Plantation Forestry in Tanzania: a History of Sao Hill Forests, 1939-2015
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Plantation Forestry in Tanzania: A History of Sao Hill Forests, 1939-2015. Hezron Kangalawe Presented for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, at Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Professor Sandra Swart March 2018 Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za Declaration By submitting this thesis electronically, I declare that the entire of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the authorship owner thereof (unless to the extent explicitly otherwise stated) and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. Signature: Date: March 2018 Copyright © 2018 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved i Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za Abstract This thesis uses plantation forests from the colonial to the postcolonial period as a lens to explore the history of Tanzania between 1939 and 2015. The thesis discusses transitions within plantation forestry by using the changing history of the Sao Hill, the biggest plantation forest in Tanzania. The thesis weaves together the varied factors that led to the establishment of the Sao Hill plantation, first during the colonial period, when it was established as a means of ameliorating the micro-climates around tea farms and white commercial farms. Secondly, during the postcolonial period, it was part of implementing Basic Industrial Strategy (BIS) policy aimed at introducing industries that could reduce imports from 1967. While the colonial government compensated the customary land owners to get land for afforestation, the postcolonial government did not compensate as it resettled under the rubric of African Socialism, famously known as Ujamaa villages, between 1973 and 1976. Moreover, the thesis demonstrates that, due to the weak economy, the state resorted to the World Bank to get a loan. The World Bank loan, issued in 1976 and renewed in 1982, influenced subsequent state-driven afforestation behaviour and management in Tanzania. A Biodiversity paradigm (stemming from the 1980s) on forestry conservation attracted international donors to fund more natural forests than plantations. From the late 1980s, economic liberalization was implemented which caused some of the land owners to use ‘weapons of the weak’ to resist the means used by the state to take their customary land. This thesis ends by exploring the means deployed by the government to curb fire outbreaks and encroachment cases at the Sao Hill plantation. While the plantation forest management protected the plantation forest by adhering to some elements of the participatory forest management, a practice more common in the natural forests management, the state tried to control encroachment cases and boundary conflicts with the Sao Hill forest between 1986 and 2013. While participatory methods reduced fire outbreaks, neither the commissions of inquiry nor the participatory measures succeeded in solving encroachment in some villages like Mapanda where two private companies and individual woodlot developers had bought almost three quarters of the village land. Therefore, this thesis argues that the plantation forestry in Tanzania is a product of many factors which can be summarized into environmental and economic ones. Thesis Keywords: Tanzania, forestry, Sao Hill forest, Mufindi, natural resources, World Bank, Sao Hill saw mill, Mufindi pulp and paper mill, ujamaa, villagisation, participatory forest management, woodlot, and land encroachment. ii Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za Opsomming Opsomming Hierdie tesis maak gebruik van plantasiewoude tussen die koloniale tydperk en nakoloniale Tanzanië as lens om die geskiedenis van Tanzanië tussen 1939 en 2015 te ondersoek. Die tesis mik om die oorgang van plantasie bosbou te demonstreer, deur gebruiktemaak van wisselende tonele van Sao Hill, die grootste van hierdie tipe plantasie in Tanzanië. Die tesis weef die verskeie faktore wat gelei het tot die vestiging van die Sao Hill plantasie saam; eers, tydens die koloniale tydperk, as `n middel om die klimaat om teeplantasies, en plase besit deur wit mense, te versag, en tweedens, tydens die nakoloniale tydperk, as deel van die implmentasie van die Basic Industrial Strategy (BIS), wat gestreef het om die invoer van basiese goedere, wat Tanzanië in 1967 begin het, te verminder deur die introduksie van nywerhede. Terwyl die koloniale regering die gebruiklikke grondeienaars vergoed het vir dié grond om land te verwerf vir bebossing, het die nakoloniale regering nie vergoeding geoffer nie omdat, tussen 1973 en 1979, het die regering die gebruiklikke grondeienaars in die rubriek van Afrika-sosialisme hervestig. Die idee van Afrika-sosioalisme het in Tanzanië ontstaan en dié plekke van hervestiging staan bekend as Ujamaa Villages. Verder demonstreer die tesis dat, weens die swak ekonomie, moes Tanzanië gebruik maak van `n Wêreld Bank lening so dat die land se bebossingsdrome bereik kon word. Dié lening, wat in 1976 uitgegee is en in 1982 hernu is, het `n groot impak gehad op die werkverrigting en bestuur van bebossing in Tanzanië. Weens die biodiversiteidsvoorbeeld van bosbewaring wat gelei het tot al hoe meer befondsing vir natuurlikke woude, teenoor plantasiewoude, deur internasionale donateurs, en weens die ekomoniese liberalisering beleide wat in Tanzanië in die laat 1980’s op die voorgrond getree het, het van die gebruiklikke grondeienaars die wyse waardeur die staat hul land ingeneem het begin bevraagteken. Die tesis eindig met `n uitleg van die taktiek wat ontplooi was deur die staat om brande en oorskrydingsgevalle by die Sao Hill plantasie te tem. Terwyl die plantasiebosbestuur die plantasiewoude beskerm het deur om trou te bly aan sekere elemente van die deelnemende bosbestuur, `n algemene praktyk in natuurlikkebosbestuur, het die sentrale regering verskeie kommisies gevorm om ondersoek intestel na gevalle van oorskryding in dorpe wat grenskonflikte met die Sao Hill woud tussen 1986 en 2013 gehad het. Al het die gebruik van deelnemende metodes gevalle van bosbrand verminder na amper nul teen 2015, nie die kommisies van ondersoek of die deelnemende maatreëls het daarin geslaag om gevalle van oorskryding in dorpe, soos Mapanda, optelos nie. Hier het twee privaatmaatskapye as ook individuele brandhoutbosperseelontwikkelaars amper driekwart van die dorp se grond gekoop. iii Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za Acknowledgements The writing of this thesis took me to different places in Tanzania and South Africa where I met people of diverse social and academic pursuits. Thus, at the risk of omitting many names, I wish to appreciate the following people and institutions. Firstly, I want to acknowledge the funding that was awarded to me by the Graduate School of Arts and Social Sciences to pursue my doctoral studies full-time at Stellenbosch University. From the graduate school, specifically I want to acknowledge the support of Dr Cindy Lee Steenekamp. Secondly, I would like to thank Professor Sandra Swart, my thesis supervisor, for being a great source of energy, wisdom and inspiration. I really appreciate her role in facilitating my participation at workshops and conferences at Stellenbosch University, and the University of Witwatersrand where I presented some of my thesis findings. She organised meetings with prominent historians like William Beinart “the father of South African environmental history” and Brett Bennett at Stellenbosch University. Prof Swart was available for assistance at any time even during her sabbatical leave in 2016 she spared her precious time to read my chapters. Prof Swart printed me reading materials, bought archival documents from UK, and unconditionally lent me her books, which I took to Tanzania, my home country. Moreover, Prof Swart paid for my English language course in Academic Writing in July 2016 and the language editor of my thesis in September 2017. Moreover, Prof Swart printed my three copies of the thesis for external examiners. Her interest in my academic career was marvellous, and often our academic conversations spilled into social media (email, Facebook and WhatsApp). Indeed, the writing of this thesis would have been much harder to traverse without her guidance. I want to acknowledge the assistance I received from various scholars who generously commented on my draft chapters. Thanks to Professor Sandra Swart, my supervisor, who connected me to them! These scholars include Professor Thaddeus Sunseri from Colorado State University; Professor Brett Bennett; Dr Anton Ehlers; Dr Rebecca Swartz; Dr Tapiwa Madimu (an old friend of mine and my ‘elder brother’ in the History department at Stellenbosch University); and Dr Emery Kalema (a postdoctoral fellow at Stellenbosch University). Moreover, my friends and PhD candidates from Zimbabwe read critically some of my chapters: thanks to Innocent Dande and Elijah Doro. Generally, these scholars were very helpful and instrumental in shaping my thesis. I am deeply grateful to them all. I want to acknowledge the assistance I received from the University of Dar es Salaam, my working institution. The University of Dar es Salaam supported me with funds for data iv Stellenbosch University https://scholar.sun.ac.za collection and assisted me by issuing research permits to the National Archive of Tanzania (TNA), Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism, Iringa Region, Mufindi District, Iringa District, Mbeya Region, Sokoine University of Agriculture and the Tanzania Forest Research Institute