Letter to UN Secretary-General
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Bulgaria – the Difficult “Return to Europe”
European Democracy in Action BULGARIA – THE DIFFICULT “RETURN TO EUROPE” TAMARA BUSCHEK Against the background of the EU accession of Bulgaria on 1st January 2007 and the first Bulgarian elections for the European Parliament on 20th May 2007, Tamara Buschek takes a closer look at Bulgaria’s uneven political and economic transition – at its difficult “return to Europe”. Graduated from Graz University (Austria) in 2003 with a Masters in Law [magistra juris] after finishing her studies in European and international law. After gaining a grant from the Chamber of Commerce in 2000 to complete an internship at the Austrian Embassy in London, she carried out research for her dissertation in criminal law – “The Prevention of Sexual Child Abuse – Austria/Great Britain” - in 2001 at the London School of Economics. She studied European and administrative law in Paris from 2001 to 2002 as part of an Erasmus year. She is quadrilingual (German, Bulgarian, English and French). « BULGARIA – THE DIFFICULT RETURN TO EUROPE » MAY 2007 Table of Contents Introduction P. 1 2.3 The current governmental coalition, 2005-2007 and the P. 21 presidential election in 2006 I – Background Information P. 3 III - The first European Parliament elections, 20 May 2007 P. 25 1.1 Hopes and Fears P. 3 Conclusion P. 30 1.2 Ethnic Minorities P. 5 1.3 Economic Facts P. 7 Annex P. 32 II – Political Situation- a difficult path towards stability P. 9 Annex 1: Key facts P. 32 2.1 The transition from 1989 till 2001 P. 9 Annex 2: Economic Profile P. 33 2.1.1 The legislative elections of 1990 and the first P. -
Presentation Kit
15YEARS PRESENTATION KIT TURKISH POLICY QUARTERLY PRESENTATION KIT MARCH 2017 QUARTERLY Table of Contents What is TPQ? ..............................................................................................................4 TPQ’s Board of Advisors ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������5 Strong Outreach ........................................................................................................ 7 Online Blog and Debate Sections ..........................................................................8 TPQ Events ...............................................................................................................10 TPQ in the Media ..................................................................................................... 11 Support TPQ .............................................................................................................14 Premium Sponsorship ............................................................................................ 15 Print Advertising .......................................................................................................18 Premium Sponsor ...................................................................................................19 Advertiser ................................................................................................................. 20 Online Advertising ................................................................................................... 21 -
Beretning 1977-1978 L\
Det norske Arbeiderparti BERETNING 1977-1978 L\ Utarbeidet av partikontoret Trykt i Aktietrykkeriet- Oslo Oslo 1979 Innhold INNLEDNING . .. .. .. .. .. .. 5 STATSSTØTTEN TIL DE POLITISKE PARTIENE .. ..... 49 LANDSMØTET 1977 . .. .. .. .. .. 7 Støtte til l.okalt politisk arbeid .. 50 SENTRALSTYRET . .. .. .. .. 9 FAGLIG/POLITISK UTVALG. 51 Sentralstyrets faste utvalg . .. 9 Utvalgets virksomhet . .51 . Sentralstyrets administrasjons- Valgkampen 1977 . .52 . utvalg . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 13 Valgkampen 1979 . .52 . Fellesutvalg med LO . .. .. 14 Konferanser . .. .. .. .. .. 53 Sluttord . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 53 LANDSSTYRET ....." " " " ". 15 STORTINGSVALGET 1977 . 54 LANDSSTYRETS MØTER ...... 17 Valgkampen ... ....... ........ .. 54 Valgresultatet (tabeH) . .. .. .. .. 56 Uttalelser . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 18 1. MAI . ............ .. .... ..... 58 FELLESMØTER . .. """"" " 24 NORDISK SAMARBEID . .. .. 60 SAMARBEIDSKOMITEEN MELLOM LO OG DNA .. .. .. 30 A-LOTTERIET - LOTTERISERVICE A/S . .. .. 67 PARTIETS REPRENSENTASJON I STYRER OG KOMITEER . .. 32 ARBEIDERBEVEGELSENS INTERNASJONALE STØTTE- KOMITE . ......... .. ......... 69 PARTIKONTORET ..... ... ..... 34 ARBEIDERPARTIETS ARSMØTER I FYLKES STORTINGSGRUPPE . .. .. .. 71 ...""" .. "." 36 PARTIENE .".. Gruppa og gruppestyret . .71 Sekretariatet . .72 . PARTIETS DISTRIKTS Tillitsmenn i Stortinget og SEKRETÆRER . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 37 avdelingene . .. .. .. .. .. .. 72 Stortingsgruppas faglig/politiske ORGANISASJONSSAKER . .. 38 utvalg . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 72 Statsbudsjettet -
Call from Members of the Nizami Ganjavi International Centre to the United Nations Security Council to Support the UN Secretary
Call from Members of the Nizami Ganjavi International Centre to the United Nations Security Council to Support the UN Secretary-General’s Urgent Call for an Immediate Global Ceasefire amid the COVID-19 Pandemic We are deeply alarmed that the United Nations Security Council has not been able to reach agreement on a draft resolution put before it on COVID-19. This draft resolution called for an end to hostilities worldwide so that there could be a full focus on fighting the Covid-19 pandemic. If passed it would have given powerful backing to the call made earlier by the Secretary-General. Yet, agreement could not be reached on the resolution in the Security Council because of its reference to “the urgent need to support…. all relevant entities of the United Nations system, including specialized health agencies” in the fight against the pandemic. The failure to reach agreement saddens us at this time when our world is in crisis. The Covid-19 pandemic has brought about immense human suffering and is having a devastating impact on economies and societies. It is exactly at times like this that the leadership of the Security Council is needed. It should not be silent in the face of the serious threat to global peace and security which Covid-19 represents. Global action and partnership are vital now to deal with the global pandemic and its aftermath. This is the time for the premier institution responsible for leading on global security to show strength, not weakness. We support UN Secretary-General António Guterres in his call for an immediate global ceasefire, in all corners of the world, amid the COVID-19 pandemic. -
There Has Been No Bulgarian Tradition of Any Long-Standing Resistance to the Communist Regime
There has been no Bulgarian tradition of any long-standing resistance to the communist regime. There was neither any political opposition, nor any other kind of an influential dissident movement. Bulgaria never went through the purgatory of the Hungarian uprising of 1956, or the “Prague spring” of 1968. It is indeed difficult to find any counter arguments whatsoever against the cliché that Bul- garia was the closest satellite of the Soviet Union. The fundamental contradictions within the Union of Democratic Forces (SDS) coalition were present from the very first day of its inception. There were Marxists who were longing for “socialism with a human face”, intellectuals with liberal ideas, social democrats and Christian democrats, conservatives and radical demo- crats, monarchists and republicans. The members of the center-right coalition did not delude themselves about their differences; they rather shared the clear un- derstanding that only a painful compromise could stand some chances against the Goliath of the totalitarian Bulgarian Communist Party (BKP). It was this unani- mous opposition to the communist regime and its legacy that made the coalition possible. But only for a limited period of time. The United Democratic Forces (ODS) government under Prime Minister Ivan Kostov (1997-2001) completed the reformist agenda of anti-communism. At the end of the ODS term of office, Bulgaria was a country with a functioning market economy, stable democracy, and a clearly outlined foreign policy course towards the country’s accession to the European Union and NATO, which was accepted by all significant political formations, the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) included. -
Bulgaria Urgent Interim Opinion on the Draft New
Strasbourg, 20 November 2020 CDL-PI(2020)016 Opinion No. 1002 / 2020 Or. Engl. EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) BULGARIA URGENT INTERIM OPINION ON THE DRAFT NEW CONSTITUTION Issued pursuant to Article 14a of the Venice Commission’s Rules of Procedure on the basis of comments by Mr Michael FRENDO (Member, Malta) Mr James HAMILTON (Former member, Ireland) Mr Eirik HOLMØYVIK (Substitute Member, Norway) Ms Regina KIENER (Member, Switzerland) Mr Martin KUIJER, (Substitute Member, the Netherlands) This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. www.venice.coe.int CDL-PI(2020)016 - 2 - Contents I. Introduction ................................................................................................................... 3 II. Background ................................................................................................................... 3 1. Scope of the Opinion ........................................................................................... 3 2. Amendment process ........................................................................................... 4 III. Analysis ......................................................................................................................... 6 1. Preamble and Chapters I and II (fundamental principles and human rights) ........ 6 2. Chapter III (National Assembly) ........................................................................... 9 3. Chapter VI (Judiciary) ....................................................................................... -
What Is Neo-Liberalism? Justifications of Deregulating Financial Markets in Norway and Finland © SIFO 2015 Project Note No 6 – 2015
Project note no 6-2015 Pekka Sulkunen What is Neo-liberalism? Justifications of deregulating financial markets in Norway and Finland © SIFO 2015 Project Note no 6 – 2015 NATIONAL INSTITUTE FOR CONSUMER RESEARCH Sandakerveien 24 C, Building B P.O. Box 4682 Nydalen N-0405 Oslo www.sifo.no Due to copyright restrictions, this report is not to be copied from or distributed for any purpose without a special agreement with SIFO. Reports made available on the www.sifo.no site are for personal use only. Copyright infringement will lead to a claim for compensation. Prosjektrapport nr.6 - 2015 Tittel Antall sider Dato 48 27.10.2015 Title ISBN ISSN What is Neo-liberalism? Justifications of deregulating financial markets in Norway and Finland Forfatter(e) Prosjektnummer Faglig ansvarlig sign. Pekka Sulkunen 11201014 Oppdragsgiver Norges Forskningsråd Sammendrag Rapporten dokumenter at dereguleringen av den norske og finske økonomien først og fremst handlet om politikk og politiske prosesser, og i liten grad begrunnet i økonomisk teori. Heller ikke neoliberal filosofi slik vi kjenner den fra USA og Storbritannia spilte noen stor rolle i de to landene. Isteden handlet det om forestillingen om, og fremveksten av, en ny type velferdsstat med behov for en moralsk legitimering av autonomi. Summary The report documents that the deregulation of the Norwegian and Finnish economy primarily was about politics and political processes, and to a much lesser extent about justifications rooted in economic theory. Nor neoliberal philosophy as we know it from the US and Britain played a major role in the two countries. Instead, it was about the notion, and the emergence of, a new kind of welfare state in need of a moral legitimization of autonomy. -
Chronology of Key Events
Chronology of key events 1990 13 July 1990 With a Declaration of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Bulgaria accepts the invitation extended by NATO to establish regular diplomatic liaison. Mrs. Lea Cohen, Bulgarian Ambassador to Belgium, is authorized to maintain diplomatic liaison with NATO. 1991 4 April 1991 Establishment of the Atlantic Club of Bulgaria, the first non-governmental Atlantic association outside NATO member states. Since October 1992, the Atlantic Club of Bulgaria has been associated with the Atlantic Treaty Association (ATA), initially as an observer and later as an associate member. 12-14 June 1991 Dr Manfred Wörner pays the first official visit of NATO Secretary General to Bulgaria. 20 December 1991 Bulgaria participates as a co-founding state in the inaugural meeting of the North Atlantic Cooperation Council (NACC). 1994 14 February 1994 The President of Bulgaria, Zhelyu Zhelev, signs the Partnership for Peace Framework Document at NATO Headquarters. 25 November 1994 Bulgarian Deputy Foreign Minister Todor Churov visits NATO Headquarters. Bulgaria’s PfP Individual Partnership Program with NATO is formally accepted. 1995 28 September 1995 Bulgaria participates in a meeting at NATO Headquarters for a presentation of the conclusions of the Study on NATO Enlargement to NACC and PfP Cooperation partners. 16 October 1995 Bulgaria accedes to the Status of Forces Agreement between the NATO member states and the PfP countries (ratified by the National Assembly on 5 April 1996). 1996 1996-1998 Bulgaria participates in a number of meetings with NATO within the Intensified Dialogue with interested partners on NATO membership issues. 2-3 May 1996 NATO Secretary General Javier Solana visits Bulgaria. -
LETTER to G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS
LETTER TO G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS We write to call for urgent action to address the global education emergency triggered by Covid-19. With over 1 billion children still out of school because of the lockdown, there is now a real and present danger that the public health crisis will create a COVID generation who lose out on schooling and whose opportunities are permanently damaged. While the more fortunate have had access to alternatives, the world’s poorest children have been locked out of learning, denied internet access, and with the loss of free school meals - once a lifeline for 300 million boys and girls – hunger has grown. An immediate concern, as we bring the lockdown to an end, is the fate of an estimated 30 million children who according to UNESCO may never return to school. For these, the world’s least advantaged children, education is often the only escape from poverty - a route that is in danger of closing. Many of these children are adolescent girls for whom being in school is the best defence against forced marriage and the best hope for a life of expanded opportunity. Many more are young children who risk being forced into exploitative and dangerous labour. And because education is linked to progress in virtually every area of human development – from child survival to maternal health, gender equality, job creation and inclusive economic growth – the education emergency will undermine the prospects for achieving all our 2030 Sustainable Development Goals and potentially set back progress on gender equity by years. -
Nation-Building Versus State-Building in the Balkans. Lessons Learned
Nation-building Versus State-building in the Balkans. Lessons Learned Conference organized by the Center for Policy Studies and the Blue Bird "Agenda for Civil Society in South East Europe" Project Central European University, 30 November-1 December 2002 Nation-building Versus State-building in the Balkans. Lessons Learned Conference Report By Tania Gosselin 30 November Welcome Addresses Ben Slay, Director of the Regional Support Center, UNDP, Bratislava Petar Stoyanov, Former President of Bulgaria Ben Slay welcomed all participants and pointed out the continuing relevance of reflection and policy recommendations on the themes of nationalism and ethnic conflicts in the region. Not all conflicts have been entirely resolved yet; peacekeeping and stability forces are still in place in some countries of the Balkans, and their withdrawal could disrupt a fragile balance. The two up-coming enlargements: of Europe and NATO to some of the countries in the region, are seen as inseparable from the stabilization of the Western Balkans by their gradual integration into Europe. This long-term objective, stressed Ben Slay, requires a review of the lessons learned from the developments in the region during the last 10 years. He said that reviewing these lessons is the main task of the conference, A further reason for convening such conference, according to Ben Slay, explains the mix of people invited: academics, journalists, policymakers both from the international community and South-East European countries. It is to try to offer an account of what happened in the Balkans in the last 10 years by looking at the post- Communist world in its entirety: taking its successes and failures as providing a fruitful background for theoretically rich, but also empirically-relevant and policy- oriented explanations. -
University of Birmingham Chronology
University of Birmingham Chronology Galpin, Charlotte DOI: 10.1111/jcms.12588 License: None: All rights reserved Document Version Peer reviewed version Citation for published version (Harvard): Galpin, C 2017, 'Chronology: The European Union in 2016', Journal of Common Market Studies. https://doi.org/10.1111/jcms.12588 Link to publication on Research at Birmingham portal Publisher Rights Statement: Eligibility for repository: Checked on 28/7/2017 General rights Unless a licence is specified above, all rights (including copyright and moral rights) in this document are retained by the authors and/or the copyright holders. The express permission of the copyright holder must be obtained for any use of this material other than for purposes permitted by law. •Users may freely distribute the URL that is used to identify this publication. •Users may download and/or print one copy of the publication from the University of Birmingham research portal for the purpose of private study or non-commercial research. •User may use extracts from the document in line with the concept of ‘fair dealing’ under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 (?) •Users may not further distribute the material nor use it for the purposes of commercial gain. Where a licence is displayed above, please note the terms and conditions of the licence govern your use of this document. When citing, please reference the published version. Take down policy While the University of Birmingham exercises care and attention in making items available there are rare occasions when an item has been uploaded in error or has been deemed to be commercially or otherwise sensitive. -
The Res Publica Party in Estonia
Meteoric Trajectory: The Res Publica Party in Estonia REIN TAAGEPERA Formed in 2001, Res Publica won the Estonian parliamentary elections in 2003, and its leader became prime minister. It failed to win a single seat in the European Parliament in 2004 and was down to 5 per cent in opinion polls in 2005 when it dropped out of the cabinet. The founding chairperson of the party analyses here the causes for Res Publica’s rapid rise and fall, reviewing the socio-political background and drawing comparisons with other new parties in Europe. Res Publica was a genuinely new party that involved no previous major players. It might be charac- terized as a ‘purifying bridge party’ that filled an empty niche at centre right. Its rise was among the fastest in Europe. For success of a new party, each of three factors must be present to an appreciable degree: Prospect of success ¼ Members  Money  Visibility. Res Publica had all three, but rapid success spoiled the party leadership. Their governing style became arrogant and they veered to the right, alienating their centrist core constituency. It no longer mattered for the quality of Estonian politics whether Res Publica faded or survived. Key words: new parties; Estonia; Res Publica; rightist politics Democratization includes developing a workable party system. Around 2000, I would have told anyone who cared to listen that Estonia had too many parties. A study by Grofman, Mikkel and Taagepera1 also noted that no major new player had entered the field since 1995. We characterized the party constellation in the early 1990s as kaleidoscopic, but gave figures to show that the party system in Estonia seemed to stabilize.