DOCSLIB.ORG

Constitutional Law

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Constitutional Law ANNUAL SURVEY OF CANADIAN LAW CONSTITUTIONAL LAW W.H. McConnell* I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................. 504 II. INSTITUTIONS .............................................................. 504 A. The Constitutional Validity of Language Legislation .......... 504 B. The Reform of the Senate ............................................ 509 C. The "Patriation" Controversy .................................... 514 1. The September 1980 Conference ............................. 515 2. The Aftermath of the Conference ............................. 517 3. The Polarizationof Opinion .................................. 520 4. The Response of the Dissenting Provinces ................. 522 5. The Kershaw Report ............................................ 523 6. The ProvincialReferences .................................... 528 (a) Newfoundland .............................................. 528 (b) M anitoba .................................................... 530 (c)Q uebec ....................................................... 533 7. The Supreme Court'sReference Opinion ................... 535 8. The Impact of the Ultimate Decision ........................ 543 * Faculty of Law, University of Saskatchewan. 502 1982] ConstitutionalLaw 503 9. The Governor General's Unexpected Candour ............ 548 10. The Reception of the Resolution in Britain ................. 551 11. E nvoi .............................................................. 554 D. ConstitutionalDevelopment in the Northwest Territories .... 561 III. THE DIVISION OF LEGISLATIVE POWER ............................... 567 A. The General Power . ................................................ 567 1. The Residuary Power ........................................... 568 2. The Emergency Power. ......................................... 570 B. Trade and Commerce ............................................... 571 C. CriminalJustice ..................................................... 576 D. Communication and Transportation:Labour Relations ..... 583 E. Courts and the Judiciary. .......................................... 586 1. G enerally. ......................................................... 586 2. The BergerAffair ................................................ 590 F. Indians and Indian Lands .......................................... 599 G . Taxation ............................................................... 603 IV. CIVIL LIBERTIES .......................................................... 605 V. CONCLUSION .............................................................. 612 Ottawa Law Review [Vol. 14:502 I. INTRODUCTION Few periods in Canadian constitutional history could have produced such dramatic changes in public law as have occurred in Canada over the last three or four years. Since these changes have related essentially to a new institutional framework for the country, Part II of the survey is devoted to institutional matters, such as language laws, the patriation of the constitution and the proposed reform of the Upper House, while Part III considers significant decisions in the division of powers and human rights areas which have usually had priority in past surveys. 1 The centrepiece of the new constitutional reforms is of course the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, many provisions of which are similar to those of the U.S. Bill of Rights. Yet to come at future federal-provincial conferences are decisions on the division of powers, the Senate, the Crown and the Supreme Court of Canada. Whether the entrenched guarantees of the Charter will bring Canada closer to what Alexis de Tocqueville observed of the legal culture of the South in 1835 in his Democracy in America is conjectural: "Scarcely any political question arises in the United States," said he, "that is not resolved, sooner or later, into a judicial question." 2 The conservatism of the Canadian judiciary makes this doubtful. II. INSTITUTIONS A. The ConstitutionalValidity of Language Legislation In heterogeneous federations such as Canada, Switzerland or Yugoslavia, language rights are of great importance but they are not fundamental rights.' They would not rank, in an entrenched declaration of rights, with the freedoms of opinion, expression, religion or association. Yet on their existence may depend the very survival of vulnerable cultural groups. Fundamental freedoms, legal rights (or due process) and equality rights relate to man in a universal sense. They seek to define the rights attributed to all persons. Language rights are narrower in scope; they are often sectorial (in Canada applying only in Quebec, Manitoba, New Brunswick and in certain federal jurisdictions) and protect the cultural rights of groups. If the groups lack cohesiveness or shared community values, they will eventually be assimilated and the language rights will become insignificant. Other rights (e.g., fundamen- tal freedoms) are of a more transcendental character in that it is difficult I Lysyk, 3 OTTAWA L. REV. 520 (1969); Lysyk, 5 OTTAWA L. REV. 124 (1971); MacKenzie, 7 OTTAWA L. REV. 138 (1975); MacKenzie, 10 OTTAWA L. REV. 313 (1978). 2 Vol. 1,280 (P. Bradley ed. 1980). 3 G. BEAUDOIN, LE PARTAGE DES POUVOIRs 223 (1980). 19821 ConstitutionalLaw to imagine any circumstances in which, whether entrenched or not, such rights would not in large part define the quality of political society. The complexities of language legislation in Canada are further complicated by the fact that it is not a subject matter authoritatively allocated to either order of government in the division of powers. As Sheppard says, jurisdiction over language is ancillary to the exercise of other powers, and in complex fact situations the asserted powers may depend for their validity on the legislative functions with which they are associated.' A province might enact that communications within local areas (local businesses, education and provincial companies insofar as they are performing functions under provincial jurisdiction) shall be in the majority language, conceding whatever rights in the minority language or languages, barring entrenchment, that it chooses to concede as a matter of grace. The same would be true, nuitatis inutandis, of Parliament's jurisdiction to legislate language rights. In important recent Quebec' and Manitoba6 cases the constitutional validity of provincial language laws relating, respectively, to the exclusive use of the French or English languages in those provinces was questioned. The Quebec legislation purported to declare French to be the sole official language of the legislature and courts of Quebec. The issue in the Manitoba litigation was the constitutional capacity of the Greenway government, in 1890, to make English the exclusive official language despite the apparent entrenchment of bilingualism in section 23 of the Manitoba Act, 1870.r In both cases the challenged provincial legislation was invalidated. The combined effect of these decisions was to delimit the scope of entrenched language guarantees in the two provinces, excluding legislative intervention in certain areas but permitting it in others. In A.G. Que. v. Blaikie, the validity of sections 7 to 13 of the Charter of the French Language (Bill 101) was contested.' Provisions declaring French to be the exclusive official language of the legislature and courts were held to be in conflict with section 133 of the B.N.A. Act (as it then was). 9 The Court could not reconcile the terms of section 133 with section 9 of the Charter which requires bills to be drafted in French and declares that the French text (an English version was also provided for) be official. The appellants argued that section 133 required only that statutes be "printed and published" in both languages. On closer scrutiny, it was "Acts", however, which were to be printed or I THE LAW OF LANGUAGES IN CANADA 101 (1971). 5 A.G. Que. v. Blaikie, [1979] 2 S.C.R. 1016, 49 C.C.C. (2d) 359, 101 D.L.R. (3d) 394. 6 A.G. Man. v. Forest, [19791 2 S.C.R. 1032.49 C.C.C. (2d) 353, 101 D.L.R. (3d) 385. 7 An Act to amend and continue The Act 32 and 33 Victoria, chapter 3; and to establish and provide for the Government of the Province of Manitoba, S.C. 1870, c. 3 [hereafter cited as Manitoba Act]. 8 Supra note 5, at 1019-20.49 C.C.C. (2d) at 360-62. 101 D.L.R. (3d) at 395-97. 9 Now Constitution Act. 1867 enacted by Canada Act. 1982. U.K. 1982. c. 11. Ottawa Law Review [Vol. 14:502 published, and "Acts" do not become such without enactment by legislatures. 10 Similarly, when sections 11 and 12 compel artificial legal persons to use French exclusively, and make French the mandatory tongue for "procedural documents" in judicial and quasi-judicial proceedings, there is an invalid derogation of the right to use English in Quebec courts under section 133.11 In Jones v. A.G.N.B. it was held that Parliament could enlarge but not subtract from the entrenched guarantees in section 133. 12 Conversely, in Blaikie the issue was whether a statutory "contraction" by the province was permissible. The Court emphasized that section 133 conferred language rights which concerned not only Parliament and the Quebec Legislature but members of those bodies and litigants in the named courts. Moreover, in the case of regulations the Court recognized that delegated legislation had grown enormously in the present century and the requirements of section 133 would be unduly truncated if account were not taken of this: "the greater must include the lesser. '"13 The province argued that it possessed
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Victor‐Lévy Beaulieu and Québec's Linguistic and Cultural Identity Struggle
    PSU McNair Scholars Online Journal Volume 3 Issue 1 Identity, Communities, and Technology: Article 14 On the Cusp of Change 2009 Victor‐Lévy Beaulieu and Québec's Linguistic and Cultural Identity Struggle Anna Marie Brown Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/mcnair Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Brown, Anna Marie (2009) "Victor‐Lévy Beaulieu and Québec's Linguistic and Cultural Identity Struggle," PSU McNair Scholars Online Journal: Vol. 3: Iss. 1, Article 14. https://doi.org/10.15760/mcnair.2009.25 This open access Article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- ShareAlike 4.0 International License (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0). All documents in PDXScholar should meet accessibility standards. If we can make this document more accessible to you, contact our team. Portland State University McNair Research Journal 2009 Victor‐Lévy Beaulieu and Québec's Linguistic and Cultural Identity Struggle by Anna Marie Brown Faculty Mentor: Jennifer Perlmutter Citation: Brown, Anna Marie. Victor‐Lévy Beaulieu and Québec's Linguistic and Cultural Identity Struggle. Portland State University McNair Scholars Online Journal, Vol. 3, 2009: pages [25‐55] McNair Online Journal Page 1 of 31 Victor-Lévy Beaulieu and Québec's Linguistic and Cultural Identity Struggle Anna Marie Brown Jennifer Perlmutter, Faculty Mentor Six months ago, the latest literary work from Québécois author Victor-Lévy Beaulieu came off the presses. Known by his fans as simply VLB, Beaulieu is considered to be among the greatest contemporary Québec writers,1 and this most recent work, La Grande tribu, marks his seventieth.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Separatism in Quebec
    1 Separatism in Quebec: Off the Agenda but Not Off the Minds of Francophones An Honors Thesis Submitted to the Department of Politics in Partial Fulfillment of the Honors Program By Sarah Weber 5/6/15 2 Table of Contents Chapter 1. Introduction 3 Chapter 2. 4 Chapter 3. 17 Chapter 4. 36 Chapter 5. 41 Chapter 6. 50 Chapter 7. Conclusion 65 3 Chapter 1: Introduction-The Future of Quebec The Quebec separatist movement has been debated for decades and yet no one can seem to come to a conclusion regarding what the future of the province holds for the Quebecers. This thesis aims to look at the reasons for the Quebec separatist movement occurring in the past as well as its steady level of support. Ultimately, there is a split within the recent literature in Quebec, regarding those who believe that independence is off the political agenda and those who think it is back on the agenda. This thesis looks at public opinion polls, and electoral returns, to find that the independence movement is ultimately off the political agenda as of the April 2014 election, but continues to be supported in Quebec public opinion. I will first be analyzing the history of Quebec as well as the theories other social scientists have put forward regarding separatist and nationalist movements in general. Next I will be analyzing the history of Quebec in order to understand why the Quebec separatist movement came about. I will then look at election data from 1995-2012 in order to identify the level of electoral support for separatism as indicated by the vote for the Parti Quebecois (PQ).
    [Show full text]
  • What Has He Really Done Wrong?
    The Chrétien legacy Canada was in such a state that it WHAT HAS HE REALLY elected Brian Mulroney. By this stan- dard, William Lyon Mackenzie King DONE WRONG? easily turned out to be our best prime minister. In 1921, he inherited a Desmond Morton deeply divided country, a treasury near ruin because of over-expansion of rail- ways, and an economy gripped by a brutal depression. By 1948, Canada had emerged unscathed, enriched and almost undivided from the war into spent last summer’s dismal August Canadian Pension Commission. In a the durable prosperity that bred our revising a book called A Short few days of nimble invention, Bennett Baby Boom generation. Who cared if I History of Canada and staring rescued veterans’ benefits from 15 King had halitosis and a professorial across Lake Memphrémagog at the years of political logrolling and talent for boring audiences? astonishing architecture of the Abbaye launched a half century of relatively St-Benoît. Brief as it is, the Short History just and generous dealing. Did anyone ll of which is a lengthy prelude to tries to cover the whole 12,000 years of notice? Do similar achievements lie to A passing premature and imperfect Canadian history but, since most buy- the credit of Jean Chrétien or, for that judgement on Jean Chrétien. Using ers prefer their own life’s history to a matter, Brian Mulroney or Pierre Elliott the same criteria that put King first more extensive past, Jean Chrétien’s Trudeau? Dependent on the media, and Trudeau deep in the pack, where last seven years will get about as much the Opposition and government prop- does Chrétien stand? In 1993, most space as the First Nations’ first dozen aganda, what do I know? Do I refuse to Canadians were still caught in the millennia.
    [Show full text]
  • A Note on Quebec Attitudes Toward Constitutional Options
    A NOTE ON QUEBEC ATTITUDES TOWARD CONSTITUTIONAL OPTIONS ALLAN KORNBERG* AND KEITH ARCHERt I INTRODUCTION In a recent essay, Alan Cairns observed that the making of a new Canadian constitution has been an elite activity characterized by the assertion of blatant self- interest on the part of key political actors and by strenuous attempts to manipulate public opinion in support of their respective interests.' For example, the sugges- tion that popular referenda be used in constitutional amending procedures appears to have been motivated by self-interest and the tactical advantage this device might provide political elites, rather than by genuine concern over pro- viding the public with an opportunity to express its policy preferences. Paradoxi- cally, the electoral imperative-the need to harvest votes-appears to have led elected public officials at both levels of the federal system to curry favor with their constituents by representing themselves as their true "champions" despite an increasing contempt for their opinions. However, rather than focusing on their rhetoric or on their attempts to secure tactical advantages in the struggle over the new constitution, this paper examines public opinion on five possible constitu- tional arrangements: the status quo, renewed federalism, special status for Quebec, sovereignty association, and Quebec independence. Since the last three options have more than a modicum of support only in Quebec, the analysis is restricted to opinions in that province. An examination of those opinions will indicate that the parameters structuring the debate over Quebec's future constitutional status have changed. The status quo no longer is a viable option. Instead, the choice is between moderate and radical change.
    [Show full text]
  • Analyzing the Parallelism Between the Rise and Fall of Baseball in Quebec and the Quebec Secession Movement Daniel S
    Union College Union | Digital Works Honors Theses Student Work 6-2011 Analyzing the Parallelism between the Rise and Fall of Baseball in Quebec and the Quebec Secession Movement Daniel S. Greene Union College - Schenectady, NY Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalworks.union.edu/theses Part of the Canadian History Commons, and the Sports Studies Commons Recommended Citation Greene, Daniel S., "Analyzing the Parallelism between the Rise and Fall of Baseball in Quebec and the Quebec Secession Movement" (2011). Honors Theses. 988. https://digitalworks.union.edu/theses/988 This Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Work at Union | Digital Works. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of Union | Digital Works. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Analyzing the Parallelism between the Rise and Fall of Baseball in Quebec and the Quebec Secession Movement By Daniel Greene Senior Project Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for Graduation Department of History Union College June, 2011 i Greene, Daniel Analyzing the Parallelism between the Rise and Fall of Baseball in Quebec and the Quebec Secession Movement My Senior Project examines the parallelism between the movement to bring baseball to Quebec and the Quebec secession movement in Canada. Through my research I have found that both entities follow a very similar timeline with highs and lows coming around the same time in the same province; although, I have not found any direct linkage between the two. My analysis begins around 1837 and continues through present day, and by analyzing the histories of each movement demonstrates clearly that both movements followed a unique and similar timeline.
    [Show full text]
  • “Grab the Signatures and Run”: Federal Unity Strategy in Canada from the Referendum to Patriation
    International Political Sociology (2009) 3, 194–217 ‘‘Grab the Signatures and Run’’: Federal Unity Strategy in Canada from the Referendum to Patriation Neal Carter St. Bonaventure University AND Patrick James University of Southern California Whether as a traumatic event or great accomplishment, the legacy of the First Ministers’ Conference of 1981 lives on in Canadian politics. Consti- tutional negotiations among the prime minister and provincial premiers in 1981 produced the only ‘‘packaged’’ agreement since Confederation to achieve even the minimal support necessary to achieve ratification. The resulting Constitution Act of 1982, which included the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, remains in place and is the principal manifestation of intergovernmental bargaining from over two decades ago. This study reevaluates the strategic interaction and conflict processes that took place between Ottawa and the provinces in negotiations leading up to that fate- ful November 1981 conference. We apply the sociological framework for assessment of the dynamics of identity contention adopted from McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly (2001) and find tentative support for its prop- ositions. After an overview of the article’s agenda, we present an analytic framework for the study of conflict processes. Second, the background to the constitutional crisis of 1980-81 is summarized. Using the analytic framework, the third section focuses on the federal strategy in the crisis as suggested by minutes from cabinet meetings, and the fourth section examines key events of the First Ministers Conference of November 1981. Fifth, and finally, the contributions of the preceding sections are summed up and ideas are put forward for further research. I remember it was quoted back to me later that Le´vesque said, ‘‘Trudeau screwed me.’’ But the reality was that Rene´Le´vesque was a gambler.
    [Show full text]
  • Grade 11 History of Canada
    Grade 11 History of Canada A Foundation for Implementation G RADE 1 1 H ISTORY OF C ANADA A Foundation for Implementation 2014 Manitoba Education and Advanced Learning Manitoba Education and Advanced Learning Cataloguing in Publication Data Grade 11 history of Canada : a foundation for implementation Includes bibliographical references. ISBN: 978-0-7711-5790-5 1. Canada—History—Study and teaching (Secondary). 2. Canada—History—Study and teaching (Secondary)—Manitoba. 3. Canada—History—Curricula. I. Manitoba. Manitoba Education and Advanced Learning. 971.007 Copyright © 2014, the Government of Manitoba, represented by the Minister of Education and Advanced Learning. Manitoba Education and Advanced Learning School Programs Division Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada Every effort has been made to acknowledge original sources and to comply with copyright law. If cases are identified where this has not been done, please notify Manitoba Education and Advanced Learning. Errors or omissions will be corrected in a future edition. Sincere thanks to the authors, artists, and publishers who allowed their original material to be used. All images found in this document are copyright protected and should not be extracted, accessed, or reproduced for any purpose other than for their intended educational use in this document. Any websites referenced in this document are subject to change. Educators are advised to preview and evaluate websites and online resources before recommending them for student use. Print copies of this resource can be purchased from the Manitoba Text Book Bureau (stock number 80699). Order online at <www.mtbb.mb.ca>. This resource is also available on the Manitoba Education and Advanced Learning website at <www.edu.gov.mb.ca/k12/cur/socstud/index.html>.
    [Show full text]
  • National Separation: Canada in Context - a Legal Perspective Kevin Sneesby
    Louisiana Law Review Volume 53 | Number 4 March 1993 National Separation: Canada in Context - A Legal Perspective Kevin Sneesby Repository Citation Kevin Sneesby, National Separation: Canada in Context - A Legal Perspective, 53 La. L. Rev. (1993) Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.lsu.edu/lalrev/vol53/iss4/12 This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at LSU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Louisiana Law Review by an authorized editor of LSU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. National Separation: Canada in Context-A Legal Perspective Table of Contents I. Introduction ........................................................... 1357 II. Background-Canada: Moving Towards Separation ..... 1359 III. The "Right" to Separate: Comparative Constitutional L aw ..................................................................... 1365 A. The Canadian Constitution ............................... 1365 1. By a Province or a Territory ....................... 1367 2. By First Nations ......................................... 1369 B. Analogy to the American and Australian Constitutions .................................................... 1370 1. The United States Constitution ..................... 1371 2. The Australian Constitution ......................... 1373 IV. The "Right" to Separate Under International Law ..... 1375 A. The Role of International Law in the Canadian Schem e ..........................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Does Quebec Have a Right to Secede at International Law?
    DOES QUEBEC HAVE A RIGHT TO SECEDE AT INTERNATIONAL LAW? Neil Finkelstein* George Vegh** Camille Joly*** This article addresses the issue ofwhether Québec has the right to secedefrom Canada, and claim international recognition at international law. The authors argue that, absent recognition by the Government ofCanada, the answer to both questions is in the negative. The authors review conventional and customary international law respecting the right to self-determination, and conclude that that right is only applicable where the secessionist movement meets certain subjective criteria. First, the seceding unit must be comprised of "people" meeting both subjective and objective international law standards . Second, thatpeople musthave beensubjectto denial ofpolitical freedom or human rights in a discriminatory manner. Third, the seceding unit must demonstrate in practical terms that it can, and indeed has, created apracticable and governable state which can asserteffective control over reasonably well defined and recognized territory. The authors conclude that theprovince ofQuébec does notmeet these criteria. As a result, ifa thirdparty State purports to recognize Québec's independence in the absence of Canadian recognition, that State would be challenging Canada's territorial integrity and thus be acting contrary to conventional and customary international law. Cet article examine la question de savoirsi le Québec a le droitdefaire sécession du reste du Canada et de réclamer la reconnaissance internationale, en droit international. Les auteurs soutiennent qu'en l'absence d'une reconnaissancepar le Gouvernement du Canada, la réponse à cette double question est négative. Les auteurspassentenrevue le droitinternational, tantcoutumierqueconventionnel, concernant le droità l'autonomie; ils en concluent que ce droitnepeuts'appliquer que lorsque le mouvement sécessionniste satisfait une série de critères subjectifs.
    [Show full text]
  • Between Crisis and Preservation: the Canadian Jewish Congress and the Quebec Nationalist Movement, 1976-1980 Ryan Mercado a Thes
    Between Crisis and Preservation: The Canadian Jewish Congress and the Quebec Nationalist Movement, 1976-1980 Ryan Mercado A Thesis In The Department of History Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Masters of Arts (History) at Concordia University Montréal, Québec, Canada April 2020 ©Ryan Mercado, 2020 CONCORDIA UNIVERSITY School of Graduate Studies This is to certify that the thesis prepared By: Ryan Mercado Entitled: Between Crisis and Preservation: The Canadian Jewish Congress and the Quebec Nationalist Movement, 1976-1980 and submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts (History) Complies with the regulations of the University and meets the accepted standards with respects to originality and quality. Signed by the final Examining Committee: ___________________________________________Chair Dr. Andrew Ivaska ___________________________________________Examiner Dr. Gavin Taylor ___________________________________________Supervisor Dr. Peter Gossage ___________________________________________Supervisor Dr. Ira Robinson Approved by: _______________________________________ Chair of the Department Dr. Matthew Penney ________ 2020 _______________________________________Dean of Faculty Dr. André G. Roy iii Abstract Between Crisis and Preservation: The Canadian Jewish Congress and the Quebec Nationalist Movement,1976-1980 Ryan Mercado In November 1976, the predominately English-speaking Jewish population of Quebec found itself in crisis. That month, René Lévesque led the
    [Show full text]
  • Searching for a National Unity Peace, from Meech Lake to the Clarity Bill
    Searching for a National Unity Peace, from Meech Lake to the Clarity Bill Edward Butcher Department of Political Science McGill University, Montreal June 2003 A thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts Edward Butcher 2003 Abstract For much of the last twenty years, political leaders and academics have assumed that the survival of Canada depends on constitutional reform, and never more so than in the wake of the 1995 Quebec referendum. This thesis updates the literature by explaining the remarkable story of the last several years: the achievement of a national unity peace in the absence of constitutional reform. The explanation centres on the post-referendum shift in federal strategy from constitutional reform to Plan B, a strategy based on the rules of secession that has its origins, it is argued, in the Reform Party's response to Mulroney- era constitutional reform. The thesis concludes that Plan B was a successful national unity strategy because it made secession seem risky and undesirable, but also because the strategy - unlike constitutional reform - was based on widespread national support and on the viability of the constitutional status quo. n Resume Depuis la plus grande partie des vingt dernieres annees, les politiciens et les universitaires supposent que la survie du Canada depende de la reforme constitutionnelle, et jamais plus ainsi qu'a la suite du referendum de 1995 au Quebec. Cette these met a jour la litterature en expliquant l'histoire remarquable des dernieres annees: l'accomplissement de la paix d'unite nationale sans reforme constitutionnelle.
    [Show full text]
  • May 8, 1996 Hansard
    LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY OF SASKATCHEWAN 1451 May 8, 1996 The Assembly met at 1:30 p.m. Wherefore your petitioner humbly prays that your Hon. Assembly may be pleased to reconsider closure of the Prayers Plains Health Centre. ROUTINE PROCEEDINGS The people that have signed this petition are from Regina and PRESENTING PETITIONS from Ituna. Mr. Osika: Thank you, Mr. Speaker. I rise today to present a Mr. McLane: Thank you, Mr. Speaker. I rise again today to petition on behalf of concerned citizens of the province of present a petition of names from people throughout Saskatchewan to save the Plains Health Centre. The prayer south-western Saskatchewan regarding the Plains Health reads: Centre. The prayer reads as follows: Wherefore your petitioner humbly prays that your Hon. Wherefore your petitioner humbly prays that your Hon. Assembly may be pleased to reconsider closure of the Assembly may be pleased to reconsider the closure . the Plains Health Centre. decision to close the Plains Health Centre. The signatures on this petition, Mr. Speaker, are primarily from The petition is signed virtually by people from Swift Current various constituencies throughout the city of Regina. Thank and area, Mr. Speaker. you. Mr. Aldridge: Thank you, Mr. Speaker. I also rise to Mr. Bjornerud: Thank you, Mr. Speaker. I also would like present petitions of names from throughout Saskatchewan to present petitions of names throughout Saskatchewan regarding the Plains Health Centre. And the prayer reads as regarding the Plains Health Centre. The prayer reads: follows, Mr. Speaker: Wherefore your petitioner humbly prays that your Hon. Wherefore your petitioner humbly prays that your Hon.
    [Show full text]