Non-Wood Forest Froducts
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Page 1 of 16 Non -Wood Forest Froducts: A Regional Overview S.D. (Dennis) Richardson Independent Forestry Advisor Introduction Background The country papers Further background information Matters of moment Conclusion References Introduction Apart from a short market study of copal gum from Irian Jaya in the 1960s, and literature reviews relating to China, I have never written anything on the subject of non-wood forest products (NWFPs). The invitation to present this review, therefore, came as both a surprise and a challenge. I have had recourse to a strategy which comes easily to the old. That is, comparing the paradigms of the early years of my forestry career with the state-of-the-art as it appears to be at present. The second part of my task is made easier by the availability of country papers presented to the Expert Consultation on Non-Wood Forest Products organised by the FAO Regional Office in November 1991. I shall review the material arising out of that consultation, together with additional papers on countries not represented, and other material which relates to the rapidly changing economic and cultural dimensions. I propose then to reflect upon some "matters of moment" which illustrate changes in public perceptions of forestry (and of foresters) since the 1940s when I began my studies. At the outset, let it be said that in the urban culture of my youth in England, my only direct exposure to NWFPs (it was quite literally that) was to a species of rattan! Times and customs have changed. Background In the present context, two memories dominate my recollection of the formative years of my forestry education. The first is of the remarkable annotations of the uses of non-wood tree products contained in "Silva: or a discourse of forest trees together with an historical account of the sacredness and use of standing groves," presented by John Evelyn to the Royal Society in London in 1662 (the like of which, I believe, has never been matched). The second, in a different era, is the series of catalogues representing the useful products of plants in tropical countries, collated sometimes by anonymous priests and by humble and dedicated public servants, which was one of the least reprehensible features of colonization. For India, there was the "Dictionary of Economic Products..." begun in 1884 and completed 9 years later, and selectively updated as "Commercial Products of India" in 1900. For Malaysia and much of Southeast Asia, Burkhill's (1935) four-volume "A Dictionary of the Economic Products of the Malay Peninsula," published in London, aptly describes the NWFPs. In the Philippines, W.H. Brown's (1918, 1921) "Minor Products of Philippine Forests" - two volumes, published in Manila, is the major work. In the Pacific, it is E.D. Merrill's (1945) "Plant Life of the Pacific World." In China (see Richardson, 1966, 1990), the anecdotal treasuries of the 19th Century plant hunters and the French missionaries such as David, Delavy, Soulie and Ducloux are important (see also Cox, 1945, and Wilson, 1913). A recent account of tropical ethnobotany (Joyce, 1994) includes brief histories of the eccentric Richard Spruce (the Victorian finder of quinine) and Richard Schultes (the American expert on hallucinogens). There were doubtless many more, but these are memorable for their dedication. It must be noted that none of the early reporters is referenced in the country papers presented to the 1991 Consultation; yet there is not one natural plant product noted in the consultation proceedings that is not documented - usually in far greater detail in these earlier writings. I am on less sure ground in speaking of Page 2 of 16 herbals and pharmacopoeia. But my medical colleagues assure me that there is no proven therapeutic plant substance - whether in what we call traditional or alternative healing, that is not documented in the early English and French Herbals, the Ayurveda of the Indian Subcontinent, and the many provincial pharmacopoeia of China (excluding the immunosuppressant Cyclosporin , the anthelminthic agent Invermectin , and some other antibiotics, because they derive from fungi, which arguably are not plants). A notable feature of the early catalogues is their objectivity, which stands in contrast to the special pleading of many present-day advocates of particular non-wood forest products. Although they used the term "economic," it was not intended to imply "commercial" but, rather, "amenable to use." As we shall see, the consultation papers are heavily weighted in favour of products which are either commercially viable or have some commercial potential. Inevitably, the social and cultural dimensions are under-played. The 1991 Consultation has been described and the proceedings summarised by Rao (1991) in Forest News . A table indicating the importance of non-wood forest products in the eleven countries which submitted country papers is reproduced in this overview since it takes the place of extensive narrative (table 1). The table is a remarkable synthesis and checklist of commercial priorities which bears testimony to the knowledge and industry of the late Dr. Rao. Rao makes the point that the forests of the world and the people living near them form a natural ecosystem, the sustainability of which is realizable only when local communities perceive and benefit from conservation and the utilization of the resources around them. Only by achieving security of tenure will the users recognise a vested interest in their perpetuation. To this extent, foresters and conservationists form a natural alliance. It is woefully in need of consummation. The Conclusions and Recommendations of the Consultation may appropriately be paraphrased here. A classification of NWFPs was proposed comprising 6 categories: fibre products and food products (plant food products and animal food products); medicinal and cosmetic products; extractive products; animals and animal products other than food; and miscellaneous products. It also recommended that governments should consider implementing specially designed NWFPs programmes having nation-wide coverage. Characteristically, perhaps, it is implied that state-controlled organizations would assume the dominant responsibilities (despite the fact that successful development of NWFPs depends, in virtually all countries, on the private sector). The consultation recommended consultation with a wide cross-section of people, and for FAO to catalyse national action to carry out comprehensive surveys. The Consultation suggested zonation of "protected" NWFP forests (to compensate forest dwellers for employment foregone by logging bans), the development of holistic management systems, plantations of various kinds, and noted a potential role for tissue culture. Research issues were discussed and projects of particular concern to China, India, Malaysia and Thailand were noted. Some NWFP species were said to be on the verge of extinction "due to over-exploitation," although this claim is nowhere documented and will be contested later in this paper. Equally contentious are the suggestions that bureaucrats become involved with marketing. Research into policy, legislation, economic and social aspects was recommended. The point was stressed that these are research areas unfamiliar to the conventionally oriented forest research institutes: "It is necessary for foresters to seek the assistance of institutes outside their system." It is equally necessary, of course, that foresters involve non-foresters within their system. The extension of research received emphasis. Finally, the Consultation strongly recommended the funding of a regional program on NWFPs under the sponsorship of FAO for at least five years, involving NWFP surveys; research monographs; technology transfer; study tours; regional seminars; meetings of subject matter task forces; and information exchange. The country papers The Country Papers vary in depth of coverage and in their approach to the "opportunities and constraints" relating to non-wood forest products. Since they were all prepared by, or for, senior public servants, they reflect official interpretations of available data. They concentrate on projects for which traditional forestry institutions are responsible (through the issuing of permits or collection of royalties) and which reflect the constraints of increasing forest depletion, rather than opportunities which may be provided by changing perceptions of social forestry and integrated resource management. Several papers provide no statistical data; others illustrate discrepancies (acknowledged or not) which call into question the conclusions deriving from them. Thus, the submission from the Philippines notes that in 1990, 19 million linear meters of rattan were cut, but 139 million linear meters were exported! Similarly, from 1981 to 1990, no Manila elemi (Canarium resin) was produced, but 3 million kilograms were exported. Revenues Page 3 of 16 accruing to government from sales of NWFPs were USE 63,000-purportedly 10 percent of the market value. Yet, another agency, reports 250,000 people to be involved in forestry and hunting, 150,000 in backyard furniture making and 100,000 in rattan manufacture - from which 1990 exports yielded USE 121 million! Other papers are much less frank about discrepancies in data but a few non-credible statistics cast doubt upon all the rest. The quality of bibliographies attached (or not) to the Country Papers is variable and may also be interpreted as indicating the mind-set of the authors. Some reflect awareness