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Playing with Knives: the Socialization of Self-Initiated Learners 3 4 1 David F

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Playing with Knives: the Socialization of Self-Initiated Learners 3 4 1 David F Child Development, xxxx 2015, Volume 00, Number 0, Pages 1–13 1 2 Playing With Knives: The Socialization of Self-Initiated Learners 3 4 1 David F. Lancy 5 Utah State University 6 7 8 Since Margaret Mead’s field studies in the South Pacific a century ago, there has been the tacit understanding 9 that as culture varies, so too must the socialization of children to become competent culture users and bearers. 10 More recently, the work of anthropologists has been mined to find broader patterns that may be common to 11 childhood across a range of societies. One improbable commonality has been the tolerance, even encourage- 12 ment, of toddler behavior that is patently risky, such as playing with or attempting to use a sharp-edged tool. 13 This laissez faire approach to socialization follows from a reliance on children as “self-initiated learners.” In 14 this article, ethnographic literature that shows why children are encouraged to learn without prompting or 15 guidance and how that happens is reviewed. 16 17 18 19 Concepts like socialization, parental caretaking A fruitful source of clues to the parental eth- “ ” 20 styles, and pedagogy are often studied in anthro- notheory is the culture shock experienced by the “ ” 21 pology within a cultural models framework. The investigator. Accompanied by his spouse during his 22 framework is built on the assumption that societies research on childhood among the Dusun in North Dispatch: 31.12.15No. CE: of Priya pages: 13 PE: Karpagavalli 23 incorporate templates or models to guide members Borneo, Williams reports: 24 (Quinn, 2005) that include customary practices, 25 sanctions for following or not following those prac- We were faced daily with Dusun parents raising 26 tices, and an ethnotheory that organizes these ideas their children in ways that violated the basic “ 27 and provides an overarching perspective. Nso vil- beliefs by which we were raised. .We consis- 28 lagers understood themselves as a collective with a tently checked our. .exclamations of concern or 29 strong opinion about what is right and wrong with disgust. .and [resisted] the temptation to take a ” “ ” 30 respect to childrearing goals (Keller, 2007, p. 105). dangerous object, such as a knife, from a tod- “ ” 31 Ethnotheories have directive force, meaning that dler. .knowing that in terms of the local culture, 32 they guide behavior (Harkness, Super, & Keefer, children are believed to die from accidents 33 1992, p. 170) and identify and correct (or sanction) whether they play with knives or not and “ 34 misbehavior. besides, as one Dusun father put it, How can ” 35 To move beyond the study of individual commu- you learn to use a knife if you do not use it 36 nities and seek out broader patterns characteristic (Williams, 1969, p. 3). 37 of a range of societies requires a survey of the 38 ethnographic record. Illustrative cases are assem- This example is typical of observations made C D E V 12498 39 bled and analyzed in an inductive process, teasing by ethnographers that, collectively, suggest a Journal Code Manuscript No. 40 out commonalities. The analysis presented in this coherent and cohesive cultural model of culture 41 article draws on a very large corpus of such litera- acquisition. The entire community, starting with 42 ture, comprising several hundred distinct societies the children themselves, shares the expectation 43 (Lancy, 1996, 2014a). The compiled database is that children will want to learn. They will want 44 comprehensive with respect to geography and sub- to become competent and helpful. To do this 45 sistence patterns. The most useful ethnographic they need free access to artifacts or tools, and 46 accounts for studying cultural models are those opportunities to observe their use by experts. 47 where the investigator records not only behavioral Instruction or supervision, on the other hand, are 48 patterns, but also the views of participants, typi- not considered necessary and may even be seen 49 cally parents and the children themselves. as counterproductive. 50 51 52 Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to © 2015 The Author 53 David F. Lancy, Emeritus Professor of Anthropology, Utah State Child Development © 2015 Society for Research in Child Development, Inc. University, 448 E. 100 N., Hyde Park, UT 84318. Electronic mail All rights reserved. 0009-3920/2015/xxxx-xxxx 54 may be sent to [email protected]. DOI: 10.1111/cdev.12498 2 Lancy 1 Playing With Knives may be given an old, blunt knife (Howell, 1988, 2 p. 159). An Aka parent may fashion scaled down 3 but functional tools for a child (Tayanin & Lindell, 4 [A Piraha~ child] was playing with a sharp 1991). Indeed, a child’s “toy” collection consists of 5 kitchen knife, about nine inches in length. He small or home-made tools, old and worn tools, and 6 was swinging the knife blade around him, often utilitarian items including “fragments of old hunt- 7 coming close to his eyes, his chest, his arm and ing nets,” (Neuwelt-Truntzer, 1981, p. 136) and left- 8 other body parts, when he dropped the knife, his over scraps of skin which will be sewn by a young 9 mother—talking to someone else—reached back- Inuit girl into a garment for her doll (Jenness, 1922, 10 ward nonchalantly without interrupting her con- p. 219). But, from a pragmatic perspective, there are 11 versation, picked up the knife and handed it many uncontrollable threats, such as open fires on 12 back to the toddler (Everett, 2008, p. 89). the ground, and mothers are busy, hence children 13 must learn about hazards on their own. When a 14 I begin with a dramatic example that vividly Zinacantecan 3-year-old runs, barefoot, through a 15 illustrates the laissez faire stance characteristic of fire, adults do not react sympathetically. Instead, 16 this parenting style. Further examples show that they comment that the child is flawed in not devel- 17 this is not an isolated case. oping awareness of his surroundings, not paying 18 close attention, and not figuring things out (de 19 [Bonerate] deference to the desires of toddlers Leon, 2012). 20 and older children in the choice of play objects There are at least three themes that emerge from 21 permitted them frequently to handle sharp kni- these and similar cases. First, parents may be reluc- 22 ves, large parangs, sharp pieces of scrap iron, tant to impose their will on young children because 23 and fires (Broch, 1990, p. 61). of a general bias against hierarchization and asser- 24 tion of rank. Second, they may believe that children 25 “[A Hadza] infant may grab a sharp knife, put it learn best when they are “free to learn” (Gray, 26 in its mouth, and suck on it without adults 2013). Third, there is the recognition of the child’s 27 showing the least bit of concern until they need fascination with and ability to learn from undi- 28 the knife again” (Marlowe, 2010, p. 198). rected, unrestricted object manipulation. 29 30 On Vanatinai Island in the South Pacific, “chil- 31 dren. .manipulate firebrands and sharp knives The Value of Autonomy 32 without remonstrance. .one–four year old girl 33 had accidentally amputated parts of several fin- We can discern several core beliefs regarding 34 gers on her right hand” (Lepowsky, 1987). human nature that are widely shared and which 35 complement each other in terms of a parental the- 36 Similar examples involving a parent’s acceptance ory of socialization. Again, the Aka view is charac- 37 of a child playing with dangerous objects can be teristic, “Respect for an individual’s autonomy is a 38 found in virtually every ecological setting around core cultural value. .one does not impose his/her 39 the globe (Lancy, 2014a). Not surprisingly, ethnog- will, beliefs, or actions on others” (Hewlett & Hew- 40 raphers have queried parents regarding this phe- lett, 2013, p. 75). This belief has been particularly 41 nomenon. The Hadza say “children will learn on noted in relatively egalitarian forager bands, 42 their own what is dangerous” (Marlowe, 2010, p. “Deciding what another person should do, no mat- 43 198). The Aka (Central African forest foragers) ter what his age, is outside the Yequana vocabulary 44 response is also representative: of behaviors” (Gray, 2009, p. 507). But the belief in 45 individual autonomy is actually quite common 46 (Nali) “I don’t like it when our children play cross-culturally (Ember, 1991). 47 with machetes, but if the baby decides to play, I A likely greater number of societies do incorpo- 48 leave it. And if the baby cuts themselves and if rate social rank, and in those, children are at the 49 they see the blood, they themselves will decide bottom. My Kpelle adult informants never under- 50 not to play with the machete” (Hewlett, 2013, p. stood why I should be interested in children, given 51 65). how little knowledge they have and so little 52 “sense” (Lancy, 1996). “Sense,” or intelligence, is 53 Of course some precautions may be taken to pre- identified as a quality that individuals acquire at 54 vent injury to clumsy toddlers. The Chewong child the outset of middle childhood, ages 5–7. Children The Socialization of Self-Initiated Learners 3 1 under 5 are granted great freedom because they are cutting tools are so ubiquitous and important to 2 not yet held accountable to practice their subsis- even the earliest humans. 3 tence skills in a reliable fashion (Lancy & Grove, 4 2011, p. 287). 5 The belief that children learn through their own Learning to Use Tools 6 initiative, and should be granted sufficient freedom 7 to do so, seems to be extremely widespread.
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