List of Senate Delegations and Political Parties
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Haiti: Real Progress, Real Fragility a Special Report by the Inter-American Dialogue and the Canadian Foundation for the Americas
November 2007 Haiti: Real Progress, Real Fragility A Special Report by the Inter-American Dialogue and the Canadian Foundation for the Americas Haitian President René Préval says that working with the United Nations and other his country no longer deserves its “failed international partners – including a core state” stigma, and he is right. Haiti’s recent group of Latin American countries, the progress is real and profound, but it is United States and Canada – has achieved jeopardized by continued institutional modest but discernible progress in improv- dysfunction, including the government’s ing security and establishing, at least mini- inexperience in working with Parliament. mally, a democratic governing structure. There is an urgent need to create jobs, But institutions, both public and private, attract investment, overhaul and expand are woefully weak, and there has not been Haiti access to basic social services, and achieve significant economic advancement. Unem- tangible signs of economic recovery. Now ployment remains dangerously high and a that the United Nations has extended its majority of the population lives in extreme peacekeeping mandate until October 2008, poverty. Still, Haiti should be viewed today the international community must seek with guarded optimism. There is a real pos- ways to expand the Haitian state’s capacity sibility for the country to build towards a to absorb development aid and improve the better future. welfare of the population. The alternative could be dangerous backsliding. The Good News President René Préval was inaugurated in Haiti is beginning to emerge from the May 2006 following presidential and parlia- chaos that engulfed it in recent years. -
Congressional Record—Senate S8015
January 1, 2021 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE S8015 Whereas, in February 2019, the Department (B) guarantee unfettered humanitarian ac- (C) support credible efforts to address the of State announced that it would withhold cess and assistance to the Northwest and root causes of the conflict and to achieve some security assistance to Cameroon, in- Southwest regions; sustainable peace and reconciliation, pos- cluding equipment and training, citing cred- (C) exercise restraint and ensure that po- sibly involving an independent mediator, and ible allegations of human rights violations litical protests are peaceful; and efforts to aid the economic recovery of and by state security forces and a lack of inves- (D) establish a credible process for an in- fight coronavirus in the Northwest and tigation, accountability, and transparency clusive dialogue that includes all relevant Southwest regions; by the Government of Cameroon in response; stakeholders, including from civil society, to (D) support humanitarian and development Whereas, on December 26, 2019, the United achieve a sustainable political solution that programming, including to meet immediate States terminated the designation of Cam- respects the rights and freedoms of all of the needs, advance nonviolent conflict resolu- eroon as a beneficiary under the African people of Cameroon; tion and reconciliation, promote economic Growth and Opportunity Act (19 U.S.C. 3701 (3) affirms that the United States Govern- recovery and development, support primary et seq.) because ‘‘the Government of -
Memo to Kenya's Youth: Protect Your Motherland Or Perish,Doing
Memo to Kenya’s Youth: Protect Your Motherland or Perish By Willy Mutunga Kenya’s mixed election history Sometimes it is said, with some validity, that the only peaceful, non-violent, free, fair, credible, verifiable, and acceptable elections took place during the “sunset” years of British colonialism in Kenya (1957-1963). During these six years we elected our African representatives to the now multi-racial Legislative Council (LEGCO). It is during this period that decolonization talks took place in Kenya and later at Lancaster House, London. In 1961 Jomo Kenyatta was released from his detention at Maralal in the Samburu County. He soon joined his fellow Africans in the LEGCO, participated in the independence talks at Lancaster, London, as the leader of Kenya African National Union (KANU). His party KANU won the 1963 Elections, forming the internal self- government (Madaraka) from 01 June 1963. He became our first Prime minister on 12 December 1963 and the first President of our Republic on 12 December 1964. Although it was widely accepted that the colonial government and the British settlers would have loved a government of Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU) and the liberal British settlers, KANU was the more popular party. Rigging an election against KANU was out of the question. Gone were the days the colonial government would select their colonial chiefs from the outcomes of rigged queue voting (if for some reason they thought this voting was necessary). The post-colonial times are peppered with stories of the rigging of elections, particularly during the few years the Kenya People’s Union (KPU) existed before it was banned and its leaders detained in 1969. -
Toolkit: Citizen Participation in the Legislative Process
This publication was made possible with financial support from the Government of Canada. About ParlAmericas ParlAmericas is the institution that promotes PARLIAMENTARY DIPLOMACY in the INTER-AMERICAN system ParlAmericas is composed of the 35 NATIONAL LEGISLATURES from North, Central and South America and the Caribbean ParlAmericas facilitates the exchange of parliamentary BEST PRACTICES and promotes COOPERATIVE POLITICAL DIALOGUE ParlAmericas mainstreams GENDER EQUALITY by advocating for women’s political empowerment and the application of a gender lens in legislative work ParlAmericas fosters OPEN PARLIAMENTS by advancing the principles of transparency, accountability, citizen participation, ethics and probity ParlAmericas promotes policies and legislative measures to mitigate and adapt to the effects ofCLIMATE CHANGE ParlAmericas works towards strengthening democracy and governance by accompanying ELECTORAL PROCESSES ParlAmericas is headquartered in OTTAWA, CANADA Table of Contents Toolkit Co-creation Plan 6 Contributors 8 Introduction 9 Objective 9 Using this Toolkit 9 Defining Citizen Participation 10 Importance of Citizen Participation 10 Participation Ladder 11 Overview of Citizen Participation in the Legislative Process 12 Developing a Citizen Participation Strategy 15 Principles of Citizen Participation 16 Resources to Support Citizen Participation 17 Educating Citizens and Promoting Participation 18 Awareness Raising Programs and Campaigns 18 Citizen Participation Offices and Communications Departments 19 Parliamentary Websites -
Education in 11Th and 12Th Parliaments: Assessing Kenya’S Parliamentary 10-Year Legacy on the Actualization of the Right to Education
EDUCATION IN 11TH AND 12TH PARLIAMENTS: ASSESSING KENYA’S PARLIAMENTARY 10-YEAR LEGACY ON THE ACTUALIZATION OF THE RIGHT TO EDUCATION RESEARCH DONE BY MZALENDO TRUST FOR THE RELI EAST AFRICA PARTNERS WITH THE SUPPORT FROM THE REGIONAL LEARNING INITIATIVE (RELI AFRICA) Table of Contents LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ........................................................................................................................ 4 CHAPTER ONE ............................................................................................................................................. 6 BACKGROUND INFORMATION ........................................................................................................................... 6 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ....................................................................................................................................... 6 SCOPE OF STUDY ............................................................................................................................................... 6 METHODOLOGY .................................................................................................................................................. 6 PURPOSE OF STUDY ........................................................................................................................................... 7 CHAPTER TWO ............................................................................................................................................ 7 SENATE LEGACY ON EDUCATION ......................................................................................................... -
Kenya Election History 1963-2013
KENYA ELECTION HISTORY 1963-2013 1963 Kenya Election History 1963 1963: THE PRE-INDEPENDENCE ELECTIONS These were the last elections in pre-independent Kenya and the key players were two political parties, KANU and KADU. KADU drew its support from smaller, less urbanized communities hence advocated majimboism (regionalism) as a means of protecting them. KANU had been forced to accept KADU’s proposal to incorporate a majimbo system of government after being pressured by the British government. Though KANU agreed to majimbo, it vowed to undo it after gaining political power. The majimbo constitution that was introduced in 1962 provided for a two-chamber national legislature consisting of an upper (Senate) and lower (House of Representative). The Campaign KADU allied with the African People’s Party (APP) in the campaign. KANU and APP agreed not to field candidates in seats where the other stood a better chance. The Voting Elections were marked by high voter turnout and were held in three phases. They were widely boycotted in the North Eastern Province. Violence was reported in various parts of the country; four were killed in Isiolo, teargas used in Nyanza and Nakuru, clashes between supporters in Machakos, Mombasa, Nairobi and Kitale. In the House of Representative KANU won 66 seats out of 112 and gained working majority from 4 independents and 3 from NPUA, KADU took 47 seats and APP won 8. In the Senate KANU won 19 out 38 seats while KADU won 16 seats, APP won 2 and NPUA only 1. REFERENCE: NATIONAL ELECTIONS DATA BOOK By Institute for Education in Democracy (published in 1997). -
Haiti: Concerns After the Presidential Assassination
INSIGHTi Haiti: Concerns After the Presidential Assassination Updated July 19, 2021 Armed assailants assassinated Haitian President Jovenel Moïse in his private home in the capital, Port-au- Prince, early on July 7, 2021 (see Figure 1). Many details of the attack remain under investigation. Haitian police have arrested more than 20 people, including former Colombian soldiers, two Haitian Americans, and a Haitian with long-standing ties to Florida. A Pentagon spokesperson said the U.S. military helped train a “small number” of the Colombian suspects in the past. Protesters and opposition groups had been calling for Moïse to resign since 2019. The assassination’s aftermath, on top of several preexisting crises in Haiti, likely points to a period of major instability, presenting challenges for U.S. policymakers and for congressional oversight of the U.S. response and assistance. The Biden Administration requested $188 million in U.S. assistance for Haiti in FY2022. Congress has previously held hearings, and the cochair of the House Haiti Caucus made a statement on July 7 suggesting reexaminations of U.S. policy options on Haiti. Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov IN11699 CRS INSIGHT Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Congressional Research Service 2 Figure 1. Haiti Source: CRS. Succession. Who will succeed Moïse is unclear, as is the leadership of the Haitian government. In the assassination’s immediate aftermath, interim Prime Minister Claude Joseph was in charge, recognized by U.S. and U.N. officials, and said the police and military were in control of Haitian security. Joseph became interim prime minister in April 2021. -
The Post-Election Violence and Mediation 1. the Announcement Of
Bureau du Procureur Office of the Prosecutor The Post‐Election Violence and Mediation 1. The announcement of the results of the 27 December 2007 general election in Kenya triggered widespread violence, resulting in the deaths of over a thousand people, thousands of people being injured, and several hundreds of thousands of people being displaced from their homes. 2. On 28 February 2008, international mediation efforts led by Kofi Annan, Chair of the African Union Panel of Eminent African Personalities, resulted in the signing of a power‐ sharing agreement between Mwai Kibaki as President and Raila Odinga as Prime‐Minister. The agreement, also established three commissions: (1) the Commission of Inquiry on Post‐Election Violence (CIPEV); (2) the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission; and (3) the Independent Review Commission on the General Elections held in Kenya on 27 December 2007. 3. On 15 October 2008 CIPEV‐ also known as the Waki Commission, published its Final Report. The Report recommended the establishment of a special tribunal to seek accountability against persons bearing the greatest responsibility for crimes relating toe th 2007 General Elections in Kenya, short of which, the Report recommended forwarding the information it collected to the ICC. Efforts to Establish a Local Tribunal 4. On 16 December 2008, President Kibaki and Prime Minister Odinga agreed to implement the recommendations of the Waki Commission and specifically to prepare and submit a Bill to the National Assembly to establish the Special Tribunal. Yet, on 12 February 2009, the Kenyan Parliament failed to adopt the “Constitution of Kenya (Amendment) Bill 2009” which was necessary to ensure that the Special Tribunal would be in accordance with the Constitution. -
LETTER to G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS
LETTER TO G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS We write to call for urgent action to address the global education emergency triggered by Covid-19. With over 1 billion children still out of school because of the lockdown, there is now a real and present danger that the public health crisis will create a COVID generation who lose out on schooling and whose opportunities are permanently damaged. While the more fortunate have had access to alternatives, the world’s poorest children have been locked out of learning, denied internet access, and with the loss of free school meals - once a lifeline for 300 million boys and girls – hunger has grown. An immediate concern, as we bring the lockdown to an end, is the fate of an estimated 30 million children who according to UNESCO may never return to school. For these, the world’s least advantaged children, education is often the only escape from poverty - a route that is in danger of closing. Many of these children are adolescent girls for whom being in school is the best defence against forced marriage and the best hope for a life of expanded opportunity. Many more are young children who risk being forced into exploitative and dangerous labour. And because education is linked to progress in virtually every area of human development – from child survival to maternal health, gender equality, job creation and inclusive economic growth – the education emergency will undermine the prospects for achieving all our 2030 Sustainable Development Goals and potentially set back progress on gender equity by years. -
Parliament of Kenya the Senate
September 19, 2013 SENATE DEBATES 1 PARLIAMENT OF KENYA THE SENATE THE HANSARD Thursday, 19th September, 2013 The Senate met at the Kenyatta International Conference Centre at 2.30 p.m. [The Temporary Speaker (Sen. Murkomen) in the Chair] PRAYERS QUORUM CALL AT COMMENCEMENT OF SITTING The Temporary Speaker (Sen. Murkomen): Hon. Senators, we have a quorum. Let us proceed with today’s business. PAPERS LAID REPORTS OF THE FINANCE COMMITTEE ON COUNTY ESTIMATES/CASH DISBURSEMENT SCHEDULE Sen. Billow: Mr. Temporary Speaker, Sir, I beg to lay the following Papers on the Table of the House, today, Thursday, 19th September, 2013:- Report of the Finance Committee on the Investigations on Irregular Alteration to the Budget Estimates for Turkana County for the Fiscal Year 2013/2014. Report of the Finance Committee on the Cash Disbursement Schedule for County Governments for the Fiscal Year 2013/2014. NOTICES OF MOTIONS Sen. Billow: Mr. Temporary Speaker, Sir, I beg to give notice of the following Motions:- ADOPTION OF REPORT ON COUNTY GOVERNMENT CASH DISBURSEMENT SCHEDULE FOR FINANCIAL YEAR 2013/2014 THAT, pursuant to the provisions of sections 17(7) of the Public Finance Management Act, the Senate adopts the Report of the Standing Disclaimer: The electronic version of the Senate Hansard Report is for information purposes only. A certified version of this Report can be obtained from the Hansard Editor, Senate. September 19, 2013 SENATE DEBATES 2 Committee on Finance, Commerce and Economic Affairs on the County Government Cash Disbursement Schedule for the year 2013/2014 ADOPTION OF REPORT ON IRREGULAR ALTERATION OF ESTIMATES FOR TURKANA COUNTY THAT, the Senate adopts the Report of the Standing Committee on Finance, Commerce and Economic Affairs on the Investigations carried out by the Controller of Budget on the Irregular Alteration of the Budget Estimates for Turkana County for the Fiscal Year 2013/2014. -
Federalism, Bicameralism, and Institutional Change: General Trends and One Case-Study*
brazilianpoliticalsciencereview ARTICLE Federalism, Bicameralism, and Institutional Change: General Trends and One Case-study* Marta Arretche University of São Paulo (USP), Brazil The article distinguishes federal states from bicameralism and mechanisms of territorial representation in order to examine the association of each with institutional change in 32 countries by using constitutional amendments as a proxy. It reveals that bicameralism tends to be a better predictor of constitutional stability than federalism. All of the bicameral cases that are associated with high rates of constitutional amendment are also federal states, including Brazil, India, Austria, and Malaysia. In order to explore the mechanisms explaining this unexpected outcome, the article also examines the voting behavior of Brazilian senators constitutional amendments proposals (CAPs). It shows that the Brazilian Senate is a partisan Chamber. The article concludes that regional influence over institutional change can be substantially reduced, even under symmetrical bicameralism in which the Senate acts as a second veto arena, when party discipline prevails over the cohesion of regional representation. Keywords: Federalism; Bicameralism; Senate; Institutional change; Brazil. well-established proposition in the institutional literature argues that federal Astates tend to take a slow reform path. Among other typical federal institutions, the second legislative body (the Senate) common to federal systems (Lijphart 1999; Stepan * The Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa no Estado -
Moorings: Indian Ocean Trade and the State in East Africa
MOORINGS: INDIAN OCEAN TRADE AND THE STATE IN EAST AFRICA A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Nidhi Mahajan August 2015 © 2015 Nidhi Mahajan MOORINGS: INDIAN OCEAN TRADE AND THE STATE IN EAST AFRICA Nidhi Mahajan, Ph. D. Cornell University 2015 Ever since the 1998 bombings of American embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam, especially post - 9/11 and the “War on Terror,” the Kenyan coast and the Indian Ocean beyond have become flashpoints for national and international security. The predominantly Muslim sailors, merchants, and residents of the coast, with transnational links to Somalia, the Middle East, and South Asia have increasingly become the object of suspicion. Governments and media alike assume that these longstanding transnational linkages, especially in the historical sailing vessel or dhow trade, are entwined with networks of terror. This study argues that these contemporary security concerns gesture to an anxiety over the coast’s long history of trade and social relations across the Indian Ocean and inland Africa. At the heart of these tensions are competing notions of sovereignty and territoriality, as sovereign nation-states attempt to regulate and control trades that have historically implicated polities that operated on a loose, shared, and layered notion of sovereignty and an “itinerant territoriality.” Based on over twenty-two months of archival and ethnographic research in Kenya and India, this dissertation examines state attempts to regulate Indian Ocean trade, and the manner in which participants in these trades maneuver regulatory regimes.