Introduction by Kenneth Roth
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ABUSING the LEGACY of the HOLOCAUST: the ROLE of Ngos in EXPLOITING HUMAN RIGHTS to DEMONIZE ISRAEL Gerald M
ABUSING THE LEGACY OF THE HOLOCAUST: THE ROLE OF NGOs IN EXPLOITING HUMAN RIGHTS TO DEMONIZE ISRAEL Gerald M. Steinberg In the wake of the Holocaust, as human rights norms have come to the fore, NGOs have become major actors in international politics in general and in the Arab-Israeli conflict in particular. These organizations and their leaders form an extremely powerful “NGO community” that has propelled the anti-Israeli agenda in international frameworks such as the UN Human Rights Commission and the 2001 UN Conference against Racism in Durban. Through their reports, press releases, and influence among academics and diplomats, these NGOs propagated false charges of “massacre” during the Israeli army’s antiterror operation in Jenin (Defensive Shield) and misrepresent Israel’s separation barrier as an “apartheid wall.” This community has exploited the “halo effect” of human rights rhetoric to promote highly particularistic goals. In most cases small groups of individuals, with substantial funds obtained from non- profit foundations and governments (particularly European), use the NGO frameworks to gain influence and pursue private political agendas, without being accountable to any system of checks and balances. Jewish Political Studies Review 16:3-4 (Fall 2004) 59 60 Gerald M. Steinberg This process has been most salient in the framework of the Arab-Israeli conflict. The ideology of anticolonialism (the precursor to today’s antiglobalization) and political correctness is dominant in the NGO community. This ideology accepted the post-1967 pro-Palestinian narrative and images of victimization, while labeling Israel as a neocolo- nialist aggressor. Thus, behind the human rights rhetoric, these NGOs are at the forefront of demonizing Israel and of the new anti-Semitism that seeks to deny the Jewish people sovereign equality. -
SUSILO BAMBANG YUDHOYONO and HIS GENERALS by Leonard C
SUSILO BAMBANG YUDHOYONO AND HIS GENERALS by Leonard C. Sebastian EXECUTIVE SUMMARY a civilian government where the to provide the military with an special position of the armed forces adequate budget. Third, if a The Indonesian National Military allowed it autonomy to reserve civilian government is unable to (TNI, Tentera Nasional Indonesia) power enabling the TNI to play a maintain national stability and unity. may no longer be the most dominant leading role in politics or mediate Particularly in the third scenario, player in Indonesian politics but between political contenders. The the likelihood that the TNI will has pragmatically incorporated a TNI’s preeminent position was a temporarily re-enter the political strategy that enables it to play a reflection of its special entitlement arena in partnership with other like- significant “behind the scenes” role. owing to its role in the war of minded social and political forces The situation in Indonesia today independence (1945-48) where its to stabilize national politics cannot has closer parallels with the state defence of the Republic ensured be discounted. The mindset of of civil military relations in Germany that the returning Dutch colonialists the officer corps has not changed between the two World Wars or would not be able to subdue the drastically despite the abolition France in 1958.1 In analysing the TNI independence movement by military of its Dual Function role in 2000. relationship with the Yudhoyono means. There remains a deep contempt for presidency, this paper argues that civilian rule and a belief that only the Dr Yudhoyono enjoys the loyalty and The situation in Indonesia since TNI is capable of rising above the trust of the TNI elite. -
Annual Report
COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS ANNUAL REPORT July 1,1996-June 30,1997 Main Office Washington Office The Harold Pratt House 1779 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. 58 East 68th Street, New York, NY 10021 Washington, DC 20036 Tel. (212) 434-9400; Fax (212) 861-1789 Tel. (202) 518-3400; Fax (202) 986-2984 Website www. foreignrela tions. org e-mail publicaffairs@email. cfr. org OFFICERS AND DIRECTORS, 1997-98 Officers Directors Charlayne Hunter-Gault Peter G. Peterson Term Expiring 1998 Frank Savage* Chairman of the Board Peggy Dulany Laura D'Andrea Tyson Maurice R. Greenberg Robert F Erburu Leslie H. Gelb Vice Chairman Karen Elliott House ex officio Leslie H. Gelb Joshua Lederberg President Vincent A. Mai Honorary Officers Michael P Peters Garrick Utley and Directors Emeriti Senior Vice President Term Expiring 1999 Douglas Dillon and Chief Operating Officer Carla A. Hills Caryl R Haskins Alton Frye Robert D. Hormats Grayson Kirk Senior Vice President William J. McDonough Charles McC. Mathias, Jr. Paula J. Dobriansky Theodore C. Sorensen James A. Perkins Vice President, Washington Program George Soros David Rockefeller Gary C. Hufbauer Paul A. Volcker Honorary Chairman Vice President, Director of Studies Robert A. Scalapino Term Expiring 2000 David Kellogg Cyrus R. Vance Jessica R Einhorn Vice President, Communications Glenn E. Watts and Corporate Affairs Louis V Gerstner, Jr. Abraham F. Lowenthal Hanna Holborn Gray Vice President and Maurice R. Greenberg Deputy National Director George J. Mitchell Janice L. Murray Warren B. Rudman Vice President and Treasurer Term Expiring 2001 Karen M. Sughrue Lee Cullum Vice President, Programs Mario L. Baeza and Media Projects Thomas R. -
Lapa Public Lectures and Workshops
LAPA PUBLIC LECTURES AND WORKSHOPS In addition to LAPA’s regular seminar series and conference events, LAPA also sponsors or cosponsors public lectures, informal workshops and other events that are not part of a regular series. Those events are listed here, from the most recent back to LAPA’s beginnings. Robert C. Post, David Boies Professor of Law at Yale Law School Third Annual Donald S. Bernstein ’75 Lecture May 3, 2007, 4:30 pm Robert C. Post joined the Yale faculty as the first David Boies Professor of Law. He focuses his teaching and writing on constitutional law, and is a specialist in the area of First Amendment theory and constitutional jurisprudence. Before coming to Yale Law, he had been teaching since 1983 at the University of California, Berkeley, School of Law (Boalt Hall). Post is the author of Constitutional Domains: Democracy, Community, Management and co-author with K. Anthony Appiah, Judith Butler, Thomas C. Grey and Reva Siegel of Prejudicial Appearances: The Logic of American Antidiscrimination Law. He edited or co- edited Civil Society and Government, Human Rights in Political Transitions: Gettysburg to Bosnia, Race and Representation: Affirmative Action, Censorship and Silencing: Practices of Cultural Regulation and Law and Order of Culture. His scholarship has appeared academic journals in the humanities as well as in dozens of important law review articles, many in recent years with his colleague Reva Siegel. In 2003, he wrote the important Harvard Law Review “foreword” to its annual review of Supreme Court jurisprudence. Post was a law clerk to Chief Judge David L. -
The War on Terror and Its Implications for Human Rights in Uzbekistan
The War On Terror and its Implications for Human Rights in Uzbekistan by Nozima Kamalova Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars OCCASIONAL PAPER #296 KENNAN One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW INSTITUTE Washington, DC 20004-3027 Tel. (202) 691-4100 Fax (202) 691-4247 www.wilsoncenter.org/kennan ISBN 1-933549-21-1 The Kennan Institute is a division of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. Through its programs of residential scholarships, meetings, and publications, the Institute encourages scholarship on the successor states to the Soviet Union, embracing a broad range of fields in the social sciences and humanities. The Kennan Institute is supported by contributions from foundations, corporations, individuals, and the United States Government. Kennan Institute Occasional Papers The Kennan Institute makes Occasional Papers available to all those interested. Occasional Papers are submitted by Kennan Institute scholars and visiting speakers. Copies of Occasional Papers and a list of papers currently available can be obtained free of charge by contacting: Occasional Papers Kennan Institute One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20004-3027 (202) 691-4100 Occasional Papers published since 1999 are available on the Institute’s web site, www.wilsoncenter.org/kennan This Occasional Paper has been produced with the support of the Program for Research and Training on Eastern Europe and the Independent States of the Former Soviet Union of the U.S. Department of State (funded by the Soviet and East European Research and Training Act of 1983, or Title VIII). The Kennan Institute is most grate- ful for this support. -
Redalyc.Democratization and TNI Reform
UNISCI Discussion Papers ISSN: 1696-2206 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España Marbun, Rico Democratization and TNI reform UNISCI Discussion Papers, núm. 15, octubre, 2007, pp. 37-61 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76701504 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 15 (Octubre / October 2007) ISSN 1696-2206 DEMOCRATIZATIO A D T I REFORM Rico Marbun 1 Centre for Policy and Strategic Studies (CPSS), Indonesia Abstract: This article is written to answer four questions: what kind of civil-military relations is needed for democratization; how does military reform in Indonesia affect civil-military relations; does it have a positive impact toward democratization; and finally is the democratization process in Indonesia on the right track. Keywords: Civil-military relations; Indonesia. Resumen: Este artículo pretende responder a cuatro preguntas: qué tipo de relaciones cívico-militares son necesarias para la democratización; cómo afecta la reforma militar en Indonesia a las relaciones cívico-militares; si tiene un impacto positivo en la democratización; y finalmente, si el proceso de democratización en Indonesia va por buen camino. Palabras clave: relaciones cívico-militares; Indonesia. Copyright © UNISCI, 2007. The views expressed in these articles are those of the authors, and do not necessarily reflect the views of UNISCI. Las opiniones expresadas en estos artículos son propias de sus autores, y no reflejan necesariamente la opinión de U*ISCI. -
Rizal Ramli Interviewer
An initiative of the National Academy of Public Administration, and the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs and the Bobst Center for Peace and Justice, Princeton University Oral History Program Series: Governance Traps Interview no.: C7 Interviewee: Rizal Ramli Interviewer: Matthew Devlin Date of Interview: 15 July 2009 Location: Jakarta Indonesia Innovations for Successful Societies, Bobst Center for Peace and Justice Princeton University, 83 Prospect Avenue, Princeton, New Jersey, 08544, USA www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties Use of this transcript is governed by ISS Terms of Use, available at www.princeton.edu/successfulsocieties Innovations for Successful Societies Series: Governance Traps Oral History Program Interview number: C-7 ______________________________________________________________________ DEVLIN: Today is July 15th, 2009, I’m here in Jakarta, Indonesia with Dr. Rizal Ramli. Dr. Ramli headed the nation’s State Logistics Agency and most notably was Coordinating Minister for Economic Affairs under the administration of then President Abdurrahman Wahid and also Minister of Finance among other positions in politics here in Indonesia. Dr. Ramli, thank you for joining me. If I could, could we possibly begin by you giving us a sense of the environment here in Indonesia at this transitional point between the longstanding new order and the post Suharto era? RAMLI: The Suharto regime had been in power for such a long time, more than 32 years before it fell. The longer he stayed, the more authoritarian the nature of his regime. But the core of his political support was essentially the armed forces, the bureaucracy, and of course the ruling party which is Golkar. So it is interesting to note for Suharto to go there should be an underlying shift in the perception of the key player in Indonesian politics, especially the army towards Suharto. -
The War on Terror and Its Implications for Human Rights in Uzbekistan
The War On Terror and its Implications for Human Rights in Uzbekistan by Nozima Kamalova Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars OCCASIONAL PAPER #296 KENNAN One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW INSTITUTE Washington, DC 20004-3027 Tel. (202) 691-4100 Fax (202) 691-4247 www.wilsoncenter.org/kennan ISBN 1-933549-21-1 The Kennan Institute is a division of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars. Through its programs of residential scholarships, meetings, and publications, the Institute encourages scholarship on the successor states to the Soviet Union, embracing a broad range of fields in the social sciences and humanities. The Kennan Institute is supported by contributions from foundations, corporations, individuals, and the United States Government. Kennan Institute Occasional Papers The Kennan Institute makes Occasional Papers available to all those interested. Occasional Papers are submitted by Kennan Institute scholars and visiting speakers. Copies of Occasional Papers and a list of papers currently available can be obtained free of charge by contacting: Occasional Papers Kennan Institute One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW Washington, DC 20004-3027 (202) 691-4100 Occasional Papers published since 1999 are available on the Institute’s web site, www.wilsoncenter.org/kennan This Occasional Paper has been produced with the support of the Program for Research and Training on Eastern Europe and the Independent States of the Former Soviet Union of the U.S. Department of State (funded by the Soviet and East European Research and Training Act of 1983, or Title VIII). The Kennan Institute is most grate- ful for this support. -
The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance
Policy Studies 23 The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Marcus Mietzner East-West Center Washington East-West Center The East-West Center is an internationally recognized education and research organization established by the U.S. Congress in 1960 to strengthen understanding and relations between the United States and the countries of the Asia Pacific. Through its programs of cooperative study, training, seminars, and research, the Center works to promote a stable, peaceful, and prosperous Asia Pacific community in which the United States is a leading and valued partner. Funding for the Center comes from the U.S. government, private foundations, individuals, cor- porations, and a number of Asia Pacific governments. East-West Center Washington Established on September 1, 2001, the primary function of the East- West Center Washington is to further the East-West Center mission and the institutional objective of building a peaceful and prosperous Asia Pacific community through substantive programming activities focused on the theme of conflict reduction, political change in the direction of open, accountable, and participatory politics, and American understanding of and engagement in Asia Pacific affairs. The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Policy Studies 23 ___________ The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance _____________________ Marcus Mietzner Copyright © 2006 by the East-West Center Washington The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance by Marcus Mietzner ISBN 978-1-932728-45-3 (online version) ISSN 1547-1330 (online version) Online at: www.eastwestcenterwashington.org/publications East-West Center Washington 1819 L Street, NW, Suite 200 Washington, D.C. -
Open Letter to Czech President Miloš Zeman on the Upcoming Visit of Uzbek President Islam Karimov
Open letter to Czech President Miloš Zeman on the upcoming visit of Uzbek President Islam Karimov (to be sent to president’s office on Monday, 10/2, and made public Wednesday 12/2) Dear President Zeman, We are writing to express our surprise and deep concern that you have invited Uzbekistan’s president, Islam Karimov, on an official visit to Prague on 20‐22 February. As the leader of one of the most repressive governments in the world, President Karimov is not someone we would expect to be invited for such meetings. In fact, he is rightly shunned by most western leaders, particularly after the Andijan massacre of 2005, in which his security forces shot into crowds of mostly peaceful protestors in that city, killing hundreds. Between 2005 and 2009, the Czech Republic, along with the other members of the European Union (EU), put targeted sanctions on the Uzbek government in connection with President Karimov’s persistent refusal to allow an independent international investigation into the killings in Andijan. For nearly 25 years, Karimov has ruled over a country in which torture is systematic in police custody and in prisons, where dozens of human rights defenders, journalists and other peaceful activists are held on politically‐motivated charges and thousands of people are locked up simply for practicing their religion ‐ Christians as well as Muslims. The government tolerates no freedom of speech or assembly. Every year, the government closes hundreds of schools and other public services to force over a million children and adults to pick cotton for little or no pay. -
Indonesia: U.S
98-677 F CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Indonesia: U.S. Relations With the Indonesian Military August 10, 1998 Larry Niksch Specialist in Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs and National Defense Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress ABSTRACT This CRS Report describes the history and the issues involved in the longstanding differences between Congress and the executive branch over U.S. policy toward the Indonesian military (ABRI). The report describes two past episodes when these differences broke out: the period of Indonesian radicalism under President Sukarno in the early 1960s and the initial years of the Indonesian military occupation of East Timor in the late 1970s. It outlines the different views of the Indonesian military between its congressional critics and executive branch officials who have promoted close U.S. relations with it. The issues between Congress and the Bush and Clinton Administrations in the 1990s are discussed within this framework, culminating in American policy toward the ABRI in 1998 as Indonesia’s economic-political crisis led to the downfall of President Suharto. Specific issues of the 1990s discussed in the report, including U.S. training of Indonesian military personnel and U.S. arms sales to Indonesia, likely will come to new legislative attention in the near future. This report will not be updated. For more from CRS, see the Guide to CRS Products under “East Asia.” Indonesia: U.S. Relations With the Indonesian Military Summary Differences between the U.S. executive branch and Congress over U.S. policies toward the Indonesian military have persisted since the early 1960s. -
Liddle Indonesia.Pdf
Constituttional Design 2000 December 9–11, 1999 INDONESIA’S DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION: PLAYING BY THE RULES R. William Liddle The Ohio State University I. Introduction In a process that began in July 1997, Indonesians have created but not yet consolidated a democracy. The turning point or defining moment of the transition was the June 7, 1999 election for Parliament (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, People’s Representative Council), the first democratic general election in Indonesia in nearly half a century. Subsequently, on October 21 and 22, 1999, a new president and vice- president, Abdurrahman Wahid and Megawati Sukarnoputri, were elected by the 695- member People’s Consultative Assembly (Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat), a body comprising 462 elected and 38 appointed members of Parliament from the armed forces plus 130 indirectly elected regional delegates and 65 appointed representatives of a variety of social groups. The presence of appointed Parliament and Assembly members, particularly the 38 armed forces’ delegates, means according to most scholarly definitions that Indonesia is not yet a full democracy.1 However, the genuinely democratic quality of the parliamentary election, in which 79% of registered voters chose among 48 political parties after a well-publicized campaign largely free of authoritarian constraints, together with almost complete acceptance of the rules of the presidential/vice-presidential selection process, indicate that the threshhold from democracy to authoritarianism has been crossed. The transition was marked by three successive moments of decision, crises or challenges that were faced by elite actors, including civilian and military government officials plus party and societal leaders, that will be discussed in Part III of this paper.