Democratization, Women’s Movements, and Gender-Equitable States: A Framework for Comparison

Jocelyn Viterna Kathleen M. Fallon Harvard University McGill University

There is a rich collection of case studies examining the relationship between democratization, women’s movements, and gendered state outcomes, but the variation across cases is still poorly understood. In response, this article develops a theoretically- grounded comparative framework to evaluate and explain cross-national variations in the gendered outcomes of democratic transitions. The framework highlights four theoretical factors—the context of the transition, the legacy of women’s previous mobilizations, political parties, and international influences—that together shape the political openings and ideologies available to women’s movements in transitional states. Applying the framework to four test cases, we conclude that women’s movements are most effective at targeting democratizing states when transitions are complete, when women’s movements develop cohesive coalitions, when the ideology behind the transition (rather than the ideology of the winning regime) aligns easily with feminist frames, and when women’s past activism legitimates present-day feminist demands. These findings challenge current conceptualizations of how democratic transitions affect gender in state institutions and provide a comparativeDelivered framework by for Ingenta evaluating to : variation across additional cases. Harvard University Wed, 26 Nov 2008 15:09:15

ith the recent wave of democratization gendered state literature by asking what happens Wacross Eastern Europe, Latin America, to the political institutionalization of gender and sub-Saharan Africa, scholars have begun to when a state is transformed by democratic explore how democratic changes affect women. transition. Like other analyses of gender and the state There are strong theoretical reasons to antic- (Brush 2003; Eisenstein 1988; MacKinnon ipate that democratic transitions will create 1989; Orloff 1996; Pateman 1988), these stud- more gender equitable states. First, democrat- ies examine how states create and govern gen- ic transitions provide women (and men) with der relations among their citizens through new opportunities for political participation. institutions, laws, and legal discourses (Jaquette Second, new participatory opportunities typi- and Wolchick 1998; Stephen 1997; Waylen cally coincide with the negotiation and imple- 1994, 2000). Importantly, they extend previous mentation of new state institutions and policies.

Authorship is reverse-alphabetical order; both suggestions from Brian Powell, Jason Beckfield, Clem authors contributed equally to this article. Direct all Brooks, Elaine Weiner, Sara Shostak, Wendy Cadge, correspondence to Jocelyn Viterna, Department of David Cunningham, and six anonymous reviewers. Sociology, Harvard University, 6th Floor William We also thank the women in Ghana and El Salvador James Hall, 33 Kirkland Street, Cambridge, MA 02138 for their time and knowledge. Viterna’s research was ([email protected]); or Kathleen M. Fallon, funded by the Social Science Research Council and the Department of Sociology, McGill University, Stephen Fulbright-Hays Foundation. Fallon’s research was Leacock Building, 855 Sherbrooke Street West, funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Montreal QC H3A 2T7 Canada (kathleen. Research Council of Canada and Fonds Québécois de [email protected]). We are grateful for comments and las Recherche sur la Société et la Culture.

AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW, 2008, VOL. 73 (August:668–689) DEMOCRATIZATION AND GENDER-EQUITABLE STATES—–669

This provides activists with an extremely rare states do not typically adopt feminist changes opportunity to participate in the construction of without pressure from organized groups of a new state apparatus. Third, because many women (Gelb and Hart 1999; Gordon 1994; democratization movements are populated by Lyclama a Nijehol, Vargas, and Wieringa 1998; women’s mobilizations (Jaquette 1994), and Seidman 1999), we place women’s movements because feminist movements often grow out of at the center of our framework, and we use other types of women’s mobilizing (Kaplan social movement theory to conceptualize the 1992; Molyneux 1985; Shayne 2004), we would relationship between the framework’s explana- expect feminist activism to be especially high tory factors (elaborated below). We then apply during such transitional moments. the framework to four states in transition that Paradoxically, however, most scholars con- have witnessed quite divergent outcomes: South clude that democratization has done little to Africa, Argentina, Ghana, and El Salvador. We improve women’s political influence within the conclude that the combined presence of four state, even when women were active in the tran- specific characteristics—a complete transition, sition process. With democratization in Eastern a cohesive coalition within the women’s move- Europe, for example, women’s political partic- ment, a transitional ideology that aligns easily ipation dropped precipitously, maternity leave with feminist frames, and a legacy of women’s policies were curtailed, women’s legislative quo- activism that legitimates present-day feminist tas were dismantled, funding for childcare cen- demands—creates an especially positive context ters decreased, and abortion rights were within which women’s mobilizations can effec- threatened (Einhorn 1993; Haney 1994; Roman tively target democratizing states. These find- 2001; Watson 1993). Similarly, in the develop- ings, generated from cross-national comparison, ing world, democratization brought a reassertion extend current case-based conceptualizations of traditional gender expectations (Jaquette of how democratic transitions affect the gen- 1994; Rai 1996), waning women’sDelivered mobiliza- by Ingentadered state.to : They also question existing under- tions (Craske 1998), and, in many nations,Harvard Universitystandings of the importance of left party declines in women’s parliamentaryWed, representa- 26 Nov 2008ideologies, 15:09:15 “gender-bending” activism, and tion and formal political power (Bystydzienski international influences. and Sekhon 1999; Fisher 1993; Jaquette and This article forwards sociological under- Wolchik 1998; Waylen 1994). standings of gender, democratization, and mobi- We concur that democratization often fails to lization in three ways. First, by identifying and improve gender equity within states, yet schol- explaining cross-national variation in the gen- arly emphasis on democracy’s failure within dered outcomes of democratization, we chal- cases obscures the fact that gendered outcomes lenge and extend the existing case-based of democratic transitions may be quite variable scholarship that generally suggests democrati- across cases. This paucity of systematic cross- zation has failed women. Second, we offer a national comparisons leaves open the question comparative framework through which a deep- of whether and why some democratic transitions er understanding of the gendered processes of result in more “women-friendly” states than democratization can be developed, especially others. Are there particular configurations of with extension to additional cases. And finally, transitional contexts and social mobilizations our conjunctural explanation of why some that are especially likely to create feminist women’s movements are more successful than changes? Or, conversely, are the democratic others, given the shared context of democrati- ideals upon which new state institutions are zation, provides new ways for thinking about modeled imbued with patriarchal ideologies divergent mobilization outcomes. and organizational structures that generate con- sistently masculine state outcomes, regardless BUILDING A COMPARATIVE of variation in mobilization characteristics or FRAMEWORK OF THE transition processes? GENDERED STATE Using insights from existing case studies, we develop in this article a theoretically-grounded Drawing from existing literature, we first con- comparative framework for evaluating gendered struct a comparative framework that helps cap- variation across democratizing states. Because ture and explain gender variation across 670—–AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW democratic transitions.1 The conception of states Of course, women’s movements also have as inherently masculine structures is at the foun- agency, and their successes are determined in dation of our framework (Brush 2003; Orloff part by how they frame and pursue movement 1996; Parpart and Staudt 1989; Waylen 1998). goals. We therefore examine the strategies and Undergirding this is the assumption that states frames of women’s movements during moments will not typically adopt feminist changes with- of democratic transitions. Strategies are the out pressure from organized groups of women actions a movement uses to present its goals to (Gelb and Hart 1999; Gordon 1994; Lyclama a an intended audience (e.g., lobbying or protests) Nijehol et al. 1998; Seidman 1999).2 We iden- and frames are the descriptive structures a move- tify four political factors that are often cited as ment uses to articulate its goals (Benford and critical for understanding the presence and effec- Snow 2000; Snow et al. 1986). tiveness of women’s movements in new democ- racies: (1) the democratic transition itself, (2) the FOUR FACTORS INFLUENCING THE legacy of previous women’s mobilizations, (3) EFFECTIVENESS OF WOMEN’S MOVEMENTS the actions and ideologies of political parties, IN NEW DEMOCRACIES and (4) international influences. We expect that these factors, working in conjunction with one DEMOCRATIC TRANSITIONS. When explaining the another, will shape the political openings and failure of democratization to create more ideologies that accompany democratization, women-friendly states, scholars employing case and thus the political context within which studies focus on the historically-specific char- women’s movements must operate. These are acteristics of particular transitions, but they sel- certainly not the only factors affecting women’s dom make statements about how transitions mobilizations, but when analyzed together, we and their gendered effects might be more broad- believe this parsimonious set of political factors ly patterned. We highlight two characteristics of allows scholars to capture many of the relevant transitions that we believe are regularly impli- historical and political processes withinDelivered a case, by Ingentacated in to the : process of negotiating and institu- Harvard Universitytionalizing gender within new state structures.4 while still allowing for systematic comparisonsWed, 26 Nov 2008 15:09:15 across cases.3 First, we examine the “completeness” of a dem- ocratic transition by investigating whether and to what extent the old regime maintains power, and whether constitutions, laws, and institu- 1 Democratic transitions are defined narrowly as tions are opened to change. We reason that the moment when a nation holds its first multiparty women’s movements will achieve more feminist elections, in which all political parties participate states when the democratic transition presents freely and fairly, after a period of rule by unelected concrete opportunities for renegotiating state or corruptly elected persons (see Bratton and van de structures and widespread public interest in Walle 1997). We acknowledge that the establishment rethinking predemocratic political ideologies. of formal electoral competition does not imply a corresponding redistribution of power among citizens such that there is a true “rule by the people.” We use the terms democratic transition and democratization how variation in the degree of a state’s neo-liberal interchangeably throughout the article. immersion affects gendered outcomes would be wel- 2 We consider “feminist” state changes to be trans- come, but it is beyond the scope of this project. formations in policies, practices, or institutions that 4 So-called “mainstream” studies of democratiza- improve women’s access to resources and decision- tion demonstrate that transition types have legacies making positions. Our focus on women’s mobiliza- for new democracies (Huntington 1991; Mainwaring, tions distinguishes our framework from the O’Donnell, and Valenzuela 1992). However, they comparative work of Waylen (2007), who concludes focus almost exclusively on elite political actors and that electoral systems and political institutions, not offer little consensus on how to categorize transitions mobilizations, are most critical for explaining gen- (Munck and Skalnik Leff 1997; Welsh 1994). This dered variation across cases. leaves them poorly equipped to evaluate gendered 3 We limit our framework to political factors. Many outcomes. Waylen (2007) applies a gender lens to studies argue that the neo-liberal economic policies transitions, concluding that “pacted” transitions are accompanying democratization also account for ideal for women’s organizations because they give women’s disappointing political gains. An analysis of women more time to mobilize. DEMOCRATIZATION AND GENDER-EQUITABLE STATES—–671

Second, using Snow and Benford’s (1992) position of justifying the repression of grieving concept of a master frame, we investigate how mothers to local and international audiences democratic transitions introduce new ideolo- (Alvarez 1990; Okeke-Ihejirika and Franceschet gies that women’s movements can then mobilize 2002; Ray and Korteweg 1999). With democ- toward their own goals. Social-movement par- ratization, however, new political players on ticipants purposively frame their actions in ways both the left and the right used women’s own they hope will attract adherents and help achieve framing of innate gender differences to encour- movement goals (Benford and Snow 2000). age women’s return to the home (Chinchilla These collective action frames are generally 1994; Fisher 1993; Friedman 1998). Scholars specific to a movement, but when they become therefore concluded that it was difficult for so broad in scope as to influence the actions and women’s movements to convert past feminine orientations of many movements, they are frames into new feminist discourses.5 referred to as a master frame. In democratic In still other cases, women’s pretransition transitions, a number of movements and organ- mobilization was stifled by authoritarian gov- izations coalesce into one push for democrati- ernments, and the patterns of female exclusion zation, and a master frame emerges. Following carried over into new democratic regimes. In Noonan (1995), we reason that women’s move- many African cases, authoritarian governments ments will achieve more feminist gains in states dictated the activities of women’s organizations where these master frames are both broadly using coercion and control over resources accepted by the public and easily aligned with (Geisler 1995; Tripp 2000; Waylen 1996), and feminist demands. in Eastern Europe, the Communist Party’s iron- handed control over political organizing stifled WOMEN’S PRETRANSITION MOBILIZATION. The women’s pretransition mobilizations (Einhorn literature on gender and democratization doc- 1993). These predemocratic legacies of exclu- uments the crucial role that women’sDelivered mobiliza- by Ingentasion left to new: democracies adept at co-opting tions play in bringing about many transitionsHarvard Universitywomen’s activism and left women poorly organ- (Britton 2005; Jaquette 1994; SeidmanWed, 261999; Nov 2008ized 15:09:15 at the critical moment of transition. Shayne 2004). We argue that the timing, strate- gies, and frames of these pretransition mobi- POLITICAL PARTIES. Social movements often lizations help explain variation in the successes lose influence under democratization (Friedman of later women’s movements as they target new 2000; Nelson and Chowdhury 1994) because democratic states. Some scholars suggest that political parties, not movements, control access women’s posttransition movements benefit from to democratic states (O’Donnell and Schmitter women’s pretransition activism, because these 1986). Understanding the variable effective- earlier movements provide a strong base of ness of women’s movements in new democra- experienced activists from whom to draw affil- cies therefore requires understanding iates, as well as established network ties to inter- movements’relationships with political parties. nal and international collaborators (Noonan Some scholars argue that, when women’s pre- 1995; Shayne 2004). Moreover, women whose transition activism takes place in collaboration pretransition activism “bent gender,” or broke with traditional understandings of the feminine (e.g., guerrilla combatants or political organiz- ers), are thought particularly likely to launch 5 Examples of feminine movements include moth- strong feminist movements under new demo- erhood-based human-rights groups (Fisher 1990; cratic regimes (Kampwirth 2004; Shayne 2004). Stephen 1997) and housewife movements protesting Yet the strategies and frames used prior to rising prices and shrinking social services transitions can also constrain the success of (Neuhouser 1998). Feminine movements do little to challenge traditional patriarchal society, but some later movements. In Latin America, women pro- argue they can and do overlap and develop into testors often strategically incorporated author- “feminist” ideologies (Molyneux 1985; Stephen itarian regimes’ gendered discourse of women 1997). Little is written about which movements as pious, self-sacrificing mothers into the fram- evolve, which languish, and whether this broaden- ing of their own claims against the state. This ing of movement goals results in gendered changes left authoritarian regimes in the uncomfortable within the state apparatus. 672—–AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW with broader liberation movements, women Yet a few scholars warn against overly rosy can then use these ties to make effective claims depictions. Heavy reliance on international non- on party power (Britton 2002; Hassim 2006; governmental organizations raises the concern Luciak 2001). By contrast, numerous case that women’s organizations will channel their analyses document how women’s mobilizations actions toward what agencies will fund rather are co-opted by political parties after a transi- than toward what is needed locally (Barrig 1994; tion (Alvarez 1999; Manuh 1993; Okeke- Caldeira 1998). Furthermore, the institutional- Ihejirika and Franceschet 2002; Tsikata 1989). ization of movements into organizations may Gender-specific goals are often subsumed to a create divisions between the professional party’s “mainstream” agenda, and women’s women running the organizations and the grass- branches of political parties are generally too roots women whose needs are represented weak and poorly funded to exert real party (Caldeira 1998; Richards 2004). influence (Friedman 2000; Geisler 1995; Luciak 2001). In response, many women’s WOMEN’S DEMOCRATIC MOBILIZATIONS movements declare autonomy from parties to pursue their own agendas and collaborate with As conceptualized within our framework, a wide range of political interests, even though women’s democratic movements are the mech- autonomy limits their access to the state anism by which states may become more gen- (Alvarez 1999; Jaquette 1994; Tripp 2000; der equitable. Women’s movements are Waylen 1994). constrained by the four factors discussed above, Political party ideologies also contribute to but their effectiveness in targeting new demo- the dynamics of women’s mobilizations. In cratic states is also determined by which strate- general, leftist parties are most likely to express gies and frames they choose to employ. Our a commitment to reducing gender inequalities, review of the literature suggests that women’s and socialist parties in particular often articu- movements’ strategies are relatively consistent late feminist goals of ending womenDelivered’s double by Ingenta to : Harvard Universityacross cases. For example, movements often work day and encouraging female politicalWed, 26 and Nov 2008articulate 15:09:15 women’s demands by preparing plat- economic participation (Caul 1999; Chinchilla forms (Britton 2005; Hassim 2002; Saint 1990). Although ideological commitments to Germaine 1997) and then pushing political par- feminism are not often carried out in practice ties and state officials to adopt these platforms (Urdang 1995), some argue that the stated ideals through lobbying, protests, and media cam- may allow women to make more effective paigns (Geisler 1995; Jaquette and Wolchik claims on party power (Chinchilla 1990). 1998; Steady 2006; Tibbetts 1994). Women’s Others find that leftist ideologies do result in movements also seek out and support female real gains for women’s political power (Waylen candidates for public office and launch cam- 2007). paigns to increase voter turnout and other forms of political participation among women (Saint INTERNATIONAL INFLUENCES. The literature on Germaine 1997; Tripp 2001). gender and democratization argues that a strong We find that women’s movements often vary international and transregional feminist move- across two characteristics. First, some have been ment positively supports women’s activism in successful at building coalitions across classes, new democracies (Britton 2002; Hassim 2003; races, ethnicities, and political affiliations Jaquette and Wolchik 1998; Keck and Sikkink (Britton 2005; Saint Germaine 1997). Others, 1998; Nelson and Chowdhury 1994; Paxton, though, struggle with problems of cohesion, Hughes, and Green 2006; Seidman 1999). particularly when pretransition movement lead- Global summits call attention to women’s shared ers, who are often from a higher class and bet- interests, and when governments sign on to ter educated than most activists, assume paid United Nations agreements, local women’s positions within new state offices or political movements have a legal basis on which to claim parties, leaving the women who remain in the equality. International feminist organizations community-based movements feeling isolated often provide material resources to local (Geisler 1995; Richards 2004; Waylen 1994). women’s movements, as well as ideological ties Second, as we highlight in the following cases, to broader feminist concerns. transition movements vary in how they frame DEMOCRATIZATION AND GENDER-EQUITABLE STATES—–673 their demands for women’s inclusion in the society in which it operates (Molyneux 2000; state. We anticipate that variations along these Schmitter 1998; Stacey 1983). two characteristics can be explained in large part by how the four factors discussed above APPLYING THE FRAMEWORK: both constrain and expand political openings A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF and ideologies available to women’s movements FOUR CASES with democratization. To test the utility of our framework, we exam- ine four countries: South Africa, Argentina, ASSESSING OUTCOMES Ghana, and El Salvador. We chose these cases If a state is to become more feminist, its insti- because they clearly demonstrate successes and tutional foundations must explicitly take into failures in improving gender equity within the account, and work to remedy, women’s subor- state, and because they differ from one anoth- dination in the larger society. To evaluate er according to the framework factors identified whether a state has become more “women- above. This allows us to explain outcomes by friendly” with democratization, we examine drawing on similarities across varied contexts. changes in institutional foundations, including Our initial selection of these cases was based pri- the new democratic state’s constitutions, laws marily on rates of women’s legislative repre- passed since democratization, the formal organi- sentation in sub-Saharan Africa and Latin zational structures established to address gen- America. We created tables ranking nations by der inequalities, and the system for placing their percentage of female parliamentarians in individuals into power. 1995 and 2005. Most nations in Africa and In addition, if women are to have recourse Latin America showed incremental gains over within their state, they must be able to gain rep- this time period, but Ghana fell from 17th to resentation within the state apparatus,Delivered and they by Ingenta30th out to of : 40 African nations, while El Salvador must successfully access political decisionHarvard mak- Universityfell from 9th to 16th out of 21 Latin American ers from outside formal channels. WeWed, therefore 26 Nov 2008nations. 15:09:15 By contrast, South Africa and Argentina evaluate women’s representation within state represent new democracies that have recently 6 structures, especially parliaments. We also become regional leaders in placing women into investigate a state’s receptivity to women’s formal political office. We then explored the out- movements by identifying the demands that comes of these cases to determine if higher women’s groups make of a state, and whether women’s legislative representation was indica- and how states respond to their desired policy tive of the political institutionalization of a more changes. gender equitable state. This was the case for We acknowledge that these analyses do not Argentina and South Africa, but not for Ghana capture the entire myriad of ways in which states or El Salvador. are gendered, but other research suggests that, In the following country reviews, our goal is if these foundational gendered changes are insti- not to provide detailed case studies, but rather tutionalized with democratization, they will to pull out specific factors highlighted by the persist and have positive influences on other framework. In doing so, we hope to determine aspects of the state apparatus, as well as the which combination of factors generated more successful outcomes for South Africa and Argentina, as compared with Ghana and El 6 Women’s representation within the state does Salvador. We recognize that using only four not always signify an increasingly women-friendly cases will not result in definitive answers regard- state apparatus, as not all women legislators pro- ing feminist state outcomes and democratization mote feminist concerns. However, studies suggest that more broadly. However, our findings challenge increasing women’s legislative representation corre- current conceptualizations of how democratic lates with the development of more justly gendered policies and has a contagion effect such that women transitions affect gender issues in state poli- improve their representation in other areas, such as cies, institutions, and personnel, and we hope labor unions and local government structures (Britton our comparative framework will provide a tool 2002; Jones 1997; Waylen 2000). with which the gendered processes of democ- 674—–AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW ratization can continue to be explored across women of different races and classes, as well as additional cases.7 to unite local and exiled activist communities, resulted in early discussions of how to articu- SOUTH AFRICA late solidarity among diverse groups of women (Hassim 2006). Although attempts to unite DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION. Centuries of racist diverse women pretransition were unsuccessful, practices and politics preceded the 1948 imple- the idea of coalition building among women mentation of apartheid and the formal political developed early on. Ultimately, even though a exclusion of non-whites from the South African small group of feminists arose pretransition, state (Britton 2005; Seidman 1993). A power- especially among women in exile, all libera- ful movement, united under the master frame of tion organizations continued to promote polit- liberation and equality for all, developed to ical liberation over women’s liberation (Hassim counter these racial injustices. By 1990, the 2006; Seidman 1993). white minority government was left without international legitimacy and unable to control movement protests within its own borders. It POLITICAL PARTIES. With transition, political ended apartheid and invited major opposition parties initially placed low importance on groups to negotiate a new state apparatus. The women’s rights and representation, but pres- subsequent two rounds of protracted negotia- sure exerted from women within the parties tions included only the major government and forced change. In particular, women within the opposition parties; other segments of civil soci- ANC argued that the party should seek both a ety were not well represented (Hassim 2002). In non-racist and a non-sexist democracy (Britton 1994, free democratic elections brought the 2002; Hassim 2002). They demanded and won African National Congress (ANC)—a leading a commitment from the ANC to ensure that 30 player in the liberation movement—into power. percent of winnable positions on the party’s The creation of a new constitution beganDelivered under by Ingentaelectoral to ballots: were filled by women. Other Harvard Universityparties have followed the ANC’s lead by increas- their tenure and was enforced in 1997.Wed, 26 Nov 2008 15:09:15 The South African democratic transition ing support for female parliamentarians run- ended the rule of the previous regime, formal- ning for elections. ly dismantled the predemocratic system of polit- ical power, and included all major parties in INTERNATIONAL INFLUENCES.The South the negotiations to construct the new state appa- African women’s movement was strongly influ- ratus. Because South African democracy was enced by the international community. Under predicated on expanding political, social, and apartheid, women exiled in Zimbabwe, economic rights to non-whites, much of the Mozambique, and Angola witnessed how rhetoric surrounding democratic negotiations women’s rights were subverted in those coun- emphasized racial equality. tries’transitions to independence (Britton 2002; Geisler 2000; McEwan 2000). Upon returning WOMEN’S PRETRANSITION MOBILIZATIONS. to South Africa, they used the lessons learned South African women of all races were active- in exile to keep women’s issues on the South ly involved in the pretransition liberation move- African negotiating table during democratiza- ment. This activism took place within tion. In addition, international donors provided locally-based groups, such as labor unions and women’s nongovernmental organizations in neighborhood associations, and outside nation- South Africa with no-strings-attached funding al borders, where the ANC operated in exile to help them fight both racist and sexist policies (Hassim 2006; Meer 2005; Seidman 1993). before and during the transition (Britton 2006). South African women’s struggles to unite Also during the transition, antiapartheid activists from the Netherlands initiated discussions between hundreds of South African women 7 The data in our analyses are primarily secondary about how gender could be incorporated into the sources, although the authors also conducted in- new state (Seidman 1993). Unfortunately, after depth interviews with women and feminist activists the transition, many international organizations in Ghana and El Salvador between 1997 and 2004. moved their funds to other areas of the world, DEMOCRATIZATION AND GENDER-EQUITABLE STATES—–675 and members of women’s organizations had to leadership in 1994 contributed to the WNC’s compete with each other for financial support. fragmentation (Hassim 2002; Seidman 2003). International donors also began to attach con- ditions for the use of the posttransition funds GENDERED STATE OUTCOMES. Due in part to (Britton 2006). women’s activism, South Africans not only insti- tuted a proportional representation system WOMEN’S DEMOCRATIC MOBILIZATIONS. When (Britton 2002) and constructed one of the most women were completely excluded from the first gender-equitable constitutions in the world round of multiparty negotiations in 1992, the (Walsh 2006), but by 1998, they had also cre- South African women’s movement was quick- ated a number of state institutions to monitor ly prodded into political action (Hassim 2002). gender equity (Seidman 2003). The Office on Drawing on the democratic master frame of the Status of Women, located within the Office liberation and equality for all, more than 70 of the President, evaluates the activities of the ideologically-diverse organizations came togeth- government, including hiring and maternity er to form the Women’s National Coalition leave practices. Within each ministry, a gender (WNC), arguing that equality should extend to women. Their main goals were to (1) gain desk examines all policies to ensure gender women’s inclusion in the multiparty negotiations equity is appropriately addressed. The South and (2) create a Women’s Charter of Equality to African Commission on Gender Equality was be added to the constitution. Despite difficul- created to oversee all these activities and to ties maintaining cohesion across the diverse address concerns for gendered justice within organizations, the coalition succeeded in gain- civil society. ing women’s representation in the first round of Women’s political representation has been negotiations. When women were again mar- consistently high in the three national elections ginalized during the second round ofDelivered negotia- by Ingentasince totransition : (Britton 2002; Inter- tions, WNC women wrote open lettersHarvard to UniversityParliamentary Union 2007), reaching 28.3 per- political leaders, staged protests, andWed, ultimate- 26 Nov 2008cent 15:09:15 in 1994, 29.8 percent in 1999, and 32.8 ly stormed the negotiations and halted discus- percent in 2004. Initially, these high numbers sions until the issue of women’s representation were due to strong wins by the ANC, but other was addressed (McEwan 2000; Seidman 1999). parties also increased their female representa- In the end, the WNC gained one seat for every tion in the later elections due to a contagion political team of two people within the multi- effect. Parties may have also received encour- party negotiations, thus increasing their repre- agement from the Southern African sentation to 50 percent. They further demanded Development Community (SADC), a regional that the WNC’s own Gender Advisory organization that asked all its member states to Committee be part of the technical teams reach 30 percent legislative representation for involved in constructing the new constitution, women by 2005. and they succeeded in adding their Women’s The institutionalization of gender equality Charter to the constitution. The new constitution in state institutions, combined with women’s now emphasizes feminist concerns about gen- increased legislative representation, resulted in dered violence and women’s specific needs in major legislative victories for women (Hames relation to legal status, health, work, and access to resources (Hassim 2002; Meer 2005), and 2006; Walsh 2006). During the five years fol- these laws supersede customary laws. lowing transition, a series of acts were passed Unfortunately, the WNC’s strength waned that, among other things, addressed sexual after the first multiparty elections in 1994 (Meer harassment in the workplace, provided extensive 2005; Walsh 2006). Having achieved its two maternal and family responsibility leaves, pro- primary goals, the WNC needed to reevaluate moted affirmative action for women in hiring, its purpose. Meanwhile, all members of the gave women greater access to abortion, required WNC executive committee were voted into par- financial support from absent parents, crimi- liament and thus had to resign from the coali- nalized domestic violence, and provided free tion, as dictated by WNC rules. The health care to pregnant women and children up simultaneous achievement of goals and loss of to age 6. 676—–AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

ARGENTINA POLITICAL PARTIES. Historically, Argentina has been dominated by two political parties: DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION. In 1976, a military the Partido Justicialista (PJ), derived from the coup took power in Argentina and, in what has Peronist populist movements, and the Unión since been dubbed the “dirty war,” tortured, Civica Radical (UCR), a more liberal middle- killed, or “disappeared” an estimated 30,000 class political party (Waylen 2000). Neither “insurgents.” By 1983, the state’s corrupt use of party prioritizes gender in its organization or its international funds, poor economic planning, mission, and internal party offices are largely continued human rights violations, and defeat held by men (Partida Justicialista de la in a conflict with Great Britain over the Falkland Republica Argentina 2007; Union Civica (Malvinas) Islands left the ruling junta thor- Radical Comite Nacional 2007). However, with oughly discredited. The Argentine public called the transition, women from both parties aligned for an end to authoritarianism, and in response, with each other and with the Argentine women’s the junta reinstated the 1853 Argentine consti- movement to promote a national quota law tution, allowed civilian elections, and peace- requiring that women make up at least 30 per- fully handed over political power to the winners, cent of electoral candidates (Gray 2003). placing few demands on new political actors. Ten years later, a special assembly updated the INTERNATIONAL INFLUENCES. Western femi- constitution. Often considered a “transition by nism influenced the early feminist formations collapse,” the return to democracy in Argentina in Argentina, and international conferences pro- was ultimately swift, complete, and carried out vided new opportunities for Argentines to under a widely-accepted master frame of anti- engage with feminist issues. The adoption of authoritarianism. CEDAW (the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Delivered by Ingentaagainst to Women) : encouraged the creation of new WOMEN’S PRETRANSITION MOBILIZATIONS. Harvard Universitywomen’s offices and provided the language for Both feminine and feminist groups were Wed, 26 Nov 2008feminist 15:09:15 constitutional reforms (discussed involved in the 1983 transition to democracy in below). Yet the international community has Argentina (Feijoo with Nari 1994), but the fem- not played a large financial role in Argentine inine groups were by far the most influential. women’s organizations, with less than half The Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo, or the receiving foreign funding, and many eschewing Madres, publicly protested the disappearance of international financial assistance because of its their children by military force, and the tendency to dictate local agendas (Borland Housewife Organizations protested the injustice 2004a and personal correspondence). of the rising cost of living and unemployment. Both groups were avowedly nonpartisan and campaigned for government accountability and WOMEN’S DEMOCRATIC MOBILIZATIONS. Although no women’s group had a strong influ- ethics. Both groups were also criticized for ence on the immediate terms of the rapid dem- reifying women’s traditional, subordinate fem- ocratic transition (Waylen 2000), both the inine roles, although Feijoo (with Nari 1994) Madres and the feminists aggressively engaged notes that these women actually transgressed tra- the newly democratic state. The Madres want- ditional understandings of the feminine as weak ed answers about their disappeared children and submissive, transforming “motherhood” and punishment for those found guilty of torture. into a source of power. By contrast, feminist The feminists pursued a broader agenda, seek- organizations initially focused more on per- ing changes in divorce laws, child custody laws, sonal issues and cultural transformations than the availability of contraceptives, and an elec- politics (Feijoo with Nari 1994). Yet, toward toral quota to increase women’s representation. the end of the dirty war, most feminist groups Argentine feminists also pursued issues of abor- publicly called for peace and justice, and some tion rights to an unusual degree for Latin began lobbying political parties to include America, in large part because the Catholic women’s issues in their platforms when democ- Church, which aligned with the violent military ratization returned. junta during the dirty war, had been affiliated DEMOCRATIZATION AND GENDER-EQUITABLE STATES—–677 with “authoritarianism” (Borland 2004b). The what constitutes a “winnable” position. feminists adopted two available frames when Importantly, the quota law also applied to can- making their claims. First, because the new didates for a constitutional assembly, which was state promoted democratic and neo-liberal charged in 1993 with updating the Argentine reforms as necessary for becoming “modern,” constitution. Women made up 26 percent of the feminists argued that gendered justice was nec- assembly members. Some were feminists and essary for a “modern” state as well (Waylen many organized across party lines on issues 2000, see also Towns 2004). Likewise, because relevant to women (Jones 1996; Waylen 2000). the Madres had equated “feminine” politics They inserted language into the constitution with ethics, justice, and decentralized power, that strengthened the quota laws, made CEDAW feminists referred to masculine styles of aggres- compliance a constitutional imperative, and sive, hierarchical politics as “authoritarian,” a successfully fought a clause that would have style repudiated by the Argentine public made abortion illegal under any circumstance (Borland 2004a). (Waylen 2000). The strengthened quota laws, Women’s mobilizations in Argentina have among other factors, increased women’s leg- historically formed powerful cross-class coali- islative representation dramatically—women’s tions, beginning with populism in the 1950s. representation rose to 25.3 percent in 1995 and Since the Fourth World Conference on Women to 35 percent in 2005. Moreover, some schol- in Beijing in 1995, Argentinean women from all ars suggest that the quota law is having a con- types of women’s organizations—left, right, tagion effect, as unions and provincial elections religious, secular, feminist, human rights, and are also adopting these procedures (Waylen economic needs—have met regularly for a 2000). National Encounter to debate “women’s inter- In addition to increasing their personnel in the ests” and plan collaborative work (Borland new democratic state, Argentine women also 2004a). Organizations like the Union of gained new women’s machinery in the state Housewives (SACRA) were formedDelivered with the by Ingenta to : Harvard Universityapparatus. In 1991, President Menem created the explicit intention of creating cross-classWed, 26coali- Nov 2008National 15:09:15 Council of Women to ensure the imple- tions, given that women’s unfair share of house- mentation of CEDAW in Argentina. Established hold labor was thought to be an issue with which by presidential decree, this body initially had a women from many walks of life could identify large budget and a feminist-sympathizing leader. (Fisher 1993). Argentine women legislators It has played a critical role in monitoring par- have also collaborated exceptionally well across ties for adherence to the quota laws and brings party lines to forward women’s issues (Gray charges against parties that are not in compli- 2003). ance. The Council does not, however, have min- isterial status (Gray 2003), and when the GENDERED STATE OUTCOMES. Under the mil- Council’s leader campaigned against Menem’s itary regime, women were largely excluded attempt to insert stricter abortion clauses into the from positions of political power, and the dem- constitution, she was forced to resign, was ocratic transition of 1983 did little to improve replaced by a new pro-life party woman, and the women’s representation. Women consistently Council’s budget was reduced (Waylen 2000). won less than 4 percent of new deputy positions The proportional representation system, the in the elections of the 1980s (Waylen 2000). In exemplary quota laws, and the new women’s 1991, under pressure from Argentine women’s machinery are all positive steps toward feminist organizations and female activists within the change in the Argentine state, but the hyper- political parties, the Argentine congress passed presidentialism of the system can, at times, the first national quota law in the Western leave women and their institutions vulnerable. Hemisphere. It stipulated that at least 30 percent of all candidates for national political office GHANA must be women, and that women be placed in “winnable” positions on closed party lists. DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION. In 1981, Flight Nevertheless, the numbers of women in con- Lieutenant Rawlings overthrew a democrati- gress reached only 13.2 percent in the 1993 cally elected president and, with his Provisional elections, due to parties’loose interpretations of National Defense Council (PNDC), initiated 678—–AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW an 11-year left-wing dictatorship in Ghana. In women’s representation in executive positions the early 1990s, however, international donor (Allah-Mensah 2007). Their party structure, agencies placed external pressure on Rawlings though, has not mirrored that commitment. to democratize his government, while local Ghanaian organizations protested for multipar- INTERNATIONAL INFLUENCES. Prior to ty elections and free association by appealing to Rawlings’s dictatorship, the Ghanaian govern- Ghanaians’ political pride. Ghana was the first ment established an independent council, the country to gain independence in sub-Saharan National Council on Women in Development Africa, and Ghanaians wanted to uphold their (NCWD), to assess the economic and social nation as an exemplary model for political com- status of Ghanaian women, as well as to par- petition, thus making “political pride” an effec- ticipate in international meetings like the United tive master frame. Rawlings eventually Nations Decade for Women (1975 to 1985). succumbed to this pressure and agreed to mul- However, Rawlings and members of the DWM tiparty elections in 1992. With his new National took over the NCWD in 1987 (Manuh 1993), Democratic Congress (NDC) party, he won both curtailing Ghanaian women’s participation in the 1992 and 1996 elections. The 1992 elections international conferences and campaigns. Not were controversial (Lyons 1999), but because all until after the transition, when members of parties could theoretically participate, most autonomous women’s organizations began to Ghanaians refer to them as the moment of tran- participate in international conferences like sition. The 1996 elections were deemed fairer Beijing-95, did international influences begin to and oppositional parties accepted the results. significantly impact Ghanaian women’s mobi- Ghana’s transition to democracy was slow lization. and relatively peaceful but initially left rem- Similarly, after the democratization process, nants of the previous authoritarian regime in funding opportunities increased for women place. The constitution was drafted by a Delivered by Ingenta(Fallon to 2008). : In the beginning, due to the dis- Consultative Assembly prior to the transition, Harvard Universitytrust instilled through the PNDC, and later the drawing from previous constitutionsWed, and a 26report Nov 2008 15:09:15 NDC, access to funding was contentious and from a “Committee of Experts” appointed by the women’s organizations saw one another as com- PNDC (Kumado 1993). Women were not cen- petitors. Beginning in 1999, donor agencies tral to the process, and their political status was attempted to bring civil society organizations not discussed by political or civic actors. together by forming coalitions. Although inter- national funding remained competitive, coali- WOMEN’S PRETRANSITION MOBILIZATION.In tions formed and women’s distrust of one 1982, Rawlings created the 31st December another dissipated. Women’s Movement (DWM) with the ostensi- ble purpose of encouraging women’s political WOMEN’S DEMOCRATIC MOBILIZATIONS. involvement in the state. In reality, the DWM co- Immediately after the transition, many Ghanaian opted women into PNDC rule using financial women’s organizations continued to fear the incentives (Gyimah-Boadi 1994; Tsikata 1989). government and the DWM, and thus chose to The PNDC state intimidated citizens who remain focused on economic, rather than polit- addressed politics and targeted market women ical, issues (Fallon 2003). However, in the late as enemies of the state (Manuh 1993), leaving 1990s, because President Rawlings was con- women fearful of politics and largely unmobi- stitutionally required to step down in 2000, lized with the transition to democracy. women’s organizations began to challenge the government more openly. Women’s mobilization POLITICAL PARTIES. Political parties did not in this period focused on calling for government prioritize women’s rights in their transition-era action to end a brutal three-year string of seri- agendas. Women’s political activities were still al killings against women. They formed a coali- co-opted by the DWM. Rawlings’s leftist polit- tion called NETRIGHT, which was quickly ical party, the NDC, has been the only one to followed by other coalitions. The serial killings, state in its manifesto, beginning in 1999, that the development of women’s coalitions, partic- affirmative action will be used to ensure ipation in Beijing, access to increased donor DEMOCRATIZATION AND GENDER-EQUITABLE STATES—–679 funds, and the end of (P)NDC rule resulted in EL SALVADOR a Ghanaian women’s movement that began to DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION. In 1980, the place demands on the government, and it suc- Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front ceeded in getting a domestic violence bill passed (FMLN) formed to overthrow the elite-spon- (Fallon 2008). However, as the domestic vio- sored, military-dominated Salvadoran state. lence bill was the primary goal, and the state cre- Although the FMLN leadership espoused a ated hurdles that the women’s movement had to socialist ideology, most participants in their negotiate, other gendered concerns did not rebel army mobilized around ideologies of materialize. human rights and social justice rather than spe- cific understandings of class conflict (Viterna GENDERED STATE OUTCOMES. Under 2006). During the ensuing civil war, the Rawlings’s authoritarian regime, women held Salvadoran state responded to external pres- just 1 of 16 cabinet positions, and 1 of 29 state sures to democratize by drafting a new consti- ministry positions in 1985. By 1990, those num- tution in 1983, and by holding elections for a bers had dropped to zero (Brown, Ghartey, and civilian president in 1984 and 1989. However, Ekumah 1996). Even within the local-level dis- the military continued to control the state and trict assemblies, which Rawlings permitted in commit human rights abuses, and the FMLN 1988, only 9.1 percent were women (Pepera continued its militant assaults, until the United Nations brokered peace accords in 1992. These 1993). accords reestablished civilian control over the Women’s representation improved little with military and gave the FMLN status as a politi- transition. After the 1992 elections, women held cal party, but they left the 1983 constitution only 3 of 24 council of state positions and 3 of intact. The accords focused primarily on bring- 19 cabinet ministries, and these numbers remain ing peace and full political participation to the similarly low today. Women won 8 percentDelivered of the by Ingentanation, toleaving : to the side many of the social jus- legislative seats in 1992, and this increasedHarvard only Universitytice issues that initially mobilized participants Wed, 26 Nov 2008 15:09:15 incrementally over the following elections: 9 in the 1970s and 1980s. The democratic mas- percent in 1996, 10 percent in 2000, and 11 ter frame that evolved was directly related to percent in 2004. Women’s district assembly rep- achieving and maintaining peace. resentation also remains low at 12 percent. The 1994 elections were the first in which all Gains in feminist legislation since democra- political players, including the FMLN, partici- tization have also been slow. In 1993, rape was pated, and therefore mark the moment of tran- more broadly defined as a criminal act, and jail sition. Since the transition, the FMLN has time for rapists increased significantly. In 1994, become a powerful opposition party, but the legislation was passed to make Trokosi (a ritu- ARENA party, which is closely tied to the for- al servitude of girl children) and Female Genital mer authoritarian government, has won all post- Cutting illegal. Also in 1994, a criminal statute transition presidential elections and continues prohibiting wife beating was passed, yet some to receive support from large segments of the ambiguity remained since British common law, Salvadoran population. El Salvador’s negotiat- established during colonization, allowed for ed transition brought peace and instituted for- domestic abuse. Not until 2007, after years of mal democracy, but it left the prewar economic protracted struggle between women’s organi- and political power base largely intact. zations and the government, was a domestic violence bill passed to override common law. WOMEN’S PRETRANSITION MOBILIZATIONS. Women’s rights and political participation with- Salvadoran women’s activism increased expo- in the state improved only minimally with the nentially in the 1970s, both in mixed-gender onset of democratization, but women have revolutionary organizations and in women-spe- gained more ground recently as the Ghanaian cific groups, such as motherhood and teachers women’s movement has strengthened. organizations. Women also became extensive- Nonetheless, only domestic violence issues have ly involved in the FMLN, comprising nearly been highlighted and attempts to transform one-third of the approximately 13,000 guerril- political structures have not come to the fore. las and an estimated 80 percent of their civilian 680—–AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW supporters (Luciak 2001; Vázquez, Ibáñez, and their return. Shortly after the peace accords, Murguialday 1996). Although many women international financial support helped women’s continued to perform traditionally “feminine” organizations gain autonomy from the FMLN, duties in the guerrilla camps, such as cooking and international conferences encouraged and nursing, many others assumed more “mas- women’s feminist formation and collaboration culine” duties, such as political education, intel- (Silber and Viterna 2008). For example, during ligence, and combat (Montgomery 1995; Reif the sixth Feminist Encounter of Latin America 1986; Ueltzen 1993). During the civil war, and the Caribbean in 1992, Nicaraguan femi- women’s organizations within the FMLN were nists cautioned Salvadoran women not to let largely concerned with mobilizing other women, the FMLN sideline their feminist struggles as soliciting funds abroad, and helping guerrillas theirs had been. Salvadoran women responded with women-specific issues such as pregnancy by forming a coalition called “Women ’94” (Silber and Viterna 2008). They accepted the (discussed below). Likewise, after the Fourth socialist logic that class, not gender, was the cen- World Conference of the Woman in Beijing in tral problem, and that women’s equality would 1995, women’s organizations pushed the come naturally with a socialist revolution. Salvadoran government to create the Salvadoran Institute for Women’s Development (ISDEMU) POLITICAL PARTIES. Women’s posttransition and helped ISDEMU identify 10 areas where gains in political parties have been disappoint- government policy could promote gender equal- ing. The ARENA platform largely espouses tra- ity. ditional female values (Cansino 2001), and the ARENA government has been consistently poor WOMEN’S DEMOCRATIC MOBILIZATIONS. After at integrating women into the presidential cab- democratization, women’s groups that had inet, although they did nominate a female vice- formed under the FMLN separated from the presidential candidate in the 2004 Deliveredelections. by Ingentaparty and to evolved: into self-supporting, feminist, Within the FMLN, women militants foughtHarvard to University Wed, 26 Nov 2008nongovernmental 15:09:15 organizations, while the establish a Women’s Secretariat and to secure a women themselves often remained both party quota system in which at least 35 percent of all militants and members of feminist organiza- electoral candidates would be women. The quota tions.9 The women’s movement often framed its system has not yet reached its 35 percent min- claims for political inclusion by arguing that imum level of office-holders, though, and the women had proven their ability to be effective women’s division within the party structure has participants in all aspects of the revolutionary not yet been formally institutionalized, nor does movement, and therefore women deserved an it receive a regular budget (Luciak 2001). The equal role in the democracy they had helped to women’s movement felt particularly abandoned create. In 1994, multiple women’s groups by the FMLN in 1998, when a large majority of formed a coalition with the explicit goal of the party’s legislative representatives voted in incorporating women into formal politics. favor of a constitutional amendment making Calling themselves “Women ’94,” they wrote a abortion illegal, even when the life of the moth- platform addressing women’s rights, publicized er is at stake, and despite the women’s move- it, and succeeded in getting all party candidates ment’s push to stop the passage of the to agree to its adoption. They also sought excep- amendment.8 tional women who supported the platform to run for office, and they initiated a voter registration INTERNATIONAL INFLUENCES. During the war, drive because an estimated 75 percent of unreg- many women leaders in the FMLN were exiled, istered voters were women (Saint Germaine and their exposure to feminist ideas while liv- 1997). Women’s coalition work continued for the ing abroad made them increasingly aware of 1997 elections but has since declined. This gender discrimination within the FMLN upon decline is in part due to frustrations that officials

8 Prior to this amendment, abortion in El Salvador 9 The women-specific organizations in El Salvador, was legal if a doctor agreed that it was necessary for such as motherhood-based groups, largely declined reasons of health. or disbanded. DEMOCRATIZATION AND GENDER-EQUITABLE STATES—–681 quickly forgot about the women’s platform after tutions that effectively pursue just gendered being elected, and in part due to continuing practices. Women’s access to formal positions political divisions between feminist organiza- of political power is increasing, as demonstrat- tions, some of which carry over from divisions ed by their rapidly growing presence in nation- between wartime FMLN factions. These divi- al parliaments. And women’s civil society sions have been amplified by the need to com- organizations are effectively using political pete for increasingly scarce international power outside of conventional channels to win funding (Silber and Viterna 2008). concessions from the state, even on highly con- troversial issues such as electoral quotas and reproductive rights. GENDERED STATE OUTCOMES. Women gained only two additional legislative seats with the By contrast, the Salvadoran and Ghanaian 1994 elections, or 10.7 percent of the total par- states remained highly masculine with demo- liament. The 1997 elections saw an increase to cratic transition. Neither state constitution was 15.5 percent, but that number dropped to 9.5 and revised to actively promote gender equality, no 10.7 percent in the 2000 and 2003 elections, national-level quotas promote women’s partic- respectively. The 2006 elections again saw an ipation, and the new women’s offices, dominated increase to 16.7 percent, but it remains to be by the unfeminist political aspirations of the seen whether this increase will be maintained parties in power, do not effectively address over time. Of the 262 mayors in El Salvador, issues of gendered justice. Women’s mobiliza- only 16 (6.1 percent) are women (COMURES tions in these two nations have had relatively few n.d.). This is a decrease from 12.2 percent in successes gaining state responses to their 1994 (Cansino 2001). Although the FMLN has demands. They have been most successful at a quota, the women’s movement’s efforts to generating state actions for issues like domes- secure a quota at the national level have con- tic violence, where new regulations minimally sistently failed. Delivered by Ingentaimpact to what : happens in private homes. In Legislative policies have also been Harvardslow to UniversityGhana, even this was contentious. They have had change. The women’s movement wroteWed, and 26 pur- Nov 2008much 15:09:15 less success (or opportunity, in the case sued to implementation a family code that deals of Ghana) forwarding issues in which the state specifically with intrafamiliar violence and a is more likely to have influence, such as repro- new penal code that condemns sexual assault ductive rights and gender-specific protections and workplace discrimination against women. within paid employment. Yet efforts to promote reproductive freedom, judicial reforms, and enforcement of existing DISCUSSION laws have been largely unsuccessful. Likewise, under ARENA, ISDEMU’s focus has shifted Building from the existing literature, we argue almost exclusively to work against rape and that an analysis of four theoretical factors—the domestic violence, leaving behind other issues context of the transition, women’s pretransition such as women’s workplace rights and repro- mobilizations, political parties, and interna- ductive rights (Garcia Corral and Quintana tional influences—should allow scholars to 2000). explain a great deal of variation in the gendered outcomes of new democratic states. We do not expect one factor to generate feminist change SUMMARIZING THE CASES: FEMINIST on its own; rather, it is how these factors com- GAINS OR MASCULINE RETRENCHMENT? bine and jointly influence women’s mobiliza- As called for in our framework, we evaluated tions that matters. We expect this influence to four new democratic states’ gendered changes take two forms: creating new political open- by examining their constitutions, institutions, ings for affecting state institutions and policies, and women’s representation, as well as their and constructing new political ideologies with- receptivity to women’s demands. In South Africa in which movements can frame feminist goals. and Argentina, feminist changes have occurred. In the remaining pages, we explore the effects New constitutions explicitly address issues of of these factors in our four test cases, looking women’s subordination through the enforce- first at the individual factors, and then dis- ment of gender quotas and the creation of insti- cussing their interrelated effects. 682—–AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION. Gendered changes had been broadly delegitimized, so women in the state apparatus are more likely to occur framed issues of gender equality as ending the with democratic transition if the transition is stratification of society by the physical attribute welcomed by the large majority of the nation, of sex, and therefore a central component of and if it results in a relatively “complete” struc- overall efforts to purge the old ways. Similarly, tural transformation of political power. Scholars in Argentina, women appropriated the anti- often emphasize that “who wins” may be impor- authoritarian and modernity discourse used by tant for women’s political gains. We focus on public actors during the transition to argue for party ideology below, but here we suggest that women’s active participation within political a new regime’s political ideology is less relevant institutions. The inclusion of women in politics, than the complete dismissal of the old regime’s as ethical, non-hierarchical political players, political institutions and ideologies. was framed as a necessary step toward leaving In Ghana, the democratic transition trans- behind the old authoritarian ways. formed Rawlings from a dictator to a president, By comparison, women’s movements in but it did not remove him or his regime from Ghana and El Salvador had a much more diffi- power. His PNDC tightly controlled the process cult time molding new transitional ideologies of writing a new constitution and setting up into feminist frames. In Ghana, there was no new government institutions, limiting oppor- autonomous women’s movement at the moment tunities to change the state apparatus. In El of transition, so there was no opportunity to Salvador, the ruling ARENA party, closely tied utilize the transitional frame relating to politi- to the previous authoritarian regime, maintained cal pride. In El Salvador, women were mobilized extensive support within segments of the at the moment of transition, but they did not use Salvadoran population. A democratic constitu- the transitional ideology of peace to forward tion had been written, and nominally demo- their goals, perhaps because women’s earlier participation in the rebel army would make cratic institutions established, wellDelivered before by Ingenta to : democratization was actually achieved.Harvard Universityattempts to appropriate the language of “peace” Salvadoran feminists were mobilizedWed, and 26 tar-Nov 2008difficult. 15:09:15 Clearly, the ideology of these partic- geting the state at the moment of transition, but ular democratic transitions, when combined this mobilization did not result in foundational with women’s earlier mobilization strategies, changes in the state structure, in large part provided little inspiration for developing fem- because there was no formal opportunity to re- inist frames that would resonate well with state create state institutions. actors and the larger society. Contrast this situation with South Africa and Argentina, where the large majority of the pop- PRETRANSITION WOMEN’S MOBILIZATIONS.All ulace welcomed the transition, and the outgo- of our cases demonstrate that the strategies and ing regime lost legitimacy among its citizenry frames used by women’s posttransition move- and within the larger international community. ments were, to a large extent, shaped by As a result, most citizens embraced the oppor- women’s earlier mobilization patterns. Prior to tunity to write new constitutions and rethink the transition, South Africans had attempted to existing institutions. In addition, the outgoing unite women (working within mixed-gender regime had relatively little control over the con- organizations) across racial and class divisions, struction of the new state, although this is truer and these coalition efforts continued with of Argentina than of South Africa. Consequently, democratization. South African women also women in these nations found new political appeared to bring their confrontational pre- openings in which to participate in the con- transition strategies into the posttransition con- struction of a new state apparatus. text when they stormed and halted the Also of importance, transitions created new negotiation process, forcefully demanding their master frames that could constrain the effec- inclusion and creating a critical turning point for tiveness of women’s movement-specific frames. women’s gains with democratization. In South Africa and Argentina, these master Posttransition women’s movements adopted frames were relatively easy to align with femi- much of the rhetoric from the earlier movement nist ideologies. In South Africa, the stratifica- as well, tying questions of gender equality to tion of society by the physical attribute of race earlier struggles for racial equality. DEMOCRATIZATION AND GENDER-EQUITABLE STATES—–683

In Argentina, a feminist movement that did Participation in gender-bending roles may devel- not target the state until late in the pretransition op specific women’s political skills, as argued period was slow to begin placing demands on elsewhere, but ideologically speaking, these the new democratic regime. When women did past roles do not appear to generate feminist begin to actively pursue feminist goals, they frames that resonate with a broader society. overcame their slow start by drawing on their Interestingly, the four nations in Latin America previous coalition experience to unite women with high levels of women’s militant guerrilla across class differences. They also strategical- participation in the recent past (Colombia, ly framed their posttransition demands by appro- Guatemala, El Salvador, and Nicaragua) are priating the language of the Madres, a also the four nations that have seen the largest pretransition movement that was much more relative decline in regional rankings of women’s visible and widely respected than their own had legislative representation between 1995 and been. When feminists promoted the inclusion of 2005. women in state politics as “anti-authoritarian,” Finally, in Ghana, a poorly organized pre- the example of the Madres—who were widely transition women’s movement that was subject respected for promoting ethics and accounta- to state co-optation provided few strategies or bility in government—provided powerful sym- frames from which later women’s movements bolic support for their claims. Thus, the could draw. pretransition strategies of the Argentine Madres, who eschew the label “feminist” and have been POLITICAL PARTIES. When parties with leftist criticized by feminists for reinforcing tradi- or socialist ideologies win power, the new states tional notions of femininity, may paradoxical- are expected to be more women-friendly than ly have helped feminist movements. The their non-leftist counterparts. Yet our analysis feminists’anti-authoritarian frame was resonate suggests that ideology may not be the central in large part because the Madres Deliveredhad given by Ingentaexplanatory to : factor of party support for gender “feminine” politics a distinct and valuedHarvard place Universityequity. The NDC in Ghana is considered a left- in public perception. Wed, 26 Nov 2008ist party,15:09:15 yet it stifled movements for women’s In El Salvador, women’s most visible form of emancipation. On the other hand, the Peronist pretransition mobilization was as revolutionar- party in Argentina, which is not easily classified ies in mixed-gender, mostly-masculine organi- as left or right, has been instrumental in pro- zations like guerrilla camps. Such militant moting women’s political participation. In El strategies were difficult to transform into peace- Salvador, the leftist FMLN did not win execu- time actions. Nevertheless, Salvadoran women’s tive power, but it has a strong presence in the posttransition mobilization frames relied heav- national legislature. This socialist organization, ily on pretransition actions. They argued that just though, has often rebuffed calls by women’s as women were needed and capable members of movements to support feminist legislation. Nor the revolutionary movement, so were they need- do we see the feminist movements in these ed and capable members of democratic institu- nations using leftist political ideologies when tions. Especially within the FMLN party, framing their demands for inclusion. Only in women activists stressed that women had earned South Africa, where the strong ANC has been political equality through their previous actions. instrumental in increasing women’s access to the Salvadoran frames were not as successful as state, does party ideology play out as expected. those used in the previous two cases because, However, the ANC’s move toward gender equal- rather than challenging the masculine structure ity was in direct response to demands from of the state, they sought women’s inclusion mobilized women. Because these demands were within the masculine structures. Salvadoran historically consistent with women’s past women’s earlier “gender bending” roles sug- activism, and because they resonated well with gested that women were capable, but not nec- the broader democratic ideology, women were essarily needed, political actors. This contrasts able to secure gender-egalitarian changes with- with Argentinean feminists’use of the Madres’s in the political party as well as the state. Our “feminine” mobilizing to legitimate their claims analysis therefore confirms that support from a that women brought something unique and strong political party is necessary for women’s important to anti-authoritarian politics. movements to gain access to the state. However, 684—–AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW this support is determined more by the strate- Yet once liberation movements end and gies and frames available to women’s move- democratization is implemented, donor agencies ments in targeting a party, rather than a party’s often become detrimental to women’s mobiliz- political ideology. ing. Our third pattern demonstrates that the amount of international funds available to women’s organizations, particularly those INTERNATIONAL INFLUENCES. International involved in liberation struggles, diminishes with influences may help or hurt women’s mobi- democratization, and that remaining donors lizations depending on the type of support begin to specify how their money can be used. offered and whether it occurs before or after Women’s organizations’ continued financial democratic transitions. Four primary patterns dependence on international donor agencies emerged. First, women’s ideological linkages posttransition has been cited by activists in El with the international community enhance fem- Salvador, Ghana, and to a lesser extent South inist transformations with democracy, espe- Africa, for constraining agendas and increasing cially when local women can frame competition between women’s groups. As a transnational feminist goals as logical exten- result, local innovation may be stifled and coali- sions of their past localized activism. In each tion work may become increasingly difficult.10 nation, feminist activists were routinely engaged The fact that most Argentinean women’s organ- with organizations outside their national bor- izations eschew international funding may help ders, and the process of sharing ideas across bor- explain how they have continued their histori- ders was viewed by the activists as a central and cal legacy of working in coalitions and devel- positive component of the struggle for re-gen- oped innovative, locally-grounded ideas, such dering masculine states. Women’s participation as the early promotion of women candidates in international conferences provided critical through electoral quotas. moments for learning about feminist strategies Finally, regional organizations may support and successes in other nations, and for forming Delivered by Ingentawomen to’s :mobilizations. The South African coalitions with other organizations withinHarvard their University Development Community (SADC) may have own borders. In South Africa, Argentina,Wed, and26 Nov El 2008 15:09:15 helped create women-friendly state changes in Salvador, women living in exile learned about South Africa by encouraging all member states feminist activism in nations with similar situa- to place women in a minimum of 30 percent tions of political instability and change. Clearly, (now increased to 50 percent) of the seats in international ideological affiliations have national legislatures. We believe it is no coin- strengthened women’s movements in democ- cidence that the democratic countries within ratizing states. the SADC, including Namibia, Mozambique, However, when ideological exchanges are Tanzania, and Seychelles, have some of the buttressed with financial support, the role of the highest rates of women’s legislative represen- international community becomes more com- tation in the world. plex. Our second pattern finds that donor fund- ing during pretransition liberation struggles improved women’s movement strategies. When SUMMARY. These conclusions suggest that, clear injustices existed within authoritarian of the four factors identified in the literature, it countries, and citizens were working toward is the relationship between two of them—the political transformation through civil strife, context of the transition and women’s previous donors were willing to provide high levels of mobilizations—that best explains gendered state funding with few strings attached. Such unreg- outcomes with democratization. The context of ulated funding was necessary because liberation the transition determines which political open- activities were often illegal and highly danger- ous, making it impossible for activists to account for the use of funds to their international donors. 10 The one positive exception is Ghana, where Moreover, international funds were directed donor agencies have only recently focused on coali- toward one specific aim—liberation. In partic- tion building. Although it is too early to fully under- ular, women in liberation movements in South stand the effects of this coalition work, initial analyses Africa and El Salvador benefited from gener- suggest that Ghanaian women may be gaining effec- ous, unconstrained international funding. tiveness in targeting the state as a result. DEMOCRATIZATION AND GENDER-EQUITABLE STATES—–685 ings and frames are available to posttransition transition demands, but because these past women’s movements, while the legacy of pre- actions were often militant, they did not align vious mobilizations constrains the ability of well with the master frame of “peace.” women’s movements to take advantage of those Meanwhile, in Ghana, strong women’s move- new openings and frames. ments did not develop until nearly eight years In South Africa and Argentina, democratic after the transition, so women could neither transitions were complete. Women’s movements draw on past movement strategies nor use dem- therefore had formal political openings within ocratic master frames to their benefit. which to negotiate more gender-equitable poli- Political parties and international influences cies and institutions, and they generated strong also play an important role in shaping the suc- coalitions in time to take advantage of these cess of women’s movements under new demo- formal openings. Such effective and timely cratic states, but our four cases suggest these coalition building occurred, we argue, because influences are secondary to the interrelationship earlier women’s movements had already exper- of democratic transitions and pretransition imented with coalition building—coalition mobilization patterns. Political parties are a building had become a “tool” that posttransi- necessary vehicle for carrying women’s tion women’s movements could pull from their demands to the state, but we find that the type tactical repertoire. Likewise, the master frames of vehicle (i.e., party ideology) matters less accompanying the South African and than how well the vehicle is driven by women’s Argentinean transitions, “liberation” and “anti- mobilizations. In addition, international ideo- authoritarianism,” easily aligned with feminist logical exchanges are certainly beneficial, but goals, especially because feminists could draw whether feminist goals framed in the exterior on women’s past activism to legitimate their resonate at the local level depends on how well claims. South African women could legiti- local women situate these goals as logical exten- mately call for women’s liberation becauseDelivered they by Ingentasions of to their : past activism and critical compo- had spent decades fighting a battle for racialHarvard lib- Universitynents of the overall democratic transition. eration. Argentinean feminists couldWed, legiti-26 Nov 2008 15:09:15 mately argue that women’s politics is CONCLUSION antithetical to authoritarianism because they strategically appropriated the symbol of the What happens to the political institutionaliza- Madres as staunchly ethical, non-hierarchical tion of gender when a state is transformed by political players. Appropriating these demo- democratic transition? Most scholars conclude cratic master frames was key to the success of that democratization does little for women’s the women’s movements because the complete political rights and representation. We suggest transition ensured that these frames would res- that a more fruitful assessment of the relation- onate well with key political actors and the ship between democratization and women’s general populace. political power requires a systematic compara- By contrast, transitions in Ghana and El tive analysis that documents variation across Salvador were incomplete, and a lack of real cases, and then helps scholars develop expla- openings for institutional change constrained nations for that variation. To this end, we have women’s opportunities to influence the state. In created a framework that allows for such sys- El Salvador, women were mobilized at the tematic, cross-national comparisons. moment of transition, and after participating in By applying our framework to four test cases, international conferences together, they initiat- we develop a conjunctural explanation for how ed a strong women’s coalition to target the state. democratization affects gender equity within However, without concrete opportunities to states. Previous studies have established that reshape state institutions, and without past coali- strong women’s mobilizations are central for tion-building experiences from which to draw, creating state-level changes. We extend these the coalition was routinely frustrated in achiev- studies by arguing that women’s movements ing its goals. Old divisions between FMLN fac- most effectively target new democracies when tions, class groups, and party lines soon transitions are complete, when women’s move- reemerged. Salvadoran women did utilize their ments develop cohesive coalitions, when the past revolutionary activism to frame their post- ideology behind the transition (rather than the 686—–AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW ideology of the winning regime) aligns easily Women’s Movement in Latin America: with feminist frames, and when women’s past Participation and Democracy, 2nd ed., edited by activism legitimates present-day feminist J. S. Jaquette. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. demands. We also raise doubts about existing Benford, Robert D. and David A. Snow. 2000. conclusions in the literature, including the “Framing Processes and Social Movements: An Overview and Assessment.” Annual Review of importance of left party ideology, internation- Sociology 26:611–39. al support, and a legacy of “gender-bending” Borland, Elizabeth. 2004a. “Cultural Opportunities activism. Finally, we develop a framework that and Tactical Choice in the Argentine and Chilean we hope others will use to test and extend our Reproductive Rights Movement.” Mobilization proposed explanations for state variations, both 9:327–39. by examining gendered state changes in addi- ———. 2004b. “Growth, Decay, and Change: tional cases of democratization, and by evalu- Organizations in the Contemporary Women’s ating how other arenas connected to the state, Movement in Buenos Aires, Argentina.” PhD dis- such as civil society, the economy, education, sertation, Department of Sociology, University of and the family, may contribute to gendered out- Arizona, Tucson. Bratton, Michael and Nicolas van de Walle. 1997. comes with democratization. Democratic Experiments in Africa: Regime Transitions in Comparative Perspective. New York: Jocelyn Viterna is Assistant Professor of Sociology Cambridge University Press. and Social Studies at Harvard University. Her Britton, Hannah E. 2002. “Coalition Building, research explores the evolving relationship between Election Rules, and Party Politics: South African the state and civil society in countries undergoing Women’s Path to Parliament.” Africa Today transitions to democracy. Her region of emphasis is 49:33–64. Latin America, and her current project investigates ———. 2005. Women in the South African the gendered causes and consequences of guerrilla Parliament: From Resistance to Governance. participation in El Salvador in the 1980s. An article Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press. from this project, “Pulled, Pushed and Persuaded: ———. 2006. “Organizing against Gender Explaining Women’s Mobilization into theDelivered Salvadoran by Ingenta to : Violence.” Journal of Southern African Studies Guerrilla Army,” recently appeared in the AmericanHarvard University 32:145–63. Journal of Sociology. Wed, 26 Nov 2008 15:09:15 Brown, C. K., N. K. T. Ghartey, and E. K. Ekumah. Kathleen M. 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