Electoral Justice in Kenya Under the 2010 Constitution Implementation, Enforcement, Reversals and Reforms

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Load more

Electoral justice in Kenya under the 2010 Constitution Implementation, enforcement, reversals and reforms Ben Sihanya July 2017 Forthcoming as Chapter 13 in Ben Sihanya (forthcoming 2017) Constitutional Democracy in Kenya and Africa, Vol 1: Tribalism, Elections, Governance, Human Rights, the Rule of Law and Due Process, Sihanya Mentoring & Innovative Lawyering, Nairobi & Siaya 1 Electoral justice in Kenya under the 2010 Constitution Implementation, enforcement, reversals and reforms 1. Problem and background to Kenya’s quest for constitutional democracy through a just electoral process and governance My overarching argument in this chapter is that since the promulgation of the Constitution of Kenya 2010, Kenya has experienced reversals in implementation and enforcement of the Constitution generally. The process and the outcome in the 2017 General Elections provided an opportunity for Kenyans to re-ignite hope and reforms in governance and public administration. I discuss implementation, enforcement, reversals and reforms in the quest for constitutional democracy in Kenya in the context of at least three key themes: First, presidential electoral justice, and the conduct of free, fair, accurate, verifiable, accountable and transparent general elections. Second, significance of democratic political party nomination and governance. Third, the quest for tribal equity, integrity and general constitutionality or legality in electoral administration and governance. The Constitution of Kenya 2010 is transformative and a progressive legal instrument that if fully implemented, it can fulfil Kenya’s aspirations for democratic governance. If fully implemented, Kenya can achieve its political and socio-economic aspirations. I have argued in most of my publications that the search or quest for a new constitutional dispensation in Kenya seeks to rationalize and secure equity regarding the role of the state in the economy and particularly to address the problem of primitive accumulation by state or political elite. Moreover the quest also seeks to end or reduce authoritarianism and secure liberties through the rule of law, human rights, social justice and constitutional democracy. Briefly, the search for a new constitutional dispensation in Kenya has been the quest for economic, political and social justice, equity and egalitarianism.1 The Constitution of Kenya 2010 was written and adopted to provide solutions to the challenges Kenyans have experienced since independence, and to address future constitutional aspirations or commitments. 1 See Ben Sihanya (forthcoming 2017) Constitutional Democracy in Kenya and Africa Vol. 2: Presidency, Bureaucracy and Administrative Justice in Kenya; Revised Teaching Notes on Constitutional Law and Comparative Constitutional Law by Ben Sihanya 2004-2017, Sihanya Mentoring & Innovative Lawyering, Nairobi & Siaya; Ben Sihanya (2017) “Introduction to Constitutional Law in Kenya,” Class 2 Teaching Notes for LLB I Constitutional Process, University of Nairobi Law School, (2004-2017), Innovative Lawyering & Sihanya Mentoring, Nairobi & Siaya, Kenya. 2 Why focus on elections? First, because it is one of the three cornerstones of sovereignty and constitutional democracy. Second, because elections provide an opportunity to fill the following important offices in governance and public administration: One (1) President, One (1) deputy President, 47 County Governors, 47 Senators, 47 County Women representatives of the National Assembly, thousands of Members of County Assembly (MCA).2 Third, elections provide an opportunity to debate and decide on how Kenyans are to be governed. Fourth, free and fair elections provide a basis for good governance and constitutional democracy. The President, Governor, Senators, Members of the National Assembly (MPs), members of the county assemblies (MCAs) and all are made aware that they are chosen to lead and follow the law or else they will be recalled, voted out next time, imprisoned or disqualified from holding any public office. Certainty of assuming office and corrupted elections have created a sense of entitlement and corrupted most governance institutions. They have become non-accountable. Elections have raised anxiety and tensions as some incumbents and opponents use any means to retain or acquire power in a context where the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) is largely non-compliant, incompetent, partisan and lawless. 2. Kenya’s emerging electoral jurisprudence The emerging electoral jurisprudence in Kenya especially on presidential and gubernatorial election petitions (2013-2017) showed lack of fidelity by the Supreme Court, and some Court of Appeal as well as some High Court benches, to the progressive electoral regime under the Constitution of Kenya 2010 and the relevant statutes. Remarkably, some High Court and Court of Appeal judges exhibited remarkable judicial independence, insight and integrity in electoral matters. Kenya’s electoral code consists of the Constitution of Kenya 2010; the relevant statutes; regulations and rules; policy instruments; and operational guidelines. The following list captures the extant electoral code and proposed instruments. The instruments are in the order of their relevance with regards to the electoral process or cycle. Acts on electoral justice 1. Political Parties Act, 2011, Cap 7B, Revised Edition 2012 [2011] (Amended 2017). 2. Political Parties (Amendment) Act, No. 2 of 2016 (Kenya Gazette Suppl. No. 112)7/7/16 3. Political Parties (Amendment) Act, No. 14 of 2016 (Kenya Gazette Suppl. No. 80) 20/5/16 4. Political Parties (Amendment) Bill No. 2 of 2016 (Kenya Gazette Suppl. No. 2) 5/12/216 5. Political Parties Act, 2017, Cap 7A Revised Edition 2010 [2007] (Repealed and replaced) 6. Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission Act, No. 9 of 2011 (Amended 2017). 7. Elections Act, No. 24 of 2011 (Revised Edition 2015 [2012]) (Amended 2017). 8. Election Laws (Amendment) Act No. 1 of 2017 (Kenya Gazette Suppl. No. 4) 16/1/17 9. Election Laws (Amendment) Act No. 36 of 2016 (Kenya Gazette Suppl. No. 157) 6/1/17 10. Election Offences Act, No. 37 of 2016 11. Publication of Electoral Opinion Polls Act, No. 39 of 2012 2 Article 136 provides for the Election of the President; Article 180 on the Election of Governors; Article 97(1)(b) and 98 (1)(a); Article 89(1) for Members of the National Assembly. 3 12. Election Campaign Financing Act, No. 42 of 2013 (Revised Ed. 2016 [2012] (Suspended to post 2017 General Elections). Regulations on electoral justice 1. Elections (Technology) Regulations, 2017 (Kenya Gazette Supplement No. 61) 21/4/2017 2. Elections (Party Primaries and Party Lists) Regulations, 2017 (Kenya Gazette Supplement No. 62) 21/4/2017 3. Elections (Voter Education) Regulations, 2017 (Kenya Gazette Supplement No. 63) 21/4/2017 4. Elections (General) (Amendment) Regulations, 2017 (Kenya Gazette Supplement No. 64) 21/4/2017 5. Elections (Registration of Voters) Regulations, 2012 6. Elections (Voter Education) Regulations, 2012 (Amended 2017) 7. Elections (General) Regulations, 2012 (Amended 2017) 8. Rules of Procedure on Settlement of Disputes, 2012 9. Elections (Parliamentary and County) Petition Rules, 2013 (Revoked and replaced) 10. Elections (Parliamentary and County) Petition Rules, 2013. Policies on electoral justice 1. IEBC’s Call for Public Input on Proposed Elections ICT Regulations, October 26, 2017. African or Transnational Instruments 1. African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, 2007 (Ratified 2012) 2. Declaration on the Framework for an OAU Response to Unconstitutional Changes of Government, AHG/Decl. 5 (XXXVI) The following two are crucial in appreciating and implementing Kenya’s electoral code: Emerging case law or jurisprudence; Emerging administrative and quasi-judicial decisions.3 Kenya’s electoral justice has been compromised at the altar of political expediency, especially tribal MIBSA: manipulation, intimidation, bribery, stealing of votes at the stage of counting, polling and even scrutinising, as well as threatened or actual arson, assault and assassination. 4 Presidential electoral injustices are part of tribal domination or hegemony, or what Prof ES Atieno Odhiambo has called “ethnic-based hegemonic enterprises.”5 3 Some of the relevant, if not controversial, decisions include those regarding electoral matters by the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) under the IEBC Act, the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) under the EACC Act; Public Procurement Advisory Review Board (PPARB) under the Public Procurement and Asset Disposal (PPAD) Act, 2015; and the Commission of Administration of Justice (CAJ) under the CAJ Act. 4 Cf Gabrielle Lynch (2015) “So, why aren’t we putting our house in order way ahead of 2017 elections?” Saturday Nation, 2/12015, at http://www.nation.co.ke/oped/Opinion/General-Election-2017-IEBC- Polls/-/440808/2576818/-/makhmjz/-/index.html (accessed 13/3/2015). 5 See ES Atieno Odhiambo (2002) “Hegemonic enterprises and instrumentalities of survival: Ethnicity and democracy in Kenya,” 61, African Studies Review 223- 249; E.S. Atieno Odhiambo (2004) “Hegemonic enterprises and instrumentalities of survival: Ethnicity and democracy in Kenya,” in Bruce Berman, Dickson Eyoh & Will 4 The promulgation of the Constitution of Kenya on 27 August 2010 was a turning point for Kenya’s electoral and general governance system. The Constitution embodies rules, principles and values or norms that form the basis of representation, participation and
Recommended publications
  • Moorings: Indian Ocean Trade and the State in East Africa

    Moorings: Indian Ocean Trade and the State in East Africa

    MOORINGS: INDIAN OCEAN TRADE AND THE STATE IN EAST AFRICA A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Nidhi Mahajan August 2015 © 2015 Nidhi Mahajan MOORINGS: INDIAN OCEAN TRADE AND THE STATE IN EAST AFRICA Nidhi Mahajan, Ph. D. Cornell University 2015 Ever since the 1998 bombings of American embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam, especially post - 9/11 and the “War on Terror,” the Kenyan coast and the Indian Ocean beyond have become flashpoints for national and international security. The predominantly Muslim sailors, merchants, and residents of the coast, with transnational links to Somalia, the Middle East, and South Asia have increasingly become the object of suspicion. Governments and media alike assume that these longstanding transnational linkages, especially in the historical sailing vessel or dhow trade, are entwined with networks of terror. This study argues that these contemporary security concerns gesture to an anxiety over the coast’s long history of trade and social relations across the Indian Ocean and inland Africa. At the heart of these tensions are competing notions of sovereignty and territoriality, as sovereign nation-states attempt to regulate and control trades that have historically implicated polities that operated on a loose, shared, and layered notion of sovereignty and an “itinerant territoriality.” Based on over twenty-two months of archival and ethnographic research in Kenya and India, this dissertation examines state attempts to regulate Indian Ocean trade, and the manner in which participants in these trades maneuver regulatory regimes.
  • Newspaper Visibility of Members of Parliament in Kenya*

    Newspaper Visibility of Members of Parliament in Kenya*

    Journalism and Mass Communication, ISSN 2160-6579 D July 2012, Vol. 2, No. 7, 717-734 DAVID PUBLISHING Newspaper Visibility of Members of Parliament in Kenya* Kioko Ireri Indiana University, Bloomington, USA This research investigates variables that predicted news coverage of 212 members of parliament (MPs) in Kenya by four national newspapers in 2009. The 10 variables examined are: ordinary MP, cabinet minister, powerful ministry, parliamentary committee chairmanship, seniority, big tribe identity, major party affiliation, presidential ambition, commenting on contentious issues, and criticizing government. Findings indicate that commenting on contentious issues, criticizing government, cabinet minister, ordinary MP, powerful ministry, and seniority significantly predicted visibility of the parliamentarians in newspaper news. However, a multiple regression analysis shows that the strongest predictors are commenting on contentious issues, cabinet minister, criticizing government, and big tribe identity. While commenting on controversial issues was the strongest predictor, major party identification and committee leadership were found not to predict MPs’ visibility. Keywords: Kenya, members of parliament (MPs), newspapers, newspaper visibility, politicians, visibility, visibility predictor Introduction Today, the mass media have become important platforms for the interaction of elected representatives and constituents. Through the mass media, citizens learn what their leaders are doing for them and the nation. Similarly, politicians use the media to make their agendas known to people. It is, thus, rare to come across elected leaders ignorant about the importance of registering their views, thoughts, or activities in the news media. In Kenya, members of parliament have not hesitated to exploit the power of the mass media to its fullest in their re-election bids and in other agendas beneficial to them.
  • Devolution Conference 23Rd - 27Th April 2018 Kakamega High School Kakamega County

    Devolution Conference 23Rd - 27Th April 2018 Kakamega High School Kakamega County

    THE FIFTH ANNUAL DEVOLUTION CONFERENCE 23RD - 27TH APRIL 2018 KAKAMEGA HIGH SCHOOL KAKAMEGA COUNTY “Sustainable, Productive, Effective and Efficient Governments for Results Delivery” Our Vision Prosperous and democratic Counties delivering services to every Kenyan. Our Mission To be a global benchmark of excellence in devolution that is non-partisan; providing a supporting pillar for County Government as a platform for consultation, information sharing, capacity building, performance management and dispute resolution. Our Values Our core values are: professionalism, independence, equality and equity, cooperation and being visionary. Our Motto 48 Governments, 1 Nation. THE FIFTH ANNUAL DEVOLUTION CONFERENCE 2018 | i A publication by: The Council of County Governors (COG) Delta Corner, 2nd Floor, Opp PWC Chiromo Road, Off Waiyaki Way P.O Box 40401 - 00100 Nairobi, Kenya Email: [email protected] Phone: +254 (020) 2403313/4 Mobile: +254729777281 http://www.cog.go.ke ©November 2018 The production of this report was supported by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) through the Agile and Harmonized Assistance for Devolved Institutions (AHADI) Program. The contents are the responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States Government. Contents Abbreviations v Foreword vii Statement By The Chairperson, Devolution Conference Steering Committee viii Acknowledgement ix Executive Summary xi 1.0 Introduction 1 1.1 Background 1 1.2 Conference Objectives 1 1.3 Opening Ceremony 2
  • Parliament of Kenya the Senate

    Parliament of Kenya the Senate

    July 2, 2013 SENATE DEBATES 1 PARLIAMENT OF KENYA THE SENATE THE HANSARD Tuesday, 2nd July, 2013 The Senate met at the Kenyatta International Conference Centre at 2.30 p.m. [The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro) in the Chair] PRAYERS Sen. Orengo: On a point of order, Mr. Speaker, Sir. Did you see what Sen. Musila did while the Speaker’s retinue was in procession? He just joined and became part of the procession. He did not even wait for you to take your Seat. Is that in order for somebody who has been a Deputy Speaker? (Sen. Musila stood up in his place) The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro): Sen. Musila, are you standing there to confirm what Sen. Orengo is suggesting? Sen. Musila: Mr. Speaker, Sir, I was in the process of approaching the Chair on an important matter. Yes, I did actually follow way behind the Speaker’s procession. I came in to ensure that there is a quorum. So, Mr. Speaker, Sir, if I made any mistake, I apologize. QUORUM CALL AT COMMENCEMENT OF SITTING The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro): Order, Hon. Senators! Could we confirm if we have a quorum? The Clerk of the Senate (Mr. Nyegenye): Mr. Speaker, Sir, we have 20 Senators in the House. Yes, we have a quorum. Sen. Orengo: I need your direction, Mr. Speaker, Sir--- The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro): Order, Sen. Orengo. Even if you need my direction, it is not for you to speak whenever you want to speak. An hon. Senator: He is out of order! The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro): If you really believe the Chair is giving a ruling on such a mundane matter, then you must also follow the serious ones of seeking the Chair’s permission to speak.
  • Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012

    Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012

    Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 1 Module 4: Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012 Country: Kenya Date of Election: 4 March 2013 Prepared by: Matthias Krönke, Abel Oyuke and Robert Mattes Date of Preparation: 23 November 2016 NOTES TO COLLABORATORS: . The information provided in this report contributes to an important part of the CSES project. The information may be filled out by yourself, or by an expert or experts of your choice. Your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated! Any supplementary documents that you can provide (e.g., electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports) are also appreciated, and may be made available on the CSES website. Answers should be as of the date of the election being studied. Where brackets [ ] appear, collaborators should answer by placing an “X” within the appropriate bracket or brackets. For example: [X] . If more space is needed to answer any question, please lengthen the document as necessary. Data Pertinent to the Election at which the Module was Administered 1a. Type of Election [] Parliamentary/Legislative [X] Parliamentary/Legislative and Presidential [ ] Presidential [ ] Other; please specify: __________ 1b. If the type of election in Question 1a included Parliamentary/Legislative, was the election for the Upper House, Lower House, or both? [ ] Upper House [ ] Lower House [X] Both [ ] Other; please specify: __________ Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 2 Module 4: Macro Report 2a. What was the party of the president prior to the most recent election, regardless of whether the election was presidential? Party of National Unity and Allies (National Rainbow Coalition) 2b.
  • Raila Odinga and the Comrades

    Raila Odinga and the Comrades

    By Isaac Otidi Amuke Forgive me, comrades If I say something apolitical And shamefully emotional But in the dark of night It is as if my heart is clutched By a giant iron hand: “Treachery, treachery” I cry out Thinking of you, comrades And how you have betrayed The things we suffered for – Dennis Brutus During a 1998 visit to Uganda by US President Bill Clinton, First Lady Hillary Clinton was meant to have dinner with representatives of the Makerere University students’ guild. However, the Makerere students took the risk and liberty to invite an extra guest to the table, a Kenyan student from the University of Nairobi with whom they had built a comradeship. The Kenyan was part of a group campaigning for the reinstatement of the Students Organisation of Nairobi University (SONU), a historically radical organisation in Kenya’s largest and oldest university that had been banned in 1987. The body was reestablished in 1992, after which it was banned again. Throughout this period, Kenya’s strongman, Daniel arap Moi, was eternally fearful that SONU would partake in an onslaught against his authoritarian regime. There was a history. In 1982, when Moi was barely half a decade into his 24-year reign of terror, tens of University of Nairobi students – seen as coup sympathisers of an attempted putsch by junior Kenya Air Force officers – got rounded up by the nudged state. The majority were released after brief detentions, while those identified as lead troublemakers, including SONU president Tito Adungosi, got locked up on trumped-up charges. Adungosi was jailed for five years, dying mysteriously barely days before his release date.
  • Ethnic Politics and the Constitutional Review Process in Kenya Laurence Juma

    Ethnic Politics and the Constitutional Review Process in Kenya Laurence Juma

    Tulsa Journal of Comparative and International Law Volume 9 | Issue 2 Article 3 3-1-2002 Ethnic Politics and the Constitutional Review Process in Kenya Laurence Juma Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.law.utulsa.edu/tjcil Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Laurence Juma, Ethnic Politics and the Constitutional Review Process in Kenya, 9 Tulsa J. Comp. & Int'l L. 471 (2001). Available at: http://digitalcommons.law.utulsa.edu/tjcil/vol9/iss2/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by TU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Tulsa Journal of Comparative and International Law by an authorized administrator of TU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ETHNIC POLITICS AND THE CONSTITUTIONAL REVIEW PROCESS IN KENYA t Laurence Juma I. INTRODUCTION When the Daniel Arap Moi regime in Kenya reluctantly acceded to the amendment of the Constitution to allow for multi-party politics in 1991,' many political observers and opposition groups believed that it was indeed possible to effect change of government and institute democratic governance through elections. The 1992 and 1997 elections proved them wrong. Moi is still in power, and neither the increased number of players in the political scene, nor the diminishing foreign aid allocations have shown the promise of ever tempering his dominance. 2 And yet his regime continues to stifle individual freedoms and rights,' fan ethnic indifferences, attract blame for political murders,4 and worst of all, tolerate the plunder of national resources for the benefit of a few through corruption and tLecturer, Faculty of Law, University of Nairobi, Kenya; currently a research fellow at the Danish Center for Human Rights, Copenhagen, Denmark; M.A., International Peace Studies, University of Notre Dame; LL.M., University of Pennsylvania; LL.B., University of Nairobi.
  • Parliament of Kenya the Senate

    Parliament of Kenya the Senate

    April 25, 2013 SENATE DEBATES 1 PARLIAMENT OF KENYA THE SENATE THE HANSARD Thursday, 25th April, 2013 The Senate met at the Kenyatta International Conference Centre at 2.30 p.m. [The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro) in the Chair] PRAYERS QUORUM CALL AT COMMENCEMENT OF SITTING The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro): Order, hon. Senators. We need to determine if we have quorum. It seems we have a quorum. Let us proceed. COMMUNICATION FROM THE CHAIR PROCEDURE TO BE FOLLOWED ON CONCLUSION OF DEBATE ON MOTION ON PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro): Order, hon. Senators. I have a Communication to make with regard to the Motion on the Presidential Address, this being the third and final day. Before we conclude the Motion, I wish to draw your attention to the provisions of Standing Order No.69(1), which states as follows:- “When the Senate is to vote on any matter other than a Bill, the Speaker shall rule on whether the matter affects or does not affect counties. (2) The Speaker’s ruling under paragraph (1) shall be made after conclusion of debate on the matter but before the question is put. (3) When the Senate votes on a matter that does not affect counties, each Senator has one vote.” Hon. Senators, I, therefore, rule that the subject matter of the Motion being proposed is one of general interest and application. It is, therefore, not affecting counties within the meaning of Article 123 of the Constitution. It, therefore, follows that to the question on this Motion, each Senator is entitled to one vote.
  • Human Rights Abuse in Kenya Under Daniel Arap Moi, 1978-2001

    Human Rights Abuse in Kenya Under Daniel Arap Moi, 1978-2001

    HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSE IN KENYA UNDER DANIEL ARAP MOI, 1978-2001 Korwa G. Adar and Isaac M Munyae INTRODUCTION Jomo Kenyatta, the founding president of Kenya, passed away in August 1978 after fourteen years as head of state. His successor, Daniel Arap Moi, served as Kenyattas vice-president from 1966 - 1978. During Kenyatta's presidency, the political realm was dominated by a small Kikuyu elite, the so-called Kiambu Mafia, from Kenyata's home district. This group undermined Kenyatta's nationalist and populist background, alienating other ethnic groups, as well as many non-conforming Kikuyus. Although Moi was loyal to Kenyatta, he was never accepted into Kenyatta's inner circle. He also came from a small community--the Kalenjin. He was regarded by Kenyans to be the right candidate to steer the country towards a more accommodating human rights era, without ethnic dominance. This general perception of Moi by Kenyans was reinforced by the decisions and promises he made immediately he took over the presidency. In December 1978 Moi released all twenty-six political detainees across the ethnic spectrum, most of whom had been languishing in jails for years.1 He also reassured Kenyans that his administration would not condone drunkenness, "tribalism", corruption, and smuggling, problems already deeply entrenched in Kenya.2 His administration also took quick actions against top civil servants accused of corruption, culminating in the resignations of officials including the Police Commissioner, Bernard Hinga. These actions were interpreted by Kenyans as an indication of the dawn of a new era, a conducive environment for adherence to democracy and human rights.
  • BBI Final Version

    BBI Final Version

    Building Bridges to a United Kenya: from a nation of blood ties to a nation of ideals A REPORT BY THE PRESIDENTIAL TASKFORCE ON BUILDING BRIDGES TO UNITY ADVISORY OCTOBER 2019 Presidential Taskforce on Building Bridges to Unity Advisory, Kenyatta International Convention Centre, Nairobi. His Excellency the President of the Republic of Kenya and Commander-in-CHief of the Defence Forces, Hon. UHuru Kenyatta, CGH, State House, Nairobi. 23 October 2019 Your Excellency, You appointed this Taskforce by Gazette Notice No. 5154, publisHed on 31 May 2018. It Was our privilege, as per the mandate, to evaluate the national cHallenges outlined in the Joint Communiqué of ‘Building Bridges to a NeW Kenyan Nation’, and Having done so, make practical recommendations and reform proposals that build lasting unity. We conducted compreHensive public consultations that included meetings With citizens in all 47 counties, Hearing from elected leaders at the National and County levels, senior state officers, constitutional commissions, civil society and professional organisations, cultural leaders, the private sector, and subject-matter experts. THe Face of Kenya Was captured in this process: more than 7,000 citizens from all ethnic groups, genders, cultural and religious practices, and different social and economic sectors Were consulted. THe Taskforce Heard from more than 400 elected leaders past and present; prominent local voices from the community; and young people WHo added their voice to citizens in the Counties; 123 individuals representing major institutions, including constitutional bodies and major stakeHolders in the public and private sectors; 261 individuals and organisations WHo sent memoranda via (e)mail; and 755 citizens WHo offered HandWritten submissions during public forums in the Counties.
  • Radical Change to Education System Proposed from Page 1 Cy Makers to Design and Improve on Ers Services and Community Outreach Will Be Developed

    Radical Change to Education System Proposed from Page 1 Cy Makers to Design and Improve on Ers Services and Community Outreach Will Be Developed

    SPECIAL REPORT The TRANSITION TO COUNTY GOVERNMENTS — Pages 14 & 19 SUPPLEMENT Enhancing governance for all THE PARTNERSHIP FOR PEACE Link PROJECT FUNDED BY THE EU APRIL 2012 Issue No. 090 Kshs 40/= — Pages 15 - 18 Land bills full of flaws, experts say By FAITH MUIRURI for the allocation and disposal of public land, including entrenching public participation pro- HE much hyped land reforms in cedures perpetuating the same legal order that the country are likely to stall if the has caused abuse to public land by those in au- proposed laws are enacted in their thority in Kenya. T “The Land Registration Bill is equally in- present form. consistent with the Constitution for instance The three major bills earmarked to jumpstart with regard to devolution, gender equity and the process are full of inconsistencies which systems for land registration that would pro- negate the spirit and letter of the National Land mote the constitutionally required resolution Policy and the land chapter of the Constitution of historical injustices for marginalized groups, in developing key steps and legislation. minorities, women and historically disadvan- The Land Bill for instance, runs contrary to taged groups,” she explains. the principles of devolution; does not bring out Nyokabi says that the Community Land Bill the tenure systems or attempt to offer any form on its part is completely unconstitutional and it of restitution to the long-standing tenure prob- appears to have been modeled from an existing lems associated with the landless poor, persons Act of a foreign country with no bearing what- in informal settlement in urban areas, or those soever on the demands of Kenya’s new consti- who have weak tenure claims such as the so- tution and the National Land Policy.
  • Parliament of Kenya the Senate

    Parliament of Kenya the Senate

    April 24, 2013 SENATE DEBATES 1 PARLIAMENT OF KENYA THE SENATE THE HANSARD Wednesday, 24th April, 2013 The Senate met at the Kenyatta International Conference Centre at 2.30 p.m. [The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro) in the Chair] PRAYERS QUORUM CALL AT COMMENCEMENT OF SITTING The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro): Order, hon. Senators! We have the requisite quorum. Let us proceed. NOTICES OF MOTIONS APPROVAL OF MEMBERS OF THE CHAIRPERSONS PANEL The Senate Majority Leader (Sen. (Prof.) Kindiki: Mr. Speaker, Sir, I beg to give notice of the following two Motions:- THAT, pursuant to Standing Order No.16, the Senate approves the following Senators to be Members of the Chairpersons Panel and further, pursuant to Article 107(1)(c) of the Constitution, to be elected to preside at any sitting of the Senate in the absence of the Speaker and the Deputy Speaker:- 1. Sen. Kipchumba Murkomen 2. Sen. Masha Elizabeth Ongoro Disclaimer: The electronic version of the Senate Hansard Report is for information purposes only. A certified version of this Report can be obtained from the Hansard Editor, Senate. April 24, 2013 SENATE DEBATES 2 APPROVAL OF SENATORS TO MEMBERSHIP OF SENATE COMMITTEES THAT, pursuant to Standing Order No.177, the Senate approves the following Senators nominated by the Rules and Business Committee to be Members of the respective Committees as indicated below:- 1. STANDING COMMITTEES A. COMMITTEE ON AGRICULTURE, LAND AND NATURAL RESOURCES 1. Sen. Kivuti Lenny 2. Sen. Khaniri George 3. Sen. Melly Isaac 4. Sen. Chelule Liza 5. Sen. Lesuuda Naisula 6. Sen. Ong’era Janet 7.