INDIA-IRAN RELATIONS Political Relations
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Japan-Iran Relations Japan-Iran Relations June 2009
1. Japan-Iran Relations Japan-Iran Relations June 2009 (1) Japan-Iran Political Relations • Japan highly values its relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran in view of a stable supply of crude oil and ensure stability in the Middle East. • Based on friendly relations, Japan has conveyed Iran of its stance, as well as the international community’s stern view, on the nuclear issue. • Last year, Japan continued to maintain a close exchange of views with Iran through mutual visits, including the Regular Japan-Iran Vice-Ministerial Consultations in May in Teheran and in December in Tokyo; a visit to Japan in February by Dr. Mohammad-Javad ARDASHIR=LARIJANI, Secretary General of National Supreme Council of Human Rights of the Judiciary; a visit to Iran in June by Senior Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs Itsunori Onodera; a visit to Japan in October by H.E. Dr. Mohammad Baqer Ghalibaf, Mayor of Tehran; a visit to Iran in November by Mr. Taro Nakayama, chairman of the Japan-Iran Parliamentarians Friendship League; and a visit to Japan in November by Vice President Esfandyar Rahim MASHAEE. This year, Minister for Foreign Affairs Hirofumi Nakasone held a telephone conference in January with Iranian Minister of Foreign Affairs Manouchehr Mottaki (on the situation in Gaza). Mr. Samareh Hashemi, Senior Advisor to the President of Iran, visited Japan as a special presidential envoy, and met with Prime Minister Taro Aso, Chief Cabinet Secretary Takeo Kawamura, and Foreign Minister Nakasone. In April, Foreign Minister Mottaki visited Japan to attend the Pakistan Donors Conference and met with Prime Minister Aso and Foreign Minister Nakasone. -
Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS)
Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) Building on Convergence: Deepening the India – U.S. Strategic Partnership Welcoming Remarks and Introduction: John Hamre, President and CEO, CSIS Moderator: Karl F. Inderfurth, Senior Advisor and Wadhwani Chair in U.S. - India Policy Studies, CSIS Speaker: Ranjan Mathai, Foreign Secretary of India Location: Washington, D.C. Time: 3:00 p.m. EST Date: Monday, February 6, 2012 Transcript by Federal News Service Washington, D.C. JOHN HAMRE: OK, ladies and gentlemen, thank you all very much for coming. My name is John Hamre. I’m the president at CSIS and I am only here in an ornamental role to say thank you to you and to get out of the way as quickly as possible so that you all have a chance to, of course, hear State Secretary Mathai. We are – we’re grateful that he has given us this opportunity, that he’s using CSIS as a platform to address the policy community in Washington. The state secretary is one of the most senior and skilled members of the foreign service in India, and has an exceptionally distinguished career and track record. I’m going to let Rick Inderfurth be the one to formally introduce him. We are fortunate at CSIS that – in the last year to have created an India program. And Ambassador Inderfurth is the first chairholder that would want a chairholder. And we’re very grateful that we have this opportunity to bring such a very senior man to Washington and to have him share his policy insights and perspectives. -
IMAM KHOMEINI's VIEWS Dr. Ghulam Habib
IMAM KHOMEINI’S VIEWS ON EDUCATION, UNIVERSITIES AND RESPONSIBILITIES OF FRONT COVER TEACHERS AND ACADEMICIANS Edited by Dr. Ghulam Habib International Association of Muslim University Professors IMAM KHOMEINI’S VIEWS ON EDUCATION, UNIVERSITIES AND RESPONSIBILITIES OF TEACHERS AND ACADEMICIANS Edited by Dr. Ghulam Habib International Association of Muslim University Professors CONTENTS PREFACE ...........................................................................................................................i SECTION I THE GREAT VALUE OF KNOWLEDGE The Aim of Education and Training .......................................................................... 3 Encouragement to Acquire Knowledge .................................................................... 8 Knowledge and Faith - Belief and Professional Expertise .................................. 15 SECTION 2 UNIVERSITIES BEFORE ISLAMIC REVOLUTION Colonial Culture and Lack of Real Progress ........................................................... 51 Suppression and Attacks on Universities ................................................................ 95 SECTION 3 UNIVERSITY AND CULTURAL REVOLUTION Universities and Anti-Revolutionary Groups ....................................................... 103 The Need for Cultural Revolution ......................................................................... 120 Establishment of Headquarter for Cultural Revolution ...................................... 156 SECTION 4 THE MISSION OF UNIVERSITIES Manufacturing Human Beings ............................................................................... -
Blood-Soaked Secrets Why Iran’S 1988 Prison Massacres Are Ongoing Crimes Against Humanity
BLOOD-SOAKED SECRETS WHY IRAN’S 1988 PRISON MASSACRES ARE ONGOING CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2017 Cover photo: Collage of some of the victims of the mass prisoner killings of 1988 in Iran. Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons © Amnesty International (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this material is not subject to the Creative Commons licence. First published in 2017 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: MDE 13/9421/2018 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS GLOSSARY 7 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 8 METHODOLOGY 18 2.1 FRAMEWORK AND SCOPE 18 2.2 RESEARCH METHODS 18 2.2.1 TESTIMONIES 20 2.2.2 DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE 22 2.2.3 AUDIOVISUAL EVIDENCE 23 2.2.4 COMMUNICATION WITH IRANIAN AUTHORITIES 24 2.3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 25 BACKGROUND 26 3.1 PRE-REVOLUTION REPRESSION 26 3.2 POST-REVOLUTION REPRESSION 27 3.3 IRAN-IRAQ WAR 33 3.4 POLITICAL OPPOSITION GROUPS 33 3.4.1 PEOPLE’S MOJAHEDIN ORGANIZATION OF IRAN 33 3.4.2 FADAIYAN 34 3.4.3 TUDEH PARTY 35 3.4.4 KURDISH DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF IRAN 35 3.4.5 KOMALA 35 3.4.6 OTHER GROUPS 36 4. -
Iran's Nuclear Ambitions From
IDENTITY AND LEGITIMACY: IRAN’S NUCLEAR AMBITIONS FROM NON- TRADITIONAL PERSPECTIVES Pupak Mohebali Doctor of Philosophy University of York Politics June 2017 Abstract This thesis examines the impact of Iranian elites’ conceptions of national identity on decisions affecting Iran's nuclear programme and the P5+1 nuclear negotiations. “Why has the development of an indigenous nuclear fuel cycle been portrayed as a unifying symbol of national identity in Iran, especially since 2002 following the revelation of clandestine nuclear activities”? This is the key research question that explores the Iranian political elites’ perspectives on nuclear policy actions. My main empirical data is elite interviews. Another valuable source of empirical data is a discourse analysis of Iranian leaders’ statements on various aspects of the nuclear programme. The major focus of the thesis is how the discourses of Iranian national identity have been influential in nuclear decision-making among the national elites. In this thesis, I examine Iranian national identity components, including Persian nationalism, Shia Islamic identity, Islamic Revolutionary ideology, and modernity and technological advancement. Traditional rationalist IR approaches, such as realism fail to explain how effective national identity is in the context of foreign policy decision-making. I thus discuss the connection between national identity, prestige and bargaining leverage using a social constructivist approach. According to constructivism, states’ cultures and identities are not established realities, but the outcomes of historical and social processes. The Iranian nuclear programme has a symbolic nature that mingles with socially constructed values. There is the need to look at Iran’s nuclear intentions not necessarily through the lens of a nuclear weapons programme, but rather through the regime’s overall nuclear aspirations. -
Demographics, Laboratory Parameters and Outcomes of 1061 Patients with COVID-19: a Report from Tehran, Iran
Journal Pre-proof Demographics, laboratory parameters and outcomes of 1061 patients with COVID-19: A report from Tehran, Iran Mihan Pourabdollah Toutkaboni, Elham Askari, Nastaran Khalili, Payam Tabarsi, Hamidreza Jamaati, Ali Akbar Velayati, Atosa Dorudinia, Mitrasadat Rezaei, Seyed Alireza Nadji, Abdolreza Mohamadnia, Neda Khalili PII: S2052-2975(20)30129-3 DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.nmni.2020.100777 Reference: NMNI 100777 To appear in: New Microbes and New Infections Received Date: 17 June 2020 Revised Date: 27 September 2020 Accepted Date: 29 September 2020 Please cite this article as: Toutkaboni MP, Askari E, Khalili N, Tabarsi P, Jamaati H, Velayati AA, Dorudinia A, Rezaei M, Nadji SA, Mohamadnia A, Khalili N, Demographics, laboratory parameters and outcomes of 1061 patients with COVID-19: A report from Tehran, Iran, New Microbes and New Infections, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.nmni.2020.100777. This is a PDF file of an article that has undergone enhancements after acceptance, such as the addition of a cover page and metadata, and formatting for readability, but it is not yet the definitive version of record. This version will undergo additional copyediting, typesetting and review before it is published in its final form, but we are providing this version to give early visibility of the article. Please note that, during the production process, errors may be discovered which could affect the content, and all legal disclaimers that apply to the journal pertain. © 2020 Published by Elsevier Ltd. Demographics, laboratory parameters -
USAF Counterproliferation Center CPC Outreach Journal #867
USAF COUNTERPROLIFERATION CENTER CPC OUTREACH JOURNAL Maxwell AFB, Alabama Issue No. 867, 14 December 2010 Articles & Other Documents: WH: Obama Won't Leave DC until Nuke Deal is Done S. Korea, U.S. Launch Joint Committee to Deter N. Korea's Nuclear Threats START Pact Has Enough Votes, U.S. Aide Says N Korea's Nuclear Capacity Worries Russia Clock Ticking, Obama Urges Senate OK of Arms Treaty S.Korea Suspects Secret Uranium Enrichment in North Senate Working on Ratification of U.S.-Russian Strategic Arms Treaty - White House US Suspects Secret Burma Nuclear Sites Manouchehr Mottaki Fired from Iran Foreign Minister Burma Not Nuclear, Says Abhisit Job Test of Agni-II's Advanced Version Fails Intelligence Chiefs Fear Nuclear War between Israel and Tehran Russian Military to Receive 1,300 Types of Weaponry by 2020 Rudd Calls for Inspections of Israel's Nuclear Facility Russia, NATO May Make Soon Progress in Joint Iran Foreign Policy 'Unchanged' by Mottaki Sacking Missile Defense Progress North Korea Stresses Commitment to Nuclear Weapons Bolivia Rejects Alvaro Uribe’s Accusations about Nuclear Program N. Korean FM Defends Pyongyang's Decision to Bolster Nuclear Arsenal U.S. to Spend $1B Over Five Years on Conventional Strike Systems Japan Plans more Patriot Systems to Shoot Down N. Korean Missiles Talks with Iran Just a Start Iran's Nuclear Plans Give West a Tough Choice Welcome to the CPC Outreach Journal. As part of USAF Counterproliferation Center’s mission to counter weapons of mass destruction through education and research, we’re providing our government and civilian community a source for timely counterproliferation information. -
Tightening the Reins How Khamenei Makes Decisions
MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS MEHDI KHALAJI TIGHTENING THE REINS HOW KHAMENEI MAKES DECISIONS POLICY FOCUS 126 THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY www.washingtoninstitute.org Policy Focus 126 | March 2014 The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including pho- tocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2014 by The Washington Institute for Near East Policy The Washington Institute for Near East Policy 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050 Washington, DC 20036 Cover: Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei holds a weapon as he speaks at the University of Tehran. (Reuters/Raheb Homavandi). Design: 1000 Colors CONTENTS Executive Summary | V 1. Introduction | 1 2. Life and Thought of the Leader | 7 3. Khamenei’s Values | 15 4. Khamenei’s Advisors | 20 5. Khamenei vs the Clergy | 27 6. Khamenei vs the President | 34 7. Khamenei vs Political Institutions | 44 8. Khamenei’s Relationship with the IRGC | 52 9. Conclusion | 61 Appendix: Profile of Hassan Rouhani | 65 About the Author | 72 1 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY EVEN UNDER ITS MOST DESPOTIC REGIMES , modern Iran has long been governed with some degree of consensus among elite factions. Leaders have conceded to or co-opted rivals when necessary to maintain their grip on power, and the current regime is no excep- tion. -
U.S. and Iranian Strategic Competition April 26 2012
a report of the csis burke chair in strategy U.S. and Iranian Strategic Competition: The Sanctions game: Energy, Arms Control, and Regime Change Authors Anthony H. Cordesman Bradley Bosserman Sam Khazai April 2012 The Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy has prepared this book as part of a project supported by the Smith Richardson Foundation. Iran V: Sanctions Competition AHC April 26, 2012 ii EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This report analyzes US and Iranian strategic competition in four key areas—sanctions, energy, arms control, and regime change. It shows that shifts in the nature and intensity of sanctions on Iran have radically changed this aspect of US and Iranian competition since the Fall of 2011. This escalation has been spurred by Iran’s ongoing missile deployments and nuclear programs, as reported in sources like the November 2011 IAEA report highlighting the probable military dimensions of Iran’s nuclear program. It has also been spurred by incidents like an Iranian assassination plot against the Saudi Ambassador to the US, an Iranian-government-sponsored mob attack on the British Embassy in Tehran on November 30, 2011, and Iranian threats to “close” the Gulf to oil exports. A New Round of Sanctions Iran’s steady progress towards the capability to build nuclear weapons has led to a new round of sanctions from the US and its allies. Washington has sought to further isolate Iran economically through new US sanctions on the Iranian Central Bank and Iranian companies involved in its nuclear industry, including the petrochemical and oil industry. Iran’s primary source of revenue—crude oil exports—is further threatened by a unanimous decision by the European Union on January 23rd to impose a full embargo on the import of Iranian oil and petrochemicals. -
U.S. and Iranian Strategic Competition
Iran V: Sanctions Competition January 4, 2013 0 U.S. AND IRANIAN STRATEGIC COMPETITION Sanctions, Energy, Arms Control, and Regime Change Anthony H. Cordesman, Bryan Gold, Sam Khazai, and Bradley Bosserman April 19, 2013 Anthony H. Cordesman Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy [email protected] Note: This report is will be updated. Please provide comments and suggestions to [email protected] Iran V: Sanctions Competition April, 19 2013 I Executive Summary This report analyzes four key aspects of US and Iranian strategic competition - sanctions, energy, arms control, and regime change. Its primary focus is on the ways in which the sanctions applied to Iran have changed US and Iranian competition since the fall of 2011. This escalation has been spurred by the creation of a series of far stronger US unilateral sanctions and the EU‘s imposition of equally strong sanctions – both of which affect Iran‘s ability to export, its financial system and its overall economy. It has been spurred by Iran‘s ongoing missile deployments and nuclear program, as reported in sources like the November 2011 IAEA report that highlights the probable military dimensions of Iran‘s nuclear program. And, by Iranian rhetoric, by Iranian threats to ―close‖ the Gulf to oil traffic; increased support of the Quds Force and pro-Shiite governments and non-state actors; and by incidents like the Iranian-sponsored assassination plot against the Saudi Ambassador to the US, an Iranian government instigated mob attack on the British Embassy in Tehran on November 30, 2011, and the Iranian-linked attacks against Israeli diplomats. -
Iran, Gulf Security, and U.S. Policy
Iran, Gulf Security, and U.S. Policy Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs August 14, 2015 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL32048 Iran, Gulf Security, and U.S. Policy Summary Since the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979, a priority of U.S. policy has been to reduce the perceived threat posed by Iran to a broad range of U.S. interests, including the security of the Persian Gulf region. In 2014, a common adversary emerged in the form of the Islamic State organization, reducing gaps in U.S. and Iranian regional interests, although the two countries have often differing approaches over how to try to defeat the group. The finalization on July 14, 2015, of a “Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action” (JCPOA) between Iran and six negotiating powers could enhance Iran’s ability to counter the United States and its allies in the region, but could also pave the way for cooperation to resolve some of the region’s several conflicts. During the 1980s and 1990s, U.S. officials identified Iran’s support for militant Middle East groups as a significant threat to U.S. interests and allies. A perceived potential threat from Iran’s nuclear program emerged in 2002, and the United States orchestrated broad international economic pressure on Iran to try to ensure that the program is verifiably confined to purely peaceful purposes. The international pressure contributed to the June 2013 election as president of Iran of the relatively moderate Hassan Rouhani, who campaigned as an advocate of ending Iran’s international isolation. -
Iran March 2009
COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION REPORT IRAN 17 MARCH 2009 UK Border Agency COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION SERVICE IRAN 17 MARCH 2009 Contents Preface Latest News EVENTS IN IRAN, FROM 2 FEBRUARY 2009 TO 16 MARCH 2009 REPORTS ON IRAN PUBLISHED OR ACCESSED BETWEEN 2 FEBRUARY 2009 TO 16 MARCH 2009 Paragraphs Background Information 1. GEOGRAPHY ......................................................................................... 1.01 Maps .............................................................................................. 1.03 Iran............................................................................................. 1.03 Tehran ....................................................................................... 1.04 2. ECONOMY ............................................................................................ 2.01 Sanctions ...................................................................................... 2.13 3. HISTORY ............................................................................................... 3.01 Calendar ........................................................................................ 3.02 Pre 1979......................................................................................... 3.03 1979 to 1999 .................................................................................. 3.05 2000 to date................................................................................... 3.16 Student unrest .............................................................................