Thesis Approved.

By

or Adviser

Dean SAINT GREGOR'S CAREER AS PAPAL AMBASSADOR

BY SISTER MARY MERCEDES DUFFIN, O.P.

A THESIS t Submitted to the Faculty of the Creighton university in partial Fulfillment of the Requirements fo r the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Classics C|

/

OMAHA, 1948 The author wiahes to thank Dr. Leo V. Jacks, under whose encouragement and scholarly direction this study was undertaken and brought to completion. TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I . INTRODUCTION...... 1 I I . GREGORY THE GREAT...... 4 I I I . EFFORTS TO SECURE IMPERIAL AID FOR THE WEST...... 17 IV. CONDEMNATION OF BOCK OF EUTYCHIUS .... 28 V. FRIENDSHIPS...... 37 VI. CONCLUSION...... 33 BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 37 CHAPTER I

EmtGDUCTicn

in the later stages of the Roman Empire, in view of the great importance attached to the relations between the popes and the imperial court of Constantinople, papal representatives were sent to Constantinople. They gradu­ ally took on the character of permanent legates. They were called in Greek »apocrisiarii" from the fact that it was their business to carry out the "answers" or in­ structions given them by those who sent them. The origin of "apocrisarii" is traced to the ac­ tion of Leo the Great in sending Julian, bishop of the island of Cos, to Constantinople, that he might receive from him information on the ecclesiastical affairs of the East, and that the latter might act in h is (Leo’ s) behalf with the court and Oriental bishops.1 The very office of "apocrisiarius" was one of great dignity and responsibility, as Mann remarksj "to be sent as an »apocrisiarius* to Constantinople was to graduate for the papacy.*2 It afforded a special

^H. Grisar, S.J., History of Rome and the popes in the Middle Ages (London: K. Paul, Trench, Trubner and Co., 1011), I, 56&\ 2H. K. Mann, The Lives of the popes in the Early Middle Ages (London; Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner and Co., 1902), pT 21. 2 opportunity for a thorough understanding of the chief powers, both secular and ecclesiastical, in the East. To this office Gregory the Great was appointed by Pope Pelagius II and he served as papal "apoerisi- arius" from 579-586. The business with which he was charged, as the pope’ s representative, was the crucial temporal and spiritual interests of religion and of the wsst at that period—a period which is considered by historians as one of the most critical in the annals of italy. Since the principal duty of an ambassador, as the ch ief o f f i ­ cial representative of his own government or ruler in a foreign country, is to carry out the will of the power which sent him and to do this without arousing irrita­ tion or hostility, Gregory’ s position required much tact. I t was the more d iffic u lt due to the fa ct that he was speaking for and representing a comparatively weak force fo r he was representing the pope who had no man power behind him. Therefore Gregory was compelled to use moral persuasion in fulfilling his commission.

A detailed study of Gregory’ s career as papal envoy at Constantinople, when he was brought in to in t i­ mate contact with the imperial rulers and chief eccle­ siastical figures of the day, and was obliged to nego­ tiate with them on the critical issues of the period, should be advantageous not only in throwing light upon and making intelligible his manner of dealing with the 3 East, both, state and church, when he later occupied the chair of Peter, tut it should primarily be valuable in determining Gregory’ s ability as an ambassador. The purpose, then, of this study is to in v esti­ gate certain pressing problems with which Gregory, as a representative of the pope, was obliged to treat, in or­ der to ascertain his character as an ambassador, his policy and manner of negotiation, and finally to deter­ mine what were the results of his diplomatic mission to Constantinople. In the pursuance of this study we shall examine the letters written to Gregory while he was at Constan­ tinople as well as his own subsequent correspondence with people whose acquaintance he had made during his official residence there. Among his extant letters there are some seventy addressed to these latter. CHAPTER I I

GREGORY THE GREAT

The history of sixth-century Italy is a story of war and turmoil, famine and misery, into this period of chaos was born one who was destined to be the central figure of the era, who was to dominate e c c le s ia s tic a l, and profoundly influence secular history, and who was to exert a momentous influence in shaping European develop­ ment. This was Gregory I, one of the greatest succes­ sors of Saint peter. Gregory was born at Rome and, although the pre­ cise date of his birth is unknown, the year 540 is gen­ erally accepted. He was a descendant of an ancient sena- * torial family. This fact is significant since at this period so many of the inhabitants of Rome were descend­ ants of slaves and captives--of foreigners. His family was also distinguished for its wealth and piety. Gregory’ s father bore the imperial name of Gordianus.1 His t it le "Regionarius** indicates that he held some o f­ fice of dignity but Gregory’ s early biographers are not clear as to the nature of this office. Of Silvia, his

H. Dudden, Gregory the Great—His place in H istory and Thought (2 v o le .; London; Longmans Green and Co., 1905)’,' I,' 6.

4 5 mother, there is scanty information, we do know, how- o ever, that she became famous for her ascetic piety. The home of Gregory’ s childhood was a handsome palace on the slope of the Caelian. it stood in the cen­ ter of imperial Rome and before it were the imperial pal­ aces now deserted, mere relics of the greatness of former days. No record exists of Gregory’ s infancy, boyhood, or youth. We can only conjecture from the history of the period that his must have been a troubled childhood. During his earliest years, between 546 and 552, Rome was fir s t captured by the Goths under T otila , and then abandoned by them; next i t was garrisoned by B e li- sarius, and besieged in vain by the Goths, who took it again, however, after the recall of Belisarius, only to lose it once more to Narses. Thus until Gregory was fourteen years of age, unceasing calamity and disaster would have made his education and training both d iffi­ cult and dangerous, it is probable that during these troubles he was consigned to safe custody in the family estates in S icily.2 3 t Of Gregory’ 8 education we have no details but we know that after the triumph of Narses and the settlement of the kingdom by the establishment of the exarchate at

2T. B. Snow, saint Gregory the Great—His Work and His S p irit (London: HodgesT 1892), p. 28. 3I b id ., p . 29. 6 Ravenna« that the schools and lectures recommenced and the ordinary course of a literal education was again open to Roman youth. That Gregory availed himself of training in the arts most studied at the time there ie evidence, for Gregory of Tours, his contemporary, states "that he was so skilled in grammar, dialectics, and rhetoric, that in the City itself he was deemed inferior to none.“4 it seems certain also that he must have gone through a course of legal studies which embraced both c i v i l and canon law. The clearness with which, in his later cor­ respondence, he is accustomed to handle complicated con­ cerns, and his entire familiarity with questions of law, show his mastery of these subjects, i t may be remarked, however, that while Gregory*s education was the best which was offered m Rome at the time, still it could not be considered a first-rate education, it left him

entirely unacquainted with any language but his own. a knowledge of Greek would have been a d efin ite asset to him in his later life when he was obliged to fu lfill an assignment in a world in which Greek was the official language. / Since Gregory was a man of rank, a man of wealth, and as well educated as the beet of the Romans of his day, he entered upon a public career by holding some of the lesser o ffice s at Rome. That his talents and

4Gregory of Tours, H istoria Francorum, V ol. 71 (Migne Edition; Paris; 1847), X, 1. 7 administrative ability were recognized and that success attended his endeavors is evident from the fact that in 574, the Emperor Justin II appointed him prefect of Rome.5 This office brought responsibility as well as dignity, for, besides the honor of holding the leading position among the citizen s, he wielded the chief ju d icia l au­ thority in the city. At public functions the prefecture conferred the »right to wear a robe of imperial purple and to be drawn through the streets of Rome in a fou r- horsed chariot.»6 Gregory in discharging his official duties was very successful and by his impartial justice, his winning ways, and his open-handed charity gained the hearts of the Romans. The success of his public career did not, however, satisfy Gregory. Amid the cares and duties, the honor and dignity of his office, the soul of Gregory ever took refuge in an inner spiritual life, upon his father's death he succeeded to the paternal estates. Thereupon he carried out his intention of founding six monasteries in Sicily and not content with that sacrifice, he relinquished his own paternal house on the caelian H ill, and converted it into a monastery, dedicating it to the Apostle Saint Andrew. Finally, after three years as prefect of Rome, he retired from public life and asked for the Benedictine

Sudden, op. cit. , i, 16. 6T. Hodgkins, Italy and Her invaders (8 vols.; London: Oxford Press, 1880), V, 289. 8 habit in his old heme. Paul the Deacon, his biographer, speaking of Gregory's entrance into religion says: Soon he who up to this time, was able to have all things, distributed his wealth to charity so that he, despoiled of everything, might follow Christ who became poor fo r us...... And he who before was accustomed to parade through the streets wearing the trabea and clothed in silk and covered with glittering jewels, after­ wards clothed in the common garment, he, a poor man, ministered to the poor.” AB a monk, he spent the greater part of the day in reading, meditation and prayer, and the study of the Sacred scripture.7 8 To this latter study he applied him­ self most assiduously. His remarkable mastery of the matter and phraseology of the scripture is obvious to anyone who studies his worke and particularly his ser­ mons which have come down to us. He practiced severe austerities, fastings and vigils to such an excess that he permanently impaired hie health. The three years which Gregory spent as a monk m the Monastery of Saint Andrew were always regarded by him as the happiest of his life and to them he afterwards looked back w ith un­ feigned regret.9

7Paul the Deacon, Vita Gregoni Magni, Voi. 75 (liigne Edition; Paris, 1847), S,4. mox etenim cuncta quae habere potuit, ad pietatis opus distribuit, ut Christum pro nobis factum egenum egens ipse sequeret...... Et qui ante serico contextu ac gemmis micanti- bus solitus erat per urbem procedere trabeatus, post v i li contectus tegmine, ministrabat pauper ipse pauperi- bus. ®Dudden, op. c i t . , I, 116. 9Gregory, epp«-Letters of pope St. Gregory the Great, voi. 77 (Higne Edition; Paris, 1847), i ,45; v,53. 9 In 578 Gregory's cherished seclusion came to an end. pope Benedict £ summoned him from his beloved mon­ astery and ordained him »Seventh Deacon« of the Roman Church. Thus Gregory was appointed one of the seven eminent e ccle sia stics who shared the counsels of the pope, and were charged with the superintendence of the seven regions of Rome.*-® In July 578 Benedict died and pelagius il was elected as his successor. The pontificate of pelagius II began amid the terrors of a siege of Rome made by the Lombards.11 These barbarians were advancing so rapidly towards the city that the only chance of safety seemed to be in obtaining help from the Emperor Tiberius at Constantinople, pope Pelagius, therefore, dispatched an embassy consisting of prominent senators and ecclesias­ tics, to present his case; and with them he sent Gregory as his »apoorisiarius,» or permanent ambassador at the court of Byzantium.12 Gregory remained at Constantinople for seven years; f ir s t under Emperor Tiberius and then under Maurice, who succeeded to the Empire in 582. It is with * his official career at the court of Constantinople that this thesis is concerned.

10Dudden, op. c i t . , I , 121. 1XPi erre Batiffol, saint Gregory the Great, trans. John L. Stoddard (Chicago: Benziger B ros., 1929) , "p. 27. ^^udden, op. c i t ., I, 122. 10 in the year 586, pope pelagius recalled him from his diplomatic mission. Amid the regrets of the court he le f t Constantinople fo r the monastery on the Caelian. Soon afterwards he became abbot of Saint Andrew’ s. Pope pelagius employed him as his secretary, in that capacity he wrote his famous letters to the schismatic bishops of I stria . The year 589 was signalized by great disaster in Rome. A terrible inundati on of the Tiber desolated Rome, and this was followed by the plague, pope Pelagius suc­ cumbed to the plague. The choice of his successor lay with the clergy and people of Rome; and the confirmation of their choice with the emperor, in this hour of suffer­ ing and disaster the pope must be a man of high character and attainments, a spiritual guide in whom the people could trust, a resolute defender of the rights of the Roman see against the encroachments of the imperial gov­ ernment and the rivalry of the patriarchs of Constanti­ nople.13 Gregory, in the opinion of all but himself, was the only man who had these necessary qualifications. Therefore, the popular abbot of Saint Andrew’ s was unani- * / mously elected. Gregory was most reluctant to undertake the task and wrote to Maurice, whom he had grown to know when he was the legate of Pope Pelagius at Constantinople, imploring him not to confirm the election. The letter,

13I b id ., I, 216. 11 however, was intercepted by the prefect of the City, who substituted in its stead the formal document of election.^ At the end of August, confirmation of Gregory’ s election was received and Gregory was consecrated to the pontifi­ ca l o ffice on September 5, 590. Gregory himself tells us that he assumed direc­ tion of the church, when Italy resembled «an old ship, flooded on all sides by the waves, and the timbers of which battered by unceasing storms, proclaimed only too loudly that the vessel was on the verge of shipwreck."14 15 Italy was visited by inundations, pestilence and famine; the Lombards were everywhere burning and slaughtering; civil order was everywhere shaken to its foundation.16 But Gregory by combining rare practical ability with de­ voted zeal and heroic charity was equal to the crises. He successfully piloted the church through this most dif­ ficult period. He succeeded in uplifting the fallen ec­ clesiastical state, in relieving much social suffering, and in bettering the conditions of a great part of man­ kind. He laid the foundations of the mediaeval church and of the political power of the papacy. Pope Gregory the Great ruled the church for nearly fourteen years, in these years he crowded work

14Paul Diac., op. cit. , 10. 15EPP. , 1,4. 16 O. Bardenhewer, p atrology, trans. T. J. shahan (St. Louis; Herder C o., 1908') , p. 651. 1 2 enough to have exhausted the energies of a lifetime. At the very outset of his pontificate he published his fa­ mous Liber regulae pastoralis in which he justifies his attitude towards pastoral rule by explaining the sublimity and difficulty of the ecclesiastical office, in it he laid down clearly the lines which he considered it a bishop’s duty to follow. He held that a bishop should transcend in virtue even the virtuous and that his o f­ fice compelled him to set the best example.^ Gregory’ s treatise is the key of his l i f e as pope, for what he preached he practiced, it was received with great ap­ preciation in Gregory’ s own day and for centuries after \ was the textbook of the Catholic episcopate, its value in shaping the conduct and the policy of the Church’ s rulers cannot be overrated. Gregory labored zealously to provide for the spiritual needs of the faithful. Just as he wrote the Pastoral Care for the instruction and spiritual profit of the bishops and priests, so for the laity he wrote his Dialogues and Homilies. The former were a collection of stories dealing with the miracles of the Fathers which t were done in Italy.* 18 The latter consisted of homilies on Ezeohiel and homilies on the Gospel. These were

1^Gregory, Regulae Pastoralis, Vol. 77 (Migne Edition; Paris, 1847)7 11,3. 18Epp. 111,50. Fratres mei, qui mecum fa m ilia r!- ter vivunt, omni modo me compellunt, aliqua de miraculis patrum, quae in it a lia fa cta audivimus, sub brevitate scribere. 13 delivered either as lectures or sermons. Gregory con­ sidered that one of the principal duties of the priest­

hood was to instruct the fa ith fu l, as he said in one of his letters, "Whoever comes to the priesthood, undertakes the office of a preacher.»19 Outside, Gregory worked assiduously to restore d iscip lin e to the clergy of Gaul. With utmost vigor he fought against simony and the tyrannizing of the clergy over their inferiors. He resisted and tried to crush the growing pride of the patriarchs of Constantinople. He was incessant in his efforts to overthrow the last of the Arian kingdoms and to urge the bishops of A frica to suppress the Donatist schism. During his pontificate he established close relations between the church of Rome and those of Spain, Gaul, Africa, and illyricum. He ef­ fected through Saint Augustine the conversion of England. He also provided for the temporal welfare of his

flo c k , as the assaults of the Lombards became more strenuous, the indigent refugees thronged to Rome. Gregory made provision for their support using for this purpose the existing machinery of the ecclesiastical dis- tricts, each of which had its office of alms. He main­ tained a system of charities with such lavishness that it ate up the revenues as soon as they came in but it gained for Gregory the affection, respect and reverence

19 Ib id . , 1,25. praeconis quippe officium sus- cipit, quisquis ad sacerdotium accedit...... 14 of all. It ia to hia eternal credit that he actually saved many from starvation. Gregorys activity as manager of the Patrimony of saint Peter haa secured for him the diatinction of being one of the beat of the papal landlords, under hia rule the estates of the church increased in value, the tenants were prosperous and contented, and the revenues poured into the treasury.20 To Gregory must be credited the remarkable growth of the temporal power of the papacy. His very position as head of the Catholic Church during this cha­ otic period of transition when government appointees were \ sadly inefficient and woefully indifferent, demanded his active participation in civil affairs. He soon became in Italy a power stronger than emperor or exarch and es­ tablished a political influence which dominated the penin­ sula for centuries. It is to be noted, however, that in spite of the fact that Gregory fulfilled the duties of a temporal ruler and was regarded as such by the neighbor­ ing powers s t i l l he himself stood firm on the policy of allegiance to the court of Constantinople. He always s insisted that he was a subject. Of his litera ry works mention has already been made of the Dialogues, the Homilies on Bzechiel, the Homilies on the Gospels, the Morals, and the Pastoral Care. All of these with the exception of the Morals

20Dudden, op. c i t ., I , 520. 15 were written during the time he occupied the chair of peter, in addition his correspondence was prodigious. The Registrum epistolarum, or collection of his official letters, which number over eight hundred, is at once an eloquent monument of his spirit and a reliable mirror of his pontifical zeal and energy. Gregory, with saint Ambrose, Saint Augustine, and saint Jerome, is one of the four great Latin Doctors. His title "Magnus" is incontestable evidence of his re­ markable accomplishments in actively propagating the truth through the barbarian world and watching over the temporal interests of his Roman people with supreme in-

\ telligence and devotion. In his own career, as supreme pontiff, he sue- ceeded in accomplishing that which he prayerfully sought for Cyriacus, patriarch of Constantinople: Now may the Holy Trinity protect you with His hand, and render you always vigilant and careful in the custody of souls, to the end that in the eternal retribution you may be counted worthy to be crowned, not only for your own work, but also for the amelioration of your subjects.21 Gregory, in spite of much physical suffering, labored heroically until the very end. He died on

and Post ____ . ___ ford Press, 1879). Sancta autem Trinitas sua vos manu protegat, et circa animarum custodiam semper vos vigilan­ tes et sollicitos reddat, quatenus in aeterna retnbu- tione valeatis non solum de vestro opere, sed etiam de subditorum vestrorum melioratione coronari. 16 March 12, 604, worn out by a u sterities and t o ils , The church reveres him as Saint Gregory the Great. CHAPTER I I I

EFFORTS TO SECURE IMPERIAL AID FCR THE WEST

At this period in the history of Rome there was no separate emperor of the west. What remained of the once great Western Empire was governed in the name of the Eastern emperor, who had his court at Constantinople, by the exarch of Italy who resided at Ravenna. In the past fifty years Rome had witnessed and teen the victim of untold desolation. War, famine, and pestilence had wrought their baneful effects on the country. So when the Lombards marched into Italy in 568 with the inten­ tion of conquering her, they found the venerable mother of empires exhausted by all the previous conflicts and unable to offer any longer even the passive resistance of despair.1 The Lombards were the la st of the Teutonic na­ tions who invaded Rome. Their early history is ex­ ceedingly obscure. According to the best authorities, i t is probable that they were a Low-German tribe who originally lived along the southern coast of the Swedish peninsula.2 Thence they migrated to the left bank of

Hodgkins, op. cit., V, 1. 2Ib id . , V, 143.

17 18 the Elte, near its mouth and finally having quitted that, they moved to the region of the Middle Danube. About the year 165 they crossed the Danube and entered Pan- nonia, in the near vioinity of the territories of the empire. While there is no reliable information concern­ ing their history here, still it is certain that their power steadily increased and in 568 they crossed the Julian Alps and appropriated the land of the plains of Ita ly . Alfcoin, the king of the Lombards, met no re­ sistance; he took Verona and invested Milan. The peo­ ple hid themselves in abject terror; flight preceded him, desolation follow ed him, and without striking a blow he was deemed in v in cib le .3 He took up his abode at Pavia, making it his capital. The Lombards were Arian in re lig io n . They seemed to have l i t t l e respect for the property or persons of the unfortunate Romans. They burned churches, destroyed for­ tresses, murdered the inhabitants of the city or led them away into slavery. Ten years after the first onset of the invasion, the Lombards had become masters of half of Ita ly . At the same time they kept the imperial h alf in a state of con­ stant alarm and uncertainty, we have on the authority of pope pelagius II a description of the distressing condition of Italy. He says; "The evils and calamities

3Snow, op. cit., p. 21. 19 caused by the treacherous Lombards against their oath are so numerous that it is impossible to recount them.1,4 Rome was poorly garrisoned and entreaties sent to the exarch at Ravenna were fo r the most part ignored. The la tte r had under his command the few Roman troops, yet he remained inactive and safe within the walls of Ravenna alleging that he could not possibly come to the assistance of Rome as he had not sufficient forces to de­ fend his own neighborhood. Meanwhile the invasions of the Lombards became more terrible and their domination more oppressive, since there was no secular power in Rome powerful enough to de­ fend the Romans against the onslaught of the barbarians, the pope, who was the man of highest rank in Rome and who represented the only Roman institution which yet retained vitality, was left the burden of endeavouring to allevi­ ate the misery of the Romans. Therefore, Pope Pelagius II determined to send an embassy, consisting of prominent senators and ecclesiastics, to Tiberius at constantinople to present the case of the Romans. With them he sent Gregory as his «apocrisiarius* or nuncio to the Byzantine / Court, trusting that his rank, talents, business capacity and sanctity might influence the emperor and that he might be able to take advantage of any favourable turn.

4john the Deacon, Vita Gregorii, Vol. 75 (Migne Edition; Paris, 1847), I, ¿2. Quia tantae calamitates ac tribulationes nobis a perfidia Langobardorum illatae sunt, contra suum proprium jusjurandum, ut nullus possit ad referendum sufficere. 20 The embassy returned without the sought-for aid because

Tiberius was totally absorbed in the Persian H ar in the East, and was unable to bear the cost of a war of recon­ quest or spare the troops to carry it on. He advised the embassy to encourage the loyal cities to stand firm but he made no efforts to recover the lost territory.6 Gregory, however, remained to promote the interests of Rome and Italy with the imperial government. Gregory took up his residence in the imperial palace.6 His very mission brought him into closest con­ tact with the Emperor Tiberius who is praised by a con­ temporary historian, Gregory of Tours, in the highest terms, especially for his prudence, his justice and his impartial kindness to all. He was a great and true Chris­ tian but was not a very successful statesman. Gregory was kindly received by Tiberius. He con­ ducted his delicate business with his accustomed thor­ oughness. it was inability rather than unwillingness which prevented Tiberius from sending an army to Italy for at this time war with the Persians in Armenia and throughout the East was becoming more and more serious t and required all the forces Tiberius could muster, still Gregory constantly reminded the emperor of the state of the country and hie mission on behalf of Italy was not

^Dudden, op. c i t ♦, I, 130. ^om penis de sainte Marthe, Vita Gregorii Magni, Ex Ejus Soriptia Adornata, Vol. 75 (Migne Edition; Paris, 1847), 1,5. 21 en tirely without resu lts. For the emperor earnestly en­ deavoured to win over to his side some of the Lombard ch iefs with promises of great reward and in consequence of hia overtures several of them actually did pass over to the side of the Romans. 7 During Gregory’ s sojourn in Constantinople Tiberius died. His last hours having come, the good em­ peror summoned the patriarch and the senate to witness the bestowal of his crown and his daughter on an officer named Maurice, who had distinguished himself in the Per­ sian War. The new emperor was known to Gregory even be­ fore he received the imperial power for Gregory could \ afterwards write: »You were my lord, when you were not yet Lord of all.**8 He was also intimately acquainted with all the circumstances of Maurice’ s elevation. From a notary I made thee a count of the body­ guard; from count of the body-guard 1 made thee a Caesar; from a Caesar i made thee em­ peror; and not only so, but also a father of emperors.9 The new emperor treated Gregory with great defer­ ence, respect and even affection, so that he honored him by appointing him to be godfather to his first son. This 1

^Dudden, op. cit., I, 138.

%;pp. h i , 65. serenissime domine, ex i l l o jam tempore dominus fu is t i, quando adhuc dominus omnium non eras. 9Ibid. Ego te de notario comitem excubitorum, de comité excubitorum caesarem, de caesare imperatorum; nec solum hoc, sed etiam patrem imperatorem fe c i. 2 2 friendly intercourse resulted in a more active interfer­ ence in the affairs of Italy. Maurice induced more than one Frankish chief to espouse the cause of the Romans, and placed the passes of the Alps at the disposal of the Franks. He sent 50,000 gold pieces to Childebert, king of the Franks, who organized three invasions against the Lombards.^® Autharis, the Lombard king, withstood the three onsets on account of want of union between the imperial and the Frankish troops but especially because of the perfidy of some of the Frankish generals who allowed themselves to be bought o ff by the Lombards, and so re ­ turned quietly to Gaul.13, Things went from bad to worse; and m 584 Gregory received a distracted letter iron pope Pelagius in which he represented the miserable state of Italy due to the Lombards, pestilence and famine; the imminent dan­ ger of Rome and the inaction of the exarch, and instructed him to press the emperor fo r aid. We have taken care to inform you, through our notary, Honoratus, of everything which it is necessary fo r you to know, and we have sent him to you, with our brother and fellow-bishop Sebastian, that, as he has been up to the pres­ ent time at Ravenna with the Glorious Lord Decius the Patrician, he may give you full in­ formation on all points, and may make such statements to the emperor as you may consider desirable. The miseries and tribulations 1110

10Snow, op. cit., pp. 54-55. 11I b id ., p . 58. 2 3 in flic t e d on us by the perfidy of the Lombards, in violation of their oath, are such as no one can describe. AB to our brother Sebastian, you w ill learn by what he w ill t e l l you how we have welcomed him and what brotherly love he has found with us, owing to your recommendation. He has promised to portray to the most pious emperor the necessities and the perils of all Italy. De­ liberate together what you can do to relieve our distress promptly. The Commonwealth in these parts is reduced to such stra its that unless God inspires the heart of our Most Religious Prince to display his natural benevolence to his serv­ ants, and relieve our troubles by sending us one Master of the soldiery or one Duke, we shall be utterly destitute and defenceless, por the dis­ tr ic t of Rome is more than any other le ft un­ guarded, and the exarch writes that he cannot help us, as he protests that he cannot even pro­ tect the d is tr ic ts where he is him self. May God direct our Prince speedily to relieve our perils before the army of that most unspeakable nation prevails so far as to seize those places which s t i l l as yet belong to the Republic...... *2

*-3john D iae., op. c i t ., I , 32. Omnia quidem quae necessaria fuerunt, per Honoratum notanum t ib i curavimus indicare: quem cum fratre et coepiscopo Sebastiano ad di- lectionem tuam direximus, ut quia lllis in particus ad Ravennani usque nunc cum viro g lo rio so domno Decio par- ticio fuit, ipse sua relatione te ex omnibus studeat in­ formare; vel si qua necessaria judicave itis, possit domno imperatori suggerere. quia tantae calamitates ac tribulationes nobis a p erfid ia Langobardorum illa ta e sunt, contra suum proprium jusjurandum, ut nullus possit ad referendum su fficere. Praedictumautem fratrem se basti- anum quo modo susceperimus, vel in quali apud nos, te suggerente, fuerit charitate, ipsius poteris relatione cognoscere. qui etiam promisit nobis necessitates vel pericula totius Italiae piissimo domno imperatori sug­ gerere. Loquimini ergo et tractate pari ter, quo modo noe tris possitis celeri ter subvenire penculis; quia ita hic coangustata est respublica, ut nisi Deus piissimi in corde principis inspiraverit ut insitam sibi misericordiam suis famulis largiatur, ut super illa diacoposin, vel unum magistrum militum» et unum ducem dignetur concedere, in omni simus angustia d e s titu ti, quia maxime partes Romanae omni praesidio vacuatae videntur, et exarchus nullum no­ bis posse remedium facere scribit, quippe qui nec ad il- las partes custodiendas se testatur posse sufficere. Im- peret ergo illi Deus nostris velociter penculis sub­ venire, antequam nefandissimae gentis exercitus loca quae 24 Gregory did his best to second the pope «s appeal. With resolute action he pressed the cause of the Romans. That all his efforts to secure imperial aid for Italy were motivated only by a sincere compassion for the suf­ fering Romans and a genuine devotion to the welfare of the Republic is evident from his own words: And indeed i f the captivity of my land were not increasing day by day» I would gladly pass over in silence contempt and ridicule of myself. But this does a fflict me exceedingly that from my bear­ ing the charge of falsehood it ensues also that Italy is daily led captive under the yoke of the Lombards. And while my representations are in no wise believed the strength of the enemy is increas­ ing hugely. This, however, I suggest to my Most Pious Lord, that he would think anything that is bad for me, but, with regard to the advantage of the republic and the cause of the rescue of Italy, not easily lend his pious ears to any one, but believe fa cte rather than words.^-3 Gregory was grateful for any assistance rendered to Rome by the emperor, we have evidence of his grati­

tude when he w rites; * The piety of my Lords, which has been wont mer­ c ifu lly to sustain thy servants, has shone forth here in so kind a supply that the need of all the feeble has been relieved by the succour of your

adhuc a republica detinentur, Deo sibi contrario, quod absit, praevaleant occupare. It quidem si terrae meae captivi- tas per quotidiana momenta non excresceret, de despec- tione mea atque irrisione laetus tacerem. sed et hoc me vehementer a f'flig it , quia ego unde crimen fa ls ita tis tolero, inde Italia quotidie ducitur sub Langobardorum jugo captiva. Dumque meis suggestionibus in nullo cre­ di tur, vires hostium immani ter exere scunt. Hoc tamen piissim o domino Buggero, ut de me mala omnia quaelibet existimet, de utilitate vero reipublicae et causa erep- tionis Italiae non quibuslibet facile pìas aures prae- beat, sed plus rebus quam verbis credat. 25 bounty...... Hence it has been brought about that all alike with one accord pray fear the life of our Lords, that so Almighty God may give you a long and quiet life, and grant to the most happy offspring of your Piety to flourish long in the Roman republic. We do not know what the Emperor Maurice replied to pope pelagius or to the entreaties of Gregory and Sebastian as Gregory does not mention it in his later writings and his early biographers are equally silent on the subject, yet from the history of the period we may deduce some fa cts. The Persian war was s t i l l in progress. The AvarB and Slavs were extending their depredations with ever-in­ creasing boldness. The armies of the empire were insuf­ ficient to cope even with these enemies so certainly no extra troops could be spared for Italy. But still a faint ray of hope was in store for the west. Por shortly after the receipt of pope Pelagius»s letter, the lethar­ gic exarch Longinus was recalled and a new exarch, Smaragdus, was sent to Ravenna. The la tte r was a vehe­ ment man with a streak of madness in him, but a brave soldier and a careful organizer,^-® who was determined to1415

14I b id ., V, 30. Dominorum pietas, quae suos con- suevit mi serie ordì ter famuloe contmere, ita benigna hic subventions resplenduit, ut cunctorum debilium inopia largìtatis ejus sit consolatione sublevata...... Unde actum est ut simul omnes pro vita dommorum con- corditer orarent, quatenus omnipotens Deus longa vobis et quieta tempora tribuat, et p ieta tis vestrae f e l i c i s - siman sobolem diu in Romana republica florere con­ cédât. 15Dudden, op. c i t . , I , 161.

l M 2 6 employ offensive measures against the Lombards in con­ trast to the policy of his predecessor which was simply that of passive resistance. At the same time the pranks were beginning to show a greater hostility to the Lombards, whether this was due to the bribes of the emperor or the admonitions of Pope Pelagius, who had written to childebert asking the Franks to come into Italy in the character of de­ fenders of the Catholic Faith against the Arian Lom­ bards,16 can only be conjectured. But it is quite pos­ sible that it resulted from a combination of the two. The Lombards, on their part, recognised the new and ominous danger which menaced their state from the inflamed hostility of the Franks and the energetic char­ acter of the new exarch. Therefore, they w illin gly agreed to a three years* truce which smaragdus proposed.

* Rome and the rest of imperial Italy now freed from alarm tasted some moments of peace, in a letter which Pope pelagiuB addressed to the bishops of ¿stria in 586, he states that "God has deigned to give to Italy for a time peace and tranquillity for the happiness of the Christian princes, thanks to the labors and solici­ tude of our son, the most excellent smaragdus."17 It may a lso be remarked that on account of the

Sainte Marthe, op. c i t ., I , 5. 17Batiffol, op. cit., pp. 42-45. 27 more settled state of affairs,18 9 pope Pelagius felt that he might safely recall Gregory and profit hy his assist­ ance in dealing with an ecclesiastical problem at home which at that time demanded the pope’ s action. Thus i t appears that the le tte r of pope pel&gius was not without results. It was doubtless owing in great part to Gregory’s influence at the court and his untiring e ffo r ts in carrying out the request of pope pelagius, that a new exarch was sent to Italy and that this tem­ porary peace was secured. It would, however, be a grave mistake to think that Gregory returned to Italy confident that now all was secure and that all danger for Rome and Italy load passed. On the contrary, his seven years' mission in the imperial city had made him fully aware of the lamentable state of the empire as a whole, and of the fa c t that there was but meager hope of any really effectual aid for the west from Constantinople. He returned home with the conviction that if Rome and Italy were to be finally saved iron the Lombards, operations must be conducted by the vigorous and independent action of the powers at home. He also / clearly realized that this would be the more difficult on account of the prostrate condition of Italy herself, whom even then he might have compared to a weather-beaten ship "whose rotten planks already sound of shipwreck.

18Snow, op. cit., p. 57. l9Epp. I, 43. Jamjamque putridae naufragium tabulae sonant. CHAPTER IV

camBianTiar of bock of eutychius

Gregory represented the pope in ecclesiastical matters as well as in temporal affairs. His mission had as its object the preservation of the integrity of the Catholic faith. Hence while he was in Constantinople, he was called upon to judge heretical doctrines and un- canonical practices. Gregory found that the people of the East took a keen interest in theological questions and that with both the clergy and the people the persecution of here­ tics was a favorite pursuit. Their very readiness to scent heresies led to the creation of them, saint * Gregory, after having had some experience with Con­ s t an tin cpol i t an zealots, wrote: «There are many ortho­ dox people who are inflamed with misguided zeal, and fancy they are fighting heretics while re a lly they are creating heresies."^ Gregory relates the chief accusations brought against the suspected heretics. For it used to be said against them that under pretext of religion they dissolved marriages; and

^Epp. XI, 45. Q,uia vero sunt multi fidelium qui imperito zelo succenduntur, et saepe, dum quosdam quasi haereticos insequuntur, haereses faciunt.

28 29 that they said that baptism did not en tirely take away sins; and that, i f anyone did penance for three years for his iniquities, he might af­ terwards live perversely; and that, if they said under compulsion that they anathematized anything fo r which they were blamed, they were by no means to be held by the bond of anathema.^ While all of these were undoubtedly errors and therefore had to be condemned by Gregory, s t i l l he him­ self declares that he found none in Constantinople in fact guilty of these; in those who used to come to me in the royal city I observed no error at all as to anyone of the aforesaid points, nor do i think there was any. For i f there had been X should have observed it .3 Gregory’ s method of dealing with persons sus­ pected of heresy was sensible and straightforward. He made it a rule to become personally acquainted with those accused of heresy, talk over their opinions in a friendly way. and even to defend them against their accusers.

* For to me, as you know, when I was resident at the footsteps of my lords in the royal city many used to come of those who were accused with re­ spect to the aforesaid points. But I declare, my conscience bearing me witness, that I never found in them any error, any pravity, or anything of what was said against them, whence also I

2Ibid. Di ce ba tur naraque con tra eoe quia sub ob- tentu religionis conjugia solverent; et quia dicerent quod baptiema peccata penitus non auferret, et si de iniquitatibus suis quis in triennium ponitenti&m ageret, postmodum ei perverse vivere liceret; et quia si com­ pulsi aliquid de quibus reprehendebantur anathematizare se dicerent, anathematis vinculo nullo modo teneri. Ibid. Ex omnibus tamen capitulis in eis, sicut praedixi, qui ad me in urbem regìam venire consueverant, nullum omnino errorem cujuslibet praedicti capituli ag- novi, sed neque fuisse existimo. Uam si fuisset, ag- noviesem. 30 took care, despising report, to receive them familiarly and rather to defend them against their accusers.4 S6 He was righteously indignant of the methods of coercion which were practiced in the East to stamp out heresies. He maintained that »bishops had been made shep­ herds, not persecutors.“^ He was wont to quote, and he himself put into p ractice, the words of Saint Paul, "Argue, beseech, rebuke, with all long-suffering and doc­ trine. 1,6 When, however, he was convinced that heretical doctrines were being promulgated, he felt it his duty to defend the truth and he did not disdain to engage in a theological controversy even when h is opponent was so i l ­ lustrious and popular a figure as the patriarch of Con­ stantinople. The patriarch of Constantinople at this time was Butychius who had been promoted to the o ffic e by the fa ­ vour of Justinian in 552, but for reasons which are not clear deposed by the same arbitrary authority in 565, al­ most at the end of the emperor’ s reign. He was recalled

4Ibid. Ad me etenim, sicut nostis, cum apud ves­ tigia dominorum in regia urbe demorarer, multi ex eis venire consueveverant qui de praedictis capitulis accusa- bantur. sed teste conecientia fateor, nunquam in eie ali- quid erroris, aliquid pravitatis, aliquid de his quae con­ tra eos dicebantur inveni. unde et eoe opinione contempta fam iliari ter suscipere, e t magis ab insequen tibus defen­ deré curab&m. SEpp. Ili, 53. pastores etenim facti sumus, non persecutores. 6Tim. 4: 2. 3 1 and restored to his see by Tiberius upon the death of the incumbent patriarch. Eutychius’ s return was the occasion of great re­ joicing in Constantinople. During his twelve years* ex­ ile from the patriarchal see he had gained a reputation for sanctity by his charity and miracles. He distributed large alms to relieve victims of the famine caused by ravages of the Persians, his stores of grain were said to have been miraculously replenished, and he cured many diseases by the application of blessed oil. 7 it was, then, to the great delight of the people that he was again enthroned in the patriarchal chair. Eutychius was not only a man of piety, but also one of learning. However, in the course of some sermons, Eutychius taught that after the general resurrection our bodies would no longer be palpable, but become more subtle

* than the air. subsequently he published the same in a book. Gregory immediately recognized the error, zealous for the integrity of the faith, Gregory remonstrated with him and held several private conferences with the patri­ arch to discuss the matter. He endeavored to prove to him through arguments based on Holy scripture and the ex­ ample of our Lord's resurrection that his doctrine was contrary to all Catholic teaching. Gregory maintained that the risen body would be "palpable by virtue of its

^Snow, op. c i t ., p. 53. 3 2 own nature, but rendered subtle by the efficacy of spiritual power.»® He emphasized the analogy between the risen body of the e le ct and that of our Lord. Our Redeemer, when the d iscip les doubted of his resurrection, showed them His hands and fe e t, and offered His bones and flesh to be touched, saying, '»Handle Me and see; for a spirit hath not flesh and bones as you see Me have." (Luke 6: 39)* 9 10 Eutychius replied that our Lord so acted m order to remove from the minds of His disciples a ll doubt of the resurrection. "It is strange," said Gregory, "that our doubt should spring from that which removed the doubts of the d is cip le s ...... That from the same source from whence the faith of the disciples is confirmed, ours is de­ stroyed. Eutychius explained his view thus: The body which Christ showed them was certainly palpable: but after the hearts of those who han­ dled it were confirmed, all that was palpable in the Lord was reduced to a certain subtle quality.11

®Gregory, Magna Moralia, Voi. 77 (Migne Edition; Paris, 1847), XIV» T§7 in 'fila' resurrectionis gloria erit corpus nostrum subtile quidem per effectum spiritalis potentiae, sed palpabile per virtutem naturae. 9Ibid . Redemptor noster dubitantibus de sua resurrec tione discipulis, ostendit manus et la tue, pai- panda ossa carnemque praebuit, dicens; «palpate et vi- dete, quia spiri tue camera et ossa non habet, sicut me vid etis habere.« (Lue. 6; 39) 10Ibid. Mira est res valde quam astruis, ut inde nobis dubietas surgat, unde discipulorum corda a dubietate sanata sunt...... unde fid e s d iscip u lis ejus confirmate est, inde nostra destruitur. ^ Ib id . Corpus palpabile habuit quod ostendit; sed post confirmata corda palpantium, omne illud m Domino quod palpari potuit in subtilitatem est aliquam redactum. 33 Gregory urged the text, «Knowing that Christ be­ ing risen from the dead dieth no more, death hath no more dominion over him.« Prom this he concluded that since Eutyehius’ s explanation would imply, in a sense, a re­ turn to death, it would therefore be a denial of the true resurrection of our Lord. If then there was anything in the Body which was capable of being altered after His resurrection, contrary to the truly spoken declaration of Paul, the Lord after His resurrection returned into death; and what fo o l even would venture to say this, save he that denies the true resurrection of His fle sh ?12 *15 To this Eutychius objected by quoting that »flesh and blood shall not inherit the Kingdom of God." (I cor. 15: 50) "How, then," he said, "is it to be supposed 13 that the flesh truly rises again?" Saint Gregory met this argument by distinguishing two senses in which the word "flesh" is used in Holy * Scripture—that "according to nature" and that "accord­ ing to sin or corruption" and he further adduced argu­ ments based on Sacred scripture to show that in the glory of the heavenly kingdom there will be flesh according to nature but not flesh according to sm or corruption. In Holy Scripture flesh is named in one way ac­ cording to nature, and in another way according

12Ibid. Si quid ergo in ejus corpore post resur- rectionem potuit immutari, contra veridicam Pauli sen- tentiam, post resurrectionem pominus rediit in mortem, quod quis dicere vel stultus praesumat, nisi qui veram carnis ejus resurrectionem denegat? 15Ib id . qua ra ti one credendum est resurgere veraciter carnem? 34 to sin or corruption. For there is flesh accord­ ing to nature, as where it is written, "This is now bone o f my bones and flesh of my flesh " (Gen. 2: 23). And, "The Word was made flesh , and dwelt among us« (John 1: 14). But there is fle sh accord­ ing to sin, as where it is written, "My Spirit shall not always abide in those men, fo r that they are flesh" (Gen. 6: 3). And as the psalmist said: "For He remembered that they were but flesh, a wind that passeth away, and cometh not again" (Ps. 78: 39). Whence too Paul said to the d iscip les, "But you are not in the fle s h , but in the s p ir it " (Rom. 8: 9 ). For it was not that these persons were not in the flesh, to whan he was sending letters, but that they had subdued the motions of carnal passions, henceforth, free through the e ffica cy of the Spirit, they "were not in the flesh." Therefore in respect to what Paul says, that "flesh and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of God," he would have flesh to be understood as applied to sin, and not flesh as applied to nature. Hence directly afterwards that he was speaking of flesh after sm he makes plain, by adding, "Neither doth corrup­ tion inherit incorruption." Therefore in that glory of the heavenly kingdom there will be flesh according to nature, but not flesh according to the desire of the passions; in that the sting of death being overcome, it w ill reign in eternal in- c orrup ti bi 1 i ty .

^ Ibid. In sacro eloquio all ter car odici tur j uxta naturam, atque a lit e r juxta culpam, vel corrupt!o- nem. caro quippe juxta naturam, sicu t scriptum est, "Hoc nunc os ex ossibus meis, et caro de carne mea" (Genes. II, 23); et "Verbum caro factum est, et habi- tavit in nobis" (Joan, I , 14). Caro vero juxta culpam, sicut scriptum est, «Non permanebit in hommibus istis spiritus meus, eo quod sunt caro" (Genes, vi, 3). Et siout Psalmista ait, "Memoratus est quia caro sunt; spiritus vadens, et non rediens» (Psal. LXXVil, 39). Unde et discipulis Paulus dicebat, "Vos autem in carne non estis, sed in spiritu» (Rom. Vili, 9). Neque enim in carne non erant, quibus epistolas transmittebat, sed quia passiones carnalium desideriorum vicerant, jam l i ­ beri per virtutem spiritus in carne non erant. <^uod ergo paulus apostolus dicit, "(^uia caro et sanguis reg- num Dei possidere non possunt," carnem vult secundum culpam in t e llig i, non carnem secundum naturam. unde et mox, quia carnem secundum culpam d iceret ostendit sub- dens, "Neque corruptio incorruptelam possidebit." in illa ergo coelestis regni gloria caro secundum naturam e r it , sed secundum passionum desideria non e r it, quia devicto mortis aculeo, in aeterna ineorruptione regnabit. 3 5 This distinction was accepted by the patriarch, yet he still denied that the body could rise again a palpable body. Meanwhile the controversy had grown pro­ tracted and embittered, and there was possibility that all this would end in a complete rupture of friendly re­ lations between Gregory and the patriarch when the Em­ peror Tiberius intervened. He sent for the patriarch and the papal envoy and in a private audience learned what was the subject of the dispute, and listened to their respective views. After carefully considering a l l arguments, Tiberius decided that the truth was on the side of Gregory. Hence he condemned the patriarch 's opinion and ordered his book to be burned. Soon a fte r, both Gregory and Eutychius were at­ tacked by serious illness. Eutychius died, but bef ore dying retracted his error and in the presence of some of Gregory's friends, the dying patriarch grasping one of his emaciated hands by the other exclaimed, "I con­ fess thatwe shall all rise again in this flesh.*15 Gregory to whom this was reported accepted it as a re­ cantation of Eutychius's error. t After the death of Eutychius, Gregory, finding that no one persisted in the error which the deceased had for a time believed, saw no reason why he should pursue the matter further. Hence, he refrained iron

^Ibid. , XIV, 74. Confiteor quia omnes in hac came resurgemus. 36 further prosecution of the error le s t, as he himself said, he should seem to be making an attack upon the deceased.16

16Ib id . quo mortuo, quia pene nullus erat qui ejus dicta sequeretur, dissimulavi coepta persequi, ne in favillas viderer verba jaculari. CHAPTER V

FRIENDSHIPS

While it is the duty of a diplomat to realize that he goes to a foreign country primarily to carry on the work of the embassy to which he is assigned, it is also his business to make friends. He must give a con­ siderable portion of his time to the amenities of life through which he meets people and develops contacts and thus, through social intercourse, makes himself accept­ able among those to whom he is sent. Moreover, the ac­ quaintance and friendships thus formed often go far to­ ward helping him to form correct opinions about the con­ ditions in the country which he visits. Gregory did not neglect this phase of his o f f i ­ cial position. The many steadfast friends which he made in Constantinople substantiate this fact. His official position naturally brought him into intimacy with a num­ ber of influential people at the court whom he would not otherwise have had the opportunity to contact. Many of these became his life-long friends and gave Gregory valu­ able assistance by their influence at court. With the Emperor Tiberius, Gregory was on friendly terms and was held in high esteem by him. Gregory found that Tiberius was a thoroughly amiable man and a true

37 3 8 Christian. However, from him Gregory received little substantial aid for Italy because at that time Tiberius lacked military resources and was too engrossed in the Persian War. Prom the fact that Gregory was chosen as god­ father for the first-born of Maurice, successor of Ti­ berius, and of his wife Constantina, who was the daughter of Tiberius, we may infer with what warmth of personal affection Gregory was held by this royal couple, it should be mentioned, however, that the relations between Gregory and Maurice grew less cordial as time went on. Maurice was a man whose manners were s t i f f and d iffic u lt , a sovereign of reserved decorum who was jealous of his political power and hence not a man to conciliate affec­ tion, so it is not surprising that Gregory did not re­ main on con fiden tial terms with him but had to use ex-

• treme care and tact in dealing with him. Maurice’ s readi­ ness to interfere in ecclesiastical matters and his policy in state affairs were both distasteful to Gregory. still no rupture took place in their relations in spite of the many ways, d irect and in d ireot, by which the emperor caused Gregory much annoyance and trouble. The emperor still sent Gregory money for the poor,2 and. Gregory in­ sisted on prayer for the imperial family.3 *5

^■john Diac., op. clt., i, 40. %PP. V, 30. 5Ibid., IX, 49; XI, 45; VII, 27. 39 For the empress constantina, however, Gregory entertained a genuine regard and she reciprocated his kindly feelings. Constantina was a very devout Catholic, conspicuous for religious zeal and love of holiness.45 From letters afterwards written by Gregory it is evi­ dent that he was her spiritual director to whom she un­ questionably confided the secrets of her soul. His in­ terest in her spitirual progress continued even after his departure from Constantinople as is evident from a letter written to her sister-in-law Theoctista. But in the le tte rs of your Excellency I fin d th is deficiency; that you have been unwilling to tell me about your most serene mistress, how studiously she reads, or how she is moved to compunction in her reading. For your presence ought to be of great advantage to her, that amid the billows of a ffa irs under which she continually su ffers, and by which whether she w ill or no, she is drawn abroad, she may be recalled inwardly to the love of the heavenly country. And this also you ought to investigate, as often as tears are given her for her soul whether her compunction arises still from fear or whether now from love.5 In temporal affairs Gregory had confidence in the influence of constantina with her husband, the em­ peror, and he frequently appealed to her to use her

4Ibid., V, 41. 5Ibid. , VII, 26. in epistolis autem excellen- tiae vestrae hoc minus reperì, quia mini de serenissima domina indicare noluit quam studiose legat, vel in lec- tione quali ter compungatur. prodesse quippe e i multum debet vestra praesentia, ut mter causarum fluctus, quos assidue patitur, ex quibus, velit nolit, foras trahitur, semper ad amorem coelestìs patriae interius revocetur; et hoc quoque investigare debetis, quoties ei prò sua anima laerymae dantur, utrum adhuc ex timore an j am ex amore compungatur. 40 power to induce the emperor to meet hie ju st demands. Let therefore you Piety, whom Almighty God has appointed with our Most serene Lord to be over the whole world, through your iavoring of ju s­ tice render service to Him from whom you have re­ ceived your right to so great a dominion, that you may rule over the world that is committed to you so much the more securely as you more truly serve the Author of a ll things in the execution of the truth.6 When later, as pope, Gregory through his apocrisiarius at Constantinople had made representations to the emperor concerning serious grievances and the ap­ peal had proved fruitless, he felt perfectly confident that a protest addressed to the empress h erself would secure the desired action. I beg my Most Serene Lady to carefully consider these facts and to still the groans of the op­ pressed. For I do not believe that these doings have ever come to your ears. Had they done so, they would surely not have continued until now. But they ought to be brought under the emperor»s notice at a favorable moment, that he may remove this great, this grievous weight from his own soul, from his empire, and from his children. • » » • I trust, therefore, that it will be sufficient for me to have made this brief statement...... 7

6Ibid. , V, 21. Vestra itaque pietas, quam omni- potens Deus cum serenissimo domino universo mundo prae- esse constituit, illi per favorem justitiae famulatum suum reddat a quo jus tantae potestatis accepit, ut quanto verius in exseeutione veritatis auctori omnium servit, tanto securius commisso sibi mundo dominetur. 7Ib id . , V, 41. quae omnia serenissima domina solerter aspieiat, et oppressorum gemitus compescat. Haec enim ego ad piissimas aures veatras pervenisse non auspicor, Ham si pervenire potuissent, nunc usque minime permansi a sent, quae piissim o domino apto sunt tempore suggerenda, ut ab anima sua, ab imperio atque a filila suis tale hoc tantumque peccati pondus amoveat...... Unde mihi haec breviter suggessisse s u ifi- c ia t ...... 41 On one occasion Gregory’ s friendship with the em­ press was the cause of perplexity and anxiety to him. She had written to him asking him to send to her the head or some other important r e lic of the tody of saint Paul, to deposit in the new church which she was building. Gregory knew that a refusal would probably occasion an offence to the empress, yet he knew hia duty and did not cringe from performing it. As I should gladly receive from you any orders to which I might render prompt obedience, and so in ­ crease your favour towards me, i fe e l the greater sorrow because you require of me what I cannot and dare not do.® Gregory, therefore, certainly refused but took care to manifest to her the reasons for the refusal in such a manner that he did not forfeit her regard. With two other members of the imperial family he was on terms of intimacy; with Theoctista, the aunt and governess of the royal children,® and with Domitian, cousin of the emperor and metropolitan of Afitsnia. He frequently wrote to the former in later times confiding to her his own sorrows brought about by the burdens and earthly cares incident upon the pastoral office; asking

t her help and mediation in some spiritual or temporal in­ terest; thanking her fo r alms sent to ransom captives9 *

®Ibid. , IV, 30. Et dum i l i a mihi desiderarem imperari de quibus facillimam obedientiam exhibens ves- tram erga me amplius potuissem gratiam provocare, major me moestitia tenuit, quod ilia praecipitis quae facere nec possum, nec audeo. 9Ibid. , I, 5; VII. 23; XI, 27. 4 2 and to assist toe poor. She, too, was a very pious Christian and her keen interest in religious questions was later to lead to an accusation of erroneous views of religious matters being cnarged against her. when she complained to Gregory of this malignant charge, he with his habitual courtesy, took for granted that such impu­ tations were unfounded but he generously expended time, energy and pains to thoroughly combat the errors with which she had been charged.3-0 He also prudently advised her on the procedure which she should follow in dealing with her accusers. Wherefore your Excellency should, as i have re­ quested, appease their unwisdom by gentle exhor­ tations and replies, that not only in yourself, but also in them, you may find the glory of eter­ nal retribution. All this my exceeding love has induced me to say to you, since i think that your joy is my gain, and your sadness, my loss.3-3- Domitian, who was bishop of Militene and metro­ politan of Roman Armenia and who later was successfully employed by Maurice in coming to terms with the Persians, was united to Gregory by th eir mutual sp iritu a l in terests. Their friendship endured and a fter Gregory’ s return to Rome they carried on a correspondence which shows their

l°Ibid., XI, 45. H lbid. Vestra itaque excellentia eorum, sicut patii, imperitiam placare mansuetis exhortationibus ac responsioni bus debet, ut non solum de semetipsa, sed etiam de illis gloriam aetemae retributionis inveniat. Haec me vobis dicere nimius amor suasit, quia et in ves­ tra laetitia me crescere, et in vestra tristìtia me ex- istimo minorari. 43 common interest in the study of sacred Scripture. So much therefore I would say in order to show that the sense which i set forth is not improb­ able in connexion with the context. But what has been inferred from the same passage by your Holi­ ness for my comfort x gladly accept since in the understanding of Sacred Scripture whatever is not opposed to sound faith ought not to be rejected . 2 Of the people connected with the court his best friends were Theodore, the emperor* s physician; Gregoria, one of constantina’ s ladies of the bed-chamber; and Harass, the celebrated general who won his laurels in the Persian

Gregory does not hesitate to ask Theodore to be an intercessor fo r him with the emperor and he directs Theodore to choose a suitable time to present his views to Maurice. But le t your Glory take a favorable opportunity of offering my representation privately, i’or I am un­ willing that it should be given publicly by my rep­ resentative, seeing that you who serve him famil­ ia rly can speak more freely and openly of what is for the good of his soul, since he is occupied with many things, and it is not easy to find his mind free from greater cares. 123

12Ibid., H I, 67, Haec igitur dixerim, ut intel- lectum, quern protuli, non esse improbabile, ex locis cir- cumstantibus demonstrarem. Ea vero quae ex eodem loco a vestra sanctitate in meam consolationem dicta sunt, li- benter accipio, quia in intellectu sacrae Scripturae, respui non debet quidquid sanae fidei non resistit. l3Dudden, op. cit. , i, 154. l ^Epp. Ill, 66. sed vestra gloria opportuno tem­ pore secreTe suggestionem meam ei offerat. Nolo earn a responsali meo publice dari, quia vos qui ei iamilianus servitis, loqui ei liberius et apertius potestis quae pro ejus sunt anima, quoniam in multis est occupatus, et vix animus ejus invenitur a curis majoribus vacuus. 44 Their affection for each other was abiding, as Gregory’ s letters testify. I myself give thanks to Almighty God, that distance does not separate the hearts of those who truly love each other mutually. For lo , most sweet and g lo r i­ ous s on, we are far apart in body and yet present with each other in charity. This your works, thi3 your letters testify, this I experienced in you when present, this I re;cogoiize in your Glory when ab­ sent. Theodore further endeared himself to Gregory by his charity in sending alms to Rome for the poor and cap­ tives. A le tte r to Theodore affords an admirable example of Gregory’ s solicitude for the true welfare of his friends and it also displays his tactful manner of reminding them of their own neglect in this regard. Since he loves most who most presumes on his love, I have a complaint to make against the gracious mind of my most glorious son, the Lord Theodore, because he has received from the Holy Trinity the gift of intellect, the gift of wealth, the gift of mercy and love, and yet he is ceaselessly absorbed in secular business, he is occupied with the con­ stant ceremonies of the court, and he neglects the daily reading of His saviour’ s words. Yet what is Scripture but God’ s letter to His creatures? üow, i f you were somewhere and received a le tte r from your earthly emperor, you would doubtless not pause a moment, you would not re st, you would not sleep, until you had learned what this earthly*

•^Ib id . , IV, 31. Ego onnipotenti Deo gratias ago, quia eorum qui se vicissim veraciter diligunt loca animum non dididunt. Ecce enirn, dulcissime et glorio- sissme fili, longe nobis distamus corpore, et tarnen praesentes nobis existimus charitate. Hoc vestra opera, hoc scripta testantur, hoc de praesenti expertus sum, hoc de absenti vestra gloria recognosco. 16I b id ., VII, 28. 4 5 emperor had written to you. The Emperor of heaven, the Lord of men and angels, has sent you His le t ­ ters for the saving of your life, and yet, my glo­ rious son, you do not read them diligently. Study them, I pray you, meditate daily on your creator’ s words...... For your soul will rejoice in a deeper rest hereafter in proportion as it now knows no rest from the love of God.17 Gregoria, who was attached to the service of the empress’ s bed-chamcer, was another to whom Gregory gave spiritual help and to whom he was a director of con­ science while in Constantinople, a letter subsequently written to her reveals her as one given to self-accusa­ tion and inclined to scrupulosity. Nevertheless, Gregory’ s letter of reply to her scruples of conscience is gracious and fatherly. But, as to what thy Sweetness has added to thy le t ­ ter, namely, that thou w ill continue to be urgent with me till I write that it has been revealed to me that thy sins are forgiven, thou hast demanded a difficult, nay even unprofitable thing; difficult indeed, because I am unworthy of having a revela­ tion made to me; but unprofitable, because thou

17Ibid., IV, 31. sed quia ille plus diligit, qui plus prae8umit, erga dulcissiraam mentem gloriosis­ simi f i l i i me! danni Theodori habeo aliquam querelam, quia donum ingenii, donum rerum, donum miserieordiae atque chantatis a sancta Trinitate percepiti sed tarnen saeoularibus indesinenter causis astringi tur, assiduis processionibus occupatur, et quotidie legere negligit verba Redemptoris sui. Quid est autem Scriptura sacra, nisi quaedam epistola omnipotentis Dei ad creaturam suam? Et certe sicuti esset gloria vestra alibi con- stituta, et scripta terreni imperatorie acciperet, non cessaret, non quiesceret, somnum oculis non daret, nisi prius quid sibi imperator terrenus scripsisset agnovis- set. Imperator coeli, Dominus hommum et angelorum, pro vita tua tibi suas epistolas transmisit, et tarnen, gloriose fili, easdem epistolas ardenter legere negli- gis. Stude ergo, quaeso, et quotidie creatone tui verba meditare...... Tanto enim tunc major ei erit requieB, quanto modo amore Conditone sui requies nulla fu e rit. 4 6 ought not to become secure about thy sins, except when in the la st day of thy l i f e thou shalt be able no longer to bewail them.18 19 Harses was the general-in-chief at the time of Maurice and from the correspondence which he later car­ ried on with Gregory he discloses that though he is a patrician, he is vitally interested in theological dis- cussions. * In a le tte r which Gregory w ill one day write to him w e have proof that the whole entourage of the patri­ cian were on friendly terms with Gregory for he writes, «Give my salutations to the lord Alexander, the lord Theodorus, my son Marinus, the lady E sicia, the lady Eudochia and the lady Dominica."20 Gregory’ s subsequent correspondence discloses that he had made acquaintance with a large number of ladies of rank with whom he kept up affectionate fatherly intercourse* Mention must be made of one of these ladies of rank, Rusticiana, a great Roman lady who with her fam ily, had taken refuge in Constantinople. There are

1AIbid. , VII, 25. quod vero dulcedo tua in suis e p is to lis sucjunxit importunala se mihl existere, quoadus- que scrlbam mihi esse revelatum quia peccata tua dlmissa sunt, rem difficilem etiam et inutilem postulasti: diffi- cilem quidem, quia ego indignus sum cui revelatio fieri debeat; inutilem vero, quia secura de peccatis tuis fieri non debe8, nisi cum jam in die vitae tuae ultimo piangere eadem peccata minime valebis. 19Ibid. , VI, 15. 20Ib id . , I, 6. Domnum Alexandrum, domnum Theo- dorum, f i Hum meum Marinum, domnam Esiciam, domnam Eudo- chiam, et domnam Dominican, mea peto vice salutari. 47 extant fiv e le tte rs addressed, to her which extend over a period of several years. The attempt had been made to injure her in the eyes of the emperor and she had confided her anxieties to her friend, Gregory. He encouraged her to put her confidence in God, and also to persist in her plan of making a pilgrimage to the Holy places.21 To this same Rusticiana Gregory spoke as a pa­ triotic Roman to a fellow-Roman and reproved her for having fled from Rome to take refuge at Constantinople and especially for not returning to Rome in spite of his repeated and urgent request that she do so. I remember having before written to your Excellency, and repeatedly urged you to lose no time in revisit­ ing the threshold of the blessed peter, prince of the Apostles. And what means your so great delight in the city of Constantinople and your oblivion of the city of Rome, I know n ot...... I f , however, you are afraid of the swords and wars of Italy, you should attentively observe how great is the protection of the blessed Peter, prince of the Apostles, in this city, wherein without a large force of people, and without military aid, we are preserved for so many years among swords.22 Other letters to Rusticiana are letters of

21Ib id -, II, 27. 22Ibid. , V ili, 22. Jam dudum vestrae excellen- tiae me scripsisse, et saepius imminuisse reminiscor, ut beati petri apostolorum principis limina revidere f'esti- net. Et quae tanta sit Constantinopolitanae civitatia delectatio, quaeve Romanae urbis oblivio, ignoro...... Sin vero gladios italiae ac bella formidatis, solliclte debetis aspicere quanta beati P etri apostolorum principia in hac urbe protectio est, in qua sine magnitudine populi, et sine adjutoriis militum tot annis inter gladi os il- laesi servamur. 4 8 gratitude for alms and gifts which she had sent to the See of peter.23 Among Gregory*s friends at Constantinople, men­ tion must also be made of Anastasius, the deposed Patri­ arch of Antioch who was a learned theologian. He had been unjustly removed from his see by the Emperor Justin in 570,24 * and had come to reside as a private citizen in Con­ stantinople. Here he met Gregory and a friendship sprang up between the men. The fa c t that Gregory, when elevated to the see of Rome, addressed his synodical letter to Anastasius as well as to the actual occupant of the see of Antioch P5 shows that Gregory was convinced that the deposition was uncanonical. But of a ll the friends that Gregory made while at Constantinople, his most intimate and dearest friend was the saintly Spaniard Leander, archbishop of Seville. * Leander had come to the East on a mission fo r the in ter­ est of the cath olic fa ith in Spain and to seek the em­ peror’ s assistance in behalf of his convert, Hermenigild, the Catholic prince of Spain, who had taken up arms against his Arian father, King Leovigild.26 After Hermini- gild’ s death, Leander dared not return to his native coun­ try until after the decease of Leovigild, which took place

23Ibid., I, 22; XI, 44.

24Du dden, op. ci t., i , 155. 23EPP. I , 25. 26Batiffol, op. cit., p. 45. 49 in 586. During his stay in Constantinople, the famous archbishop was Gregory’ s constant companion, xhe tastes and interests of the two closely corresponded. A theo­ logian, a controversialist against the Asians, a writer of discourses on the Psalms, a musical composer, a stu­ dent of matters litu r g ic a l, a charming letter-w riter, an enthusiastic admirer of the monastic l i f e , Leander was a man after Gregory’ s own h ea rt.*' Leander was received into the very society of Gregory’s little community of monks who had accompanied him from saint Andrew’ s to Con­ stantinople. Here he assisted Gregory in his studies, criticized his expositions, and advised him on the af­ fa irs of the Church. To him Gregory could open his in ­ most soul. When I knew you long since at Constantinople, my blessed brother at the time that I was kept there by the a ffa irs of the Apostolic see, and you had been brought thither by an embassage, with which you were charged, on counts touching the faith of the Visigoths, I then detailed in your eyes all that displeased me in myself, since for late and long I declined the grace of conversion...... * 28 The intellectual monument of this noble friend­ ship is Gregory’ s commentary on Job or the Magna M or alia

t which is an important work and a storehouse of sixth

2^Dudden, op. c i t . , i , 155. 28Epp. V, 55a. Dudum te, fra te r beatissime, in Constantinopolitana urbe cognoscens, cute me illic sedie apostolicae res ponsa constringerent, et te illue in- juncta prò causis fidei Visigothorum legatio perduxis- set, omne in tuis auribus, quos mihi de me displicebat, exposui; quoniam diu longeque conversionis gratiam d is t u li...... 50 century theology and morale, it was undertaken at the earnest request of the monks and Leander. I t was then that i t seemed good to those same brethren, you too adding your influence, as you yourself remember, to oblige me by the importu­ nity of their requests to set forth the book of the blessed Job...... 2* During the time which Gregory could spare from his official business, he began this exposition of the book of Job by word of mouth conferences. Later he dic­ tated the discourses as homilies, and finally, at the request of Leander, he remodelled the whole into thirty- fiv e books as a commentary on Job. To Leander Gregory appropriately dedicated this work.3^ Though the two never met after Gregory’ s de­ parture from Constantinople, Leander* s and Gregory’ s affection for one another ever remained as their let­ ters testify. * With what ardour I am ath irst to see thee thou readest in the tables of thine own heart since thou lovest me exceedingly.3* Gregory later, when he was pope, sent a pallium to Leander and at the same time paid him a genuine tr ib ­ ute of praise when he wrote: in sending i t to you i ought to admonish you much as to how you ought to liv e ; but i suppress

2®Itid. Tunc eisdem f r atri bus, etiam cogente te, placuit, sicut ipse meministi, ut librum beati Job ex- pone re importuna me petitions compellerent...... 50Ib id . 3*Ibid. , V, 49. quanto ardore videre te sitiam, quia valde me diligis, in tui tabulis cordis legis. 51 speeoh since in your manner of life you antici­ pate my words.32 * Despite the fa ct that Gregory remained in Con­ stantinople for about seven years and there made so many life -lo n g friends i s t i l l he never learned the Greek lan­ guage. Hence in his subsequent correspondence with them he used the Latin language and he obliged them, if pos­ sib le , to use it in writing to him.35

From a study of Gregory’ s le tte rs written to friends whom he had made while a Papal ambassador to Con­ stantinople, we discover ample proofs of the confidence which Gregory’ s friends placed in him and of the loyalty Which they showed him. Even in later years they en­ trusted to him their problems and difficulties, when Theoctista, the sister of the emperor Maurice, was ac­ cused of holding h eretical opinions, she at once eought Gregory’ s advice.34 When the count Narees was in doubt about the orthodoxy of a certain book which was written to condemn the writings of Athanasius the presbyter, he felt free to ask Gregory’s opinion and had perfect con­ fidence in his correct judgment. Your Charity, being anxious to learn our opinion has been to the pains of writing us to ask what we think of the book against the presbyter

32Ibid. , IX, 121. $uo transmisso, valde debui quali ter vocis esset vivendum, admonere; sed locutionem supprimo, quia verba moribus a n te itis. 55Ib id . , IV, 52. 34Ib id ., XI, 45. 52 Athanasius which was sent to us...... This same friend so admired Gregory's spiritual wisdom that he implored Gregory to benefit others by his spiritual counsels. Further, your sweet charity, has written to me that I should write something in the way of ad­ monition to the monasteries which, through your prayers and influence have been in stitu ted by our own son the lord Paul.06 On the other hand, we see the solicitude, f i­ delity, and affection that Gregory gave them in return. A letter to Clementina, one of the ladies of rank at Constantinople, is characteristic of his abiding inter­ est in his friends. But count on us, dearest daughter, confidently in a ll things, as indeed you may; and, since we always desire to hear of your prosperity, re­ fresh us often by your letters.™ 35

35Ibid., VI, 14. Charitas vestra, sollicitudi- nem nostrae opini onis habens, seri bere studuit quid de i l i o Codice qui contra Athanasium presbyterum transmis- sus est sensit. 56Ibid. , VII, 30. Pulci esima autem vestra chari- tas mihi scripsit, ut monasteriis quae per orationes et magisterium vestrum a filio nostro domno Paulo insti tuta sunt, aliquid admonendo scriberem. s7Ibid., X, 15. De nobis autem sicut re vera, diarissima filia, fiducialiter in cunctis praesumite; et quia de vestra cupimus prospettate semper audire, dis- currentibus nos eaepius epistolis relevate. CHAPTER V I

CONCLUSION

Our investigation of the career of Gregory as papal apocrieiarius or ambassador at Constantinople has revealed that his mission was twofold; namely, to repre­ sent the pope in e cc le s ia s tica l matters and to promote the temporal interest of Rome and Italy with the emperor. Rome and Italy were in a critical state, threat­ ened by the swords of the Lombards and suffering from the calamity of famine. No one realized this more than did Gregory. Therefore, as papal ambassador, he pressed the emperor urgently and repeatedly for aid and temporal protection against the barbarians. All evidence shows that Gregory was w ell received by the emperor and that certain aid, while wholly inadequate, was given as a re­ sult of his endeavours, it was inability rather than un­ w illingness which prevented the emperor from sending an army to Italy. The Persian War required all the forces he could muster. However, Gregory continued to remind the emperor of Italy’s dire need. The latter, since he could not spare an army, entered into negotiations with the pranks with a view of securing their aid against the Lombards. Before Gregory’ s re c a ll, the Pranks, en­ couraged by the imperial negotiations and gold, and by

53 54 the urgent appeals of the pope, showed, themselves w ill­ ing to a ssist the Romans against the Lombards, in addi­ tion a new exarch, who was determined to take more ac­ tive measures against the Lombards, was appointed, the combined action of the Franks and the now more active im­ perial forces presaged such a menace to the Lombards that the latter w illin gly signed a three years’ truce at the request of the exarch. Regardless of this temporary peace which was se­ cured, Gregory’ s sojourn at Constantinople was the means of h is gauging the weakness of the Eastern Empire and realizing the peril it was in. it convinced him that there was little hope of succours from the imperial Gov­ ernment and that i f Rome and ita ly were to be saved at all, it must be through their own vigorous and inde­ pendent action. Gregory was a man of excellent character, had a good education and was used to money. His attitu de, back­ ground and culture fitted him for his position as ambassa­ dor to the court, in his role as representative of the pope, Gregory assumed in the name of saint peter a tone of independent dignity. He was, at the imperial court, the champion and defender of the integrity of the Catho­ lic Eaith and of the prerogatives of the see of peter. In his controversy with Eutychius, we see that Gregory was fearless in upholding catholic teaching and notwith­ standing his natural meekness, his courage was undaunted 55 and his confidence in the divine assistance unshaken amidst the greatest difficulties, when he was con­ vinced of the justice of his stand and that truth was on h is side, no dangers however great could deter him from his tenacious resolution to correct erroneous opinions on matters of faith. During his official residence in the imperial City, he mastered the workings of the Eastern Church, and observed its tendencies, the character of its teachings and its tone of thought. His own equal vigor and humility in conducting his delicate business secured for him the good w ill and even the steadfast friendship of many influential per­ sons at the Byzantine court. These latter proved very helpful to him by using their influence to second his e ffo rts with the emperor.

A detailed study of Gregory's career as papal am­ bassador has shown that Gregory, as an ambassador, com­ bined in a remarkable degree, an affectionate and pleas­ ing deference towards the imperial and e ccle sia stica l

authorities in Constantinople, with firmness of purpose / and energy of execution. At times he was yielding in form and expression but he was always tenacious to prin­ ciple. He conducted his diplomatic business thoroughly; with prudence, patience, foresight, and ability and with­ out a trace of personal vanity or political motive. The sole object in all his negotiations was the furtherance 56 of imperial interest in the west, and the preservation of the integrity of the Holy Catholic Faith. That Gregory’s executive ability as a legate was recognized and that it redounded to his esteem and popu­ larity at home, as well as in Constantinople, may be gathered from the fa ct that shortly afterwards, upon the death of Pope Pelagius II, he was unanimously selected by the clergy and people of Rome to fill the papal chair, and when the Emperor Maurice was asked to confirm the election, he rejoiced over the selection and gave imme­ diate orders for his installation.

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58 primary sources Library of the Fathers of the Holy catholic Church. Tr. by Members of the English Church. Saint Gregory the Great» Vols. 1-4. Oxford: John Henry Parker, 18T5. Migne, J. P. Patrologia Latina, Historia Francorum, by Gregory of Tours', Vol. 71"! Paris, 184V.' . patrologia Latina, Letters of Pope St. Gregory the Great, yol. 77. Paris, 184?. . Patrologia Latina, Libri Moralium, Yol. 77. ------Paris, 184'7. " ______. patrologia Latina, Vita G regorii, by John the Deaeon, Vol. 75. paris, 184 7. . Patrologia Latina, Vita Gregorii Magni, by Paul the Deacon, Vol. Paris, 1647” . Patrologia Latina, Vita Gregorii Magni, Ex Ejue Scriptis Adornata, by Dom penis de Sainte Martfhe, Vol. 75. Paris, 1847. Uicene and post-Hicene Fathers. Selected Letters of pope Gregory the Great, Vols.' XII and xiii'. Translated by Reverend J. Barmby. London; Ox­ ford press, 1879.

Secondary Sources Bardenhewer, 0. patrology. Tr. by I . J. shahan. St. Louis; Herder Co., 1908. Batiffol, Pierre, saint Gregory the Great. Translated by John L. sioddafd. Chicago"; Benziger Bros., 1929. Butler, Alban. Lives of the Saints. Vol. I. H-ew York; P. J. Kennedy and son, 189B. Cayre, F. Manual of Patrology and History of Theology. Trby H. HowilV. Paris, 1927. Dudden, F. H. Gregory the Great--His Place in History and Thought. 2 Vols\ London; Longmans, Green and Co".", 1'905. Encyclopaedia Britannica. 11th Ed. “Gregory," X, 869 70'. Cam'b ridge, 1910. 59 GriBar, H., S.J. History of Rome and the popes in the Middle Age's! 5 vole! London; K. Paul, Yrench, Trubner and Co., 1911. Hodgkins, T. Italy and Her invaders. 8 vols. London; Oxf ord prees, 1880.' Kudleston, G. R. »Gregory I, the Great.» Catholic En­ cyclopedia, VI, 780-89. Hew York; The Encyclo- pedia Prees, In c., 1913. Mann, H. K. The Lives of the popes in the Early Middle Ages. London; Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner, and Co., 1902. Mommsen, T. History of Rome. 5 vols. Hew York; Scrib­ ner and sons"! 1898. Montalembert, Count. Monks of the west. 3 vols. London; W. Blockward and Sons, 1861. Raemers, S. A. Church H istory. Tr. by Dom C. Poulet. St. Louis; Herder Book c o . , 1944. Rand, E. K. Poundsre of the Middle Ages. Cambridge; Harvard University press, 1928. Snow, T. B. Saint Gregory the Great--His Work and His SpiriTI London; Go'dges, 1892. Spearing, Edward. The patrimony of the Roman Church in the Time of Gregory the GreaC! England: Cam­ bridge University press, 1918.

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