detentions, and torture of civilians. -
Living Through Nigeria's Six-Year
“When We Can’t See the Enemy, Civilians Become the Enemy” Living Through Nigeria’s Six-Year Insurgency About the Report This report explores the experiences of civilians and armed actors living through the conflict in northeastern Nigeria. The ultimate goal is to better understand the gaps in protection from all sides, how civilians perceive security actors, and what communities expect from those who are supposed to protect them from harm. With this understanding, we analyze the structural impediments to protecting civilians, and propose practical—and locally informed—solutions to improve civilian protection and response to the harm caused by all armed actors in this conflict. About Center for Civilians in Conflict Center for Civilians in Conflict (CIVIC) works to improve protection for civil- ians caught in conflicts around the world. We call on and advise international organizations, governments, militaries, and armed non-state actors to adopt and implement policies to prevent civilian harm. When civilians are harmed we advocate the provision of amends and post-harm assistance. We bring the voices of civilians themselves to those making decisions affecting their lives. The organization was founded as Campaign for Innocent Victims in Conflict in 2003 by Marla Ruzicka, a courageous humanitarian killed by a suicide bomber in 2005 while advocating for Iraqi families. T +1 202 558 6958 E [email protected] www.civiliansinconflict.org © 2015 Center for Civilians in Conflict “When We Can’t See the Enemy, Civilians Become the Enemy” Living Through Nigeria’s Six-Year Insurgency This report was authored by Kyle Dietrich, Senior Program Manager for Africa and Peacekeeping at CIVIC. -
Rethinking the US Approach to Boko Haram
Rethinking the U.S. Approach to Boko Haram: The Case for a Regional Strategy Julia McQuaid and Patricio Asfura-Heim With contributions from Daniella Mak and Alexander Powell February 2015 Distribution unlimited This document contains the best opinion of CNA at the time of issue. It does not necessarily represent the opinion of the sponsor. Distribution Distribution unlimited. Specific authority: N00014-11-D-0323. Copies of this document can be obtained through the Defense Technical Information Center at www.dtic.mil or contact CNA Document Control and Distribution Section at 703-824-2123. Cover Photo: The damage caused by Boko Haram’s bombing of a bus station in Nyanya, a suburb of Abuja, on 14 April 2014. Photo courtesy of Voice of America (public domain). Approved by: February 2015 Jonathan Schroden, Director Center for Stability and Development Center for Strategic Studies Copyright © 2015 CNA Abstract U.S. Naval Forces Africa asked CNA to recommend an approach for the United States government (USG) to counter Boko Haram. The USG has been working with the government of Nigeria (GoN) to defeat the group, but the two governments are taking divergent approaches and efforts to date have not been effective. The GoN is taking a narrow counterterrorism approach that relies heavily on the military, whereas a broader whole-of-government approach is required. Due to the political dynamics in Nigeria, the USG has few ways to change the GoN’s approach to the conflict. We propose that the USG and other supporting partners focus on assisting Chad, Niger, and Cameroon to become increasingly able to prevent Boko Haram from taking root within their borders. -
Nigeria's Resource Wars
NIGERIA’S RESOURCE WARS Edited by Egodi Uchendu University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria Series in World History Copyright © 2020 by the authors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of Vernon Art and Science Inc. www.vernonpress.com In the Americas: In the rest of the world: Vernon Press Vernon Press 1000 N West Street, Suite 1200 C/Sancti Espiritu 17, Wilmington, Delaware, 19801 Malaga, 29006 United States Spain Series in World History Library of Congress Control Number: 2020939820 ISBN: 978-1-62273-831-1 Cover design by Vernon Press. Cover image designed by rawpixel.com / Freepik. Product and company names mentioned in this work are the trademarks of their respective owners. While every care has been taken in preparing this work, neither the authors nor Vernon Art and Science Inc. may be held responsible for any loss or damage caused or alleged to be caused directly or indirectly by the information contained in it. Every effort has been made to trace all copyright holders, but if any have been inadvertently overlooked the publisher will be pleased to include any necessary credits in any subsequent reprint or edition. Nigeria’s current delineation into six geo-political zones. © Egodi Uchendu 2020. Table of contents List of Figures xi List of Tables xv List of Abbreviations xvii Acknowledgements xxiii Preface xxv Egodi Uchendu University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Nigeria Introduction: The Struggle for Equitable and Efficient Natural Resource Allocation in Nigeria liii John Mukum Mbaku Weber State University, Utah, USA Part 1. -
Boko Haram: an Assessment of Strengths, Vulnerabilities, and Policy Options
Boko Haram: An Assessment of Strengths, Vulnerabilities, and Policy Options Report to the Strategic Multilayer Assessment Office, Department of Defense, and the Office of University Programs, Department of Homeland Security January 2015 National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism A Department of Homeland Security Science and Technology Center of Excellence Based at the University of Maryland 3300 Symons Hall • College Park, MD 20742 • 301.405.6600 • www.start.umd.edu National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism A Department of Homeland Security Science and Technology Center of Excellence About This Report The author of this report is Amy Pate, Research Director at START. Questions about this report should be directed to Amy Pate at [email protected]. The following Nigerian consultants assisted with field interviews: Bukola Ademola‐Adelehin (Abuja), Kop’ep Dabugat (Abuja and Kano), and Chris Kwaja (Jos). Sadiq Radda assisted in identifying informants and collecting additional published materials. The research could not have been completed without their participation. The following research assistants helped with the background research for the report: Zann Isaacson, Greg Shuck, Arielle Kushner, and Jacob Schwoerer. Michael Bouvet created the maps in the report. This research was supported by a Centers of Excellence Supplemental award from the Office of University Programs of the Department of Homeland Security with funding provided by the Strategic Multilayer Assessment (SMA) office of the Department of Defense through grant award number 2012ST061CS0001‐ 03 made to the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START). The author’s travel to the field was supported by the Domestic Nuclear Detection Office (DNDO) of the U.S. -
Nigeria: the Challenge of Military Reform
Nigeria: The Challenge of Military Reform Africa Report N°237 | 6 June 2016 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. The Long Decline .............................................................................................................. 3 A. The Legacy of Military Rule ....................................................................................... 3 B. The Military under Democracy: Failed Promises of Reform .................................... 4 1. The Obasanjo years .............................................................................................. 4 2. The Yar’Adua and Jonathan years ....................................................................... 7 3. The military’s self-driven attempts at reform ...................................................... 8 III. Dimensions of Distress ..................................................................................................... 9 A. The Problems of Leadership and Civilian Oversight ................................................