I MAKE US GREAT AGAIN the CAUSES and CONSEQUENCES
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The Impact of the New Right on the Reagan Administration
LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS UNIVERSITY OF LONDON THE IMPACT OF THE NEW RIGHT ON THE REAGAN ADMINISTRATION: KIRKPATRICK & UNESCO AS. A TEST CASE BY Isaac Izy Kfir LONDON 1998 UMI Number: U148638 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U148638 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 2 ABSTRACT The aim of this research is to investigate whether the Reagan administration was influenced by ‘New Right’ ideas. Foreign policy issues were chosen as test cases because the presidency has more power in this area which is why it could promote an aggressive stance toward the United Nations and encourage withdrawal from UNESCO with little impunity. Chapter 1 deals with American society after 1945. It shows how the ground was set for the rise of Reagan and the New Right as America moved from a strong affinity with New Deal liberalism to a new form of conservatism, which the New Right and Reagan epitomised. Chapter 2 analyses the New Right as a coalition of three distinctive groups: anti-liberals, New Christian Right, and neoconservatives. -
Wilson, MI5 and the Rise of Thatcher Covert Operations in British Politics 1974-1978 Foreword
• Forward by Kevin McNamara MP • An Outline of the Contents • Preparing the ground • Military manoeuvres • Rumours of coups • The 'private armies' of 1974 re-examined • The National Association for Freedom • Destabilising the Wilson government 1974-76 • Marketing the dirt • Psy ops in Northern Ireland • The central role of MI5 • Conclusions • Appendix 1: ISC, FWF, IRD • Appendix 2: the Pinay Circle • Appendix 3: FARI & INTERDOC • Appendix 4: the Conflict Between MI5 and MI6 in Northern Ireland • Appendix 5: TARA • Appendix 6: Examples of political psy ops targets 1973/4 - non Army origin • Appendix 7 John Colin Wallace 1968-76 • Appendix 8: Biographies • Bibliography Introduction This is issue 11 of The Lobster, a magazine about parapolitics and intelligence activities. Details of subscription rates and previous issues are at the back. This is an atypical issue consisting of just one essay and various appendices which has been researched, written, typed, printed etc by the two of us in less than four months. Its shortcomings should be seen in that light. Brutally summarised, our thesis is this. Mrs Thatcher (and 'Thatcherism') grew out of a right-wing network in this country with extensive links to the military-intelligence establishment. Her rise to power was the climax of a long campaign by this network which included a protracted destabilisation campaign against the Liberal and Labour Parties - chiefly the Labour Party - during 1974-6. We are not offering a conspiracy theory about the rise of Mrs Thatcher, but we do think that the outlines of a concerted campaign to discredit the other parties, to engineer a right-wing leader of the Tory Party, and then a right-wing government, is visible. -
University Microfilms International 300 N
INFORMATION TO USERS This was produced from a copy of a document sent to us for microfilming. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the material submitted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or notations which may appear on this reproduction. 1.Thc sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Pagc(s}". If it was possible to obtain the missing pagc(s) or section, they arc spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting through an image and duplicating adjacent pages to assure you of complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a round black mark it is an indication that the film inspector noticed cither blurred copy because of movement during exposure, or duplicate copy. Unless we meant to delete copyrighted materials that should not have been filmed, you will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame* If copyrighted materials were deleted you will find a target note listing the pages in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., is part of the material being photo graphed the photographer has followed a definite method in "sectioning" the material. It is customary to begin filming at the upper left hand corner of a large sheet and to continue from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. If necessary, sectioning is continued again—beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. -
Mrs. Thatcher's Return to Victorian Values
proceedings of the British Academy, 78, 9-29 Mrs. Thatcher’s Return to Victorian Values RAPHAEL SAMUEL University of Oxford I ‘VICTORIAN’was still being used as a routine term of opprobrium when, in the run-up to the 1983 election, Mrs. Thatcher annexed ‘Victorian values’ to her Party’s platform and turned them into a talisman for lost stabilities. It is still commonly used today as a byword for the repressive just as (a strange neologism of the 1940s) ‘Dickensian’ is used as a short-hand expression to describe conditions of squalor and want. In Mrs. Thatcher’s lexicon, ‘Victorian’ seems to have been an interchangeable term for the traditional and the old-fashioned, though when the occasion demanded she was not averse to using it in a perjorative sense. Marxism, she liked to say, was a Victorian, (or mid-Victorian) ideo1ogy;l and she criticised ninetenth-century paternalism as propounded by Disraeli as anachronistic.2 Read 12 December 1990. 0 The British Academy 1992. Thanks are due to Jonathan Clark and Christopher Smout for a critical reading of the first draft of this piece; to Fran Bennett of Child Poverty Action for advice on the ‘Scroungermania’ scare of 1975-6; and to the historians taking part in the ‘History Workshop’ symposium on ‘Victorian Values’ in 1983: Gareth Stedman Jones; Michael Ignatieff; Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall. Margaret Thatcher, Address to the Bow Group, 6 May 1978, reprinted in Bow Group, The Right Angle, London, 1979. ‘The Healthy State’, address to a Social Services Conference at Liverpool, 3 December 1976, in Margaret Thatcher, Let Our Children Grow Tall, London, 1977, p. -
Climate Change Scepticism: a Transnational Ecocritical Analysis
Garrard, Greg. "Climate Scepticism in the UK." Climate Change Scepticism: A Transnational Ecocritical Analysis. By Greg GarrardAxel GoodbodyGeorge HandleyStephanie Posthumus. London,: Bloomsbury Academic, 2019. 41–90. Bloomsbury Collections. Web. 26 Sep. 2021. <http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350057050.ch-002>. Downloaded from Bloomsbury Collections, www.bloomsburycollections.com, 26 September 2021, 23:43 UTC. Copyright © Greg Garrard, George Handley, Axel Goodbody and Stephanie Posthumus 2019. You may share this work for non-commercial purposes only, provided you give attribution to the copyright holder and the publisher, and provide a link to the Creative Commons licence. 2 Climate Scepticism in the UK Greg Garrard Before embarking on a detailed analysis of sceptical British texts, I will provide some historical and scholarly context. There have been many studies of anti- environmentalism in the United States (Helvarg; Brick; Ehrlich and Ehrlich; Switzer) and one on the global ‘backlash’ (Rowell), but none focuses exclusively on the UK. The sole treatment of anti-environmentalism within ecocriticism comes from the United States (Buell), just like the various exposés of climate scepticism discussed in the Introduction. As this chapter will show, British climate scepticism is possessed of a prehistory and some distinctive local features that reward closer inspection. Nevertheless, the Anglo-American axis of organized anti-environmentalism is obvious: British climate sceptics such as Christopher Monckton, James Delingpole and Nigel Lawson are darlings of the American conservative think tanks (CTTs) that promulgate sceptical perspectives, while Martin Durkin’s The Great Global Warming Swindle (2007), a British documentary shown on Channel 4, includes interviews with Richard Lindzen, Patrick Michaels and Fred Singer, all prominent American sceptics. -
Prologue to a Biography
Notes Preface and Acknowledgements 1. R. Skidelsky, ‘Introduction’, John Maynard Keynes, Vol. 3: Fighting for Britain 1937–1946 (Macmillan Papermac, 2000), p. xxii. 1 The Caribbean in Turmoil: Prologue to a Biography 1. Lewis Archive, Princeton, Box 1/10; ‘Autobiographical Account’ by Sir Arthur Lewis, prepared for Nobel Prize Committee, December 1979, p. 4. 2. Lewis (1939), p. 5. In the 1920s, the white population in St Lucia and on average across the islands, was relatively low, at about 3 per cent of the population. The proportion was higher than this on islands completely dominated by sugar cultivation, such as Barbados. 3. Lewis (1939), p. 7. On the significance of colour gradations in the social and power structures of the West Indies, see ‘The Light and the Dark’, ch.4 in James (1963) and Tignor (2005) notes: ‘In place of the rigid two-tiered racial system, there had appeared a coloured middle class … usually light skinned, well educated, professional and urban … To this generation, Lewis … belonged’ (p.11). 4. Lewis (1939), p. 5. 5. Lewis (1939), p. 9. 6. The total value of exports from St Lucia fell from £421,000 (£8.10 per cap- ita) to £207,000 (£3.91) between 1920 and 1925, and to £143,000 (£2.65) by 1930 (Armitage-Smith, 1931, p. 62). 7. These data derive from Sir Sydney Armitage-Smith’s financial mission to the Leeward Islands and St Lucia in the depths of the depression in 1931 – undertaken while Lewis was serving time in the Agricultural Department office waiting to sit his scholarship exam. -
Download Book (PDF)
01-Titelei.Buch : 01-Titelei 1 11-05-19 13:21:24 -po1- Benutzer fuer PageOne Veröffentlichungen des Deutschen Historischen Instituts London Publications of the German Historical Institute London 01-Titelei.Buch : 01-Titelei 2 11-05-19 13:21:25 -po1- Benutzer fuer PageOne Veröffentlichungen des Deutschen Historischen Instituts London Herausgegeben von Hagen Schulze Band 53 Publications of the German Historical Institute London Edited by Hagen Schulze Volume 53 R. Oldenbourg Verlag München 2002 01-Titelei.Buch : 01-Titelei 3 11-05-19 13:21:25 -po1- Benutzer fuer PageOne Dominik Geppert Thatchers konservative Revolution Der Richtungswandel der britischen Tories 1975–1979 R. Oldenbourg Verlag München 2002 01-Titelei.Buch : 01-Titelei 4 11-05-19 13:21:25 -po1- Benutzer fuer PageOne Meinen Eltern Die Deutsche Bibliothek – CIP-Einheitsaufnahme Geppert, Dominik: Thatchers konservative Revolution : der Richtungswandel der britischen Tories 1975 - 1979 / Dominik Geppert. - München : Oldenbourg, 2002 (Veröffentlichungen des Deutschen Historischen Instituts London ; Bd. 53) Zugl.: Berlin, Freie Univ., Diss., 2000 ISBN 3-486-56661-X © 2002 Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag GmbH, München Rosenheimer Straße 145, D - 81671 München Internet: http://www.oldenbourg-verlag.de Das Werk einschließlich aller Abbildungen ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Ver- wertung außerhalb der Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulässig und strafbar. Dies gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Über- setzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die Einspeicherung und Bearbeitung in elektroni- schen Systemen. Umschlaggestaltung: Dieter Vollendorf, München Gedruckt auf säurefreiem, alterungsbeständigem Papier (chlorfrei gebleicht). Gesamtherstellung: R. Oldenbourg Graphische Betriebe Druckerei GmbH, München ISBN 3-486-56661-X 01-Titelei.Buch : 02-Inhalt 5 11-05-19 13:21:25 -po1- Benutzer fuer PageOne Inhalt 5 INHALT EINLEITUNG............................... -
Conservative Movement
Conservative Movement How did the conservative movement, routed in Barry Goldwater's catastrophic defeat to Lyndon Johnson in the 1964 presidential campaign, return to elect its champion Ronald Reagan just 16 years later? What at first looks like the political comeback of the century becomes, on closer examination, the product of a particular political moment that united an unstable coalition. In the liberal press, conservatives are often portrayed as a monolithic Right Wing. Close up, conservatives are as varied as their counterparts on the Left. Indeed, the circumstances of the late 1980s -- the demise of the Soviet Union, Reagan's legacy, the George H. W. Bush administration -- frayed the coalition of traditional conservatives, libertarian advocates of laissez-faire economics, and Cold War anti- communists first knitted together in the 1950s by William F. Buckley Jr. and the staff of the National Review. The Reagan coalition added to the conservative mix two rather incongruous groups: the religious right, primarily provincial white Protestant fundamentalists and evangelicals from the Sunbelt (defecting from the Democrats since the George Wallace's 1968 presidential campaign); and the neoconservatives, centered in New York and led predominantly by cosmopolitan, secular Jewish intellectuals. Goldwater's campaign in 1964 brought conservatives together for their first national electoral effort since Taft lost the Republican nomination to Eisenhower in 1952. Conservatives shared a distaste for Eisenhower's "modern Republicanism" that largely accepted the welfare state developed by Roosevelt's New Deal and Truman's Fair Deal. Undeterred by Goldwater's defeat, conservative activists regrouped and began developing institutions for the long haul. -
Gender and the Development Agenda: Female Agency and Overseas Development, 1964-2018
Gender and the Development Agenda: female agency and overseas development, 1964-2018. Helen Ette | [email protected] | 160212420 | BA History | Supervisor: Dr Martin Farr Introduction Development: a token department for token women? Mainstreaming Women’s Rights With 2018 marking the centenary of the Representation of Discussion of Gender and International Development Judith Hart: ‘When I first went to the House of Commons, 100 the People Act 1918, the history of women in British politics 90 women were expected to concern themselves only with welfare 80 has been of particular public interest. Despite their 70 matters. The breakthrough into economics and foreign affairs 60 presence since its 1964 creation, the influence and 50 has only occurred during my time.’ 40 30 experience of women in the Department for International Press Releases on India visit July 1977, HART 07/02 Hart Papers, People’s History 20 10 Museum, Manchester. 0 Development (DFID) lacks scholarly attention. My project 1997 2000 2005 2010 2015 2018 provides a novel perspective to contemporary themes of Number of references to ‘women and girls’ and ‘international development’ in the House of Commons since the creation of DFID gender, diversity, and political agency. Valerie Amos: ‘I don’t consider development per se to be a • Millennium Development Goal Three, 2000-2015 feminine or feminist subject if you look at the elements of it …. • International Development (Gender Equality) Act, 2014 History of Female Cabinet Members since 1929 I know that there are notions around philanthropy … and that • Sustainable Development Goal Five, 2016-2030 women warped issues around concerns about family, women, Digital, Culture, Media, and Sport Changing language of women’s rights Leader of the House of Commons and girls, but I think it would be very simplistic to talk about Leader of the House of Lords development as a ‘female’ subject.’ ‘Family planning’ & ‘population control’ ‘poverty reduction’ Environment, Food, and Rural Affairs Interview by Helen Ette, 7 September 2018. -
Secret Secret
SECRET CUMENT IS THE PROPERTY OF HER BRITANNIC MAJESTY'S GOVERNMENT )33rd COPY NO SO usions . CABINET CONCLUSIONS of a Meeting of the Cabinet held at 10 Downing Street on THURSDAY 18 SEPTEMBER 1980 at 10. 30 am PRESENT The Rt Hon Margaret Thatcher MP Prime Minister t Hon William Whitelaw MP The Rt Hon Lord Hailsham tary of State for the Home Department Lord Chancellor .tHon Sir Geoffrey Howe QC MP The Rt Hon Sir Keith Joseph MP ellor of the Exchequer Secretary of State for Industry t Hon Francis Pym MP The Rt Hon Lord Soames tary of State for Defence Lord President of the Council tHon James Prior MP The Rt Hon Sir Ian Gilmour MP tary of State for Employment Lord Privy Seal tHon Michael Heseltine MP The Rt Hon Nicholas Edwards MP tary of State for the Environment Secretary of State for Wales t Hon Humphrey Atkins MP The Rt Hon Patrick Jenkin MP tary of State for Northern Ireland Secretary of State for Social Services tHon Norman St John-Stevas MP The Rt Hon John Nott MP ellor of the Duchy of Lancaster Secretary of State for Trade t Hon Mark Carlisle QC MP The Rt Hon John Biffen MP tary of State for Education and Science Chief Secretary, Treasury The Rt Hon Angus Maude MP Paymaster General -i- SECRET SECRET THE FOLLOWING WERE ALSO PRESENT IHon Lord Mackay of Clashfern QC Sir Ian Percival QC MP ivocate (Item 4) Solicitor General (Item 4) Hon Norman Fowler MP The Rt Hon Michael Jopling MP |r of Transport Parliamentary Secretary, Treasury SECRETARIAT Sir Robert Armstrong Mr M D M Franklin (Items 1, 2 and 4) Mr P Le Chemir.ant (Item 3) Mr R L Wade-Gery (Items 1 and 2) Mr D M Elliott (Item 4) Mr D J L Moore (Item 3) C ONTENTS Subject Page FOREIGN AFFAIRS Poland 1 Turkey 1 Middle East 2 Iran 2 Afghanistan 2 Zimbabwe 2 Canada 2 COMMUNITY AFFAIRS Foreign Affairs Council 3 ii SECRET SECRET Subject Page ECONOMIC AND HOME AFFAIRS Threatened National Dock Strike 5 Welsh Television 5 The Economic Situation 6 Local Authority Expenditure 7 COMMISSION DIRECTIVE UNDER ARTICLE 90 OF THE TREATY OF ROME 8 iii SECRET CONFIDENTIA 1. -
From Rhetoric to Reality: Japanese Foreign-Policy Making Under The
From Rhetoric to Reality Foreign-Policy Making under the Democratic Party of Japan April 2012 The Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis From Rhetoric to Reality Foreign-Policy Making under the Democratic Party of Japan April 2012 Weston S. Konishi A publication of The Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis Contents Introduction and Acknowledgments iii Executive Summary v Main Findings v From Rhetoric to Reality: Foreign-Policy Making under the Democratic Party of Japan 1 Internal Challenges 4 Intra-party Divisions 4 The Complexities of Coalition Politics 7 Institutional Reforms: Toward Politician-Led Decision-Making 11 The DPJ’s Foreign Policy: Competing Visions 15 Realists 16 Pacifists 17 Centrists 17 Neo-Autonomists 18 Caveats 20 Prime Minister Hatoyama: An Agenda for Change 23 External Constraints on the Hatoyama Administration 27 The Kan Administration: Political Transition and Crisis Management 30 The Noda Administration: Shifting to the Center? 40 Findings and Implications 45 The Impact of Structural Obstacles on DPJ Foreign-Policy Making 45 Continuity versus Change 46 The DPJ: A Hawkish Party? 47 Bilateralism vs. Multilateralism 49 Competing Schools of Thought 51 Conclusion 54 APPENDIX A: Impact of Major Events on Cabinet Approval Ratings 56 FROM RHETORIC TO REALITY I APPENDIX B: The 2010 NDPG Process 59 APPENDIX C: Survey Data of DPJ Foreign Policy Viewpoints 62 APPENDIX D: Profiles of Key DPJ Politicians 63 APPENDIX E: Chronology of Major Events under DPJ Governments 79 Bibliography 86 About the Author 103 II FROM RHETORIC TO REALITY Introduction and Acknowledgments After more than fifty years of one-party dom- ister Kan Naoto, presided over Japan’s most chal- inance under the Liberal Democratic Par- lenging crisis since World War II—the March ty (LDP), Japan’s political landscape changed 11, 2011, Great East Japan Earthquake—before dramatically with the victory of the Democratic succumbing to his own political fate as a result Party of Japan (DPJ) in parliamentary elections of his inconsistent leadership. -
Trump and American Exceptionalism: Why a Crippled America Is Something
Home > Trump and American Exceptionalism Tuesday, January 3, 2017 Trump and American Exceptionalism Why a Crippled America Is Something New Stephen Wertheim STEPHEN WERTHEIM is a historian of U.S. foreign relations and Fellow at King’s College, University of Cambridge. Follow him on Twitter @stephenwertheim [1]. Since Donald Trump’s election as U.S. president on November 8, the liberal commentariat has been sounding the alarm on the fate of the international order: the Pax Americana is over. Four years after dismissing American decline as a myth [2], Robert Kagan now claims we’re nearing [3] the “end of the 70-year-old U.S. world order.” Ian Buruma, writing in the New York Times Magazine, laments [4] that those who voted for Trump and Brexit wish to “pull down the pillars” of liberal internationalism and retreat into isolation. Such eulogies say less about Trump or his voters than about the limits of conventional wisdom. The president-elect denounced nation-building and demanded that U.S. allies pay more for protection, but so have many of his predecessors. And Trump never promised to retract the United States’ global power [5]. To the contrary, he vowed to build up the military, go after Islamist terrorism, and counter Chinese aggression. An isolationist he is not. But Trump has distinguished himself in one dramatic respect: He may be the first president to take office who explicitly rejects American exceptionalism [6]. CITY ON A HILL “We shall be as a city upon a hill—the eyes of all people are upon us,” said John Winthrop, the first governor of the Massachusetts Bay colony, in 1630.