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												  Download FileA War of Proper Names: The Politics of Naming, Indigenous Insurrection, and Genocidal Violence During Guatemala’s Civil War. Juan Carlos Mazariegos Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2020 © 2019 Juan Carlos Mazariegos All Rights Reserved Abstract A War of Proper Names: The Politics of Naming, Indigenous Insurrection, and Genocidal Violence During Guatemala’s Civil War During the Guatemalan civil war (1962-1996), different forms of anonymity enabled members of the organizations of the social movement, revolutionary militants, and guerrilla combatants to address the popular classes and rural majorities, against the backdrop of generalized militarization and state repression. Pseudonyms and anonymous collective action, likewise, acquired political centrality for revolutionary politics against a state that sustained and was symbolically co-constituted by forms of proper naming that signify class and racial position, patriarchy, and ethnic difference. Between 1979 and 1981, at the highest peak of mass mobilizations and insurgent military actions, the symbolic constitution of the Guatemalan state was radically challenged and contested. From the perspective of the state’s elites and military high command, that situation was perceived as one of crisis; and between 1981 and 1983, it led to a relatively brief period of massacres against indigenous communities of the central and western highlands, where the guerrillas had been operating since 1973. Despite its long duration, by 1983 the fate of the civil war was sealed with massive violence. Although others have recognized, albeit marginally, the relevance of the politics of naming during Guatemala’s civil war, few have paid attention to the relationship between the state’s symbolic structure of signification and desire, its historical formation, and the dynamics of anonymous collective action and revolutionary pseudonymity during the war.
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												  Armen Sarkissian • Adama Dieng • Henry Theriault • Fernand De Varennes • Mô Bleeker • Kyriakos Kyriakou-Hadjiyianni •GENOCIDE PREVENTION THROUGH EDUCATION 9-11 DECEMBER 2018 YEREVAN • ARMENIA ORGANIZERS Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Armenia WITH SUPPORT OF IN COOPERATION WITH UNITED NATIONS OFFICE ON GENOCIDE PREVENTION AND THE RESPONSIBILITY TO PROTECT TABLE of CONTENTS 9 Message from the Organizers 12 PROGRAM 9-11 December 2018 16 HIGH LEVEL SEGMENT • Zohrab Mnatsakanyan • Armen Sarkissian • Adama Dieng • Henry Theriault • Fernand de Varennes • Mô Bleeker • Kyriakos Kyriakou-Hadjiyianni • 47 PLENARY Dunja SESSION: Mijatović 70th Anniversaries of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide and the Uni- versal Declaration of Human Rights. 69 PANEL ONE: Supporting Genocide Prevention through Perpetua- tion of Remembrance Days of Genocide Victims. 101 PANEL TWO: New Approaches to Education and Art about Geno- cide and its Prevention. 123 PANEL THREE: Combating Genocide Denial and Propaganda of Xenophobia. 161 PANEL FOUR: The Role of Education and Awareness Raising in the Prevention of the Crime of Genocide. 190 PREVENTION 194 SIDE EVENTS 200 AFTERWORD 10 MESSAGE FROM THE ORGANIZERS he 3rd Global Forum against the Crime of Genocide was held in 2018 and was dedicated to the issues of genocide preven- T tion through education, culture and museums. It examined the challenges and opportunities, experiences and perspectives of the genocide education. This book encompasses presentations that address among other things the role of genocide museums, memorial sites and institutes for perpetuation of remembrance, as well as such complex issues as - tings in which reconciliation, memory, and empathy help to restore aworking modicum with of groups-in-conflicttrust and open communication; in non-traditional combatting educational genocide set denial and propaganda of xenophobia.
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												  The Guatemala Genocide Cases: Universal Jurisdiction and Its Limits© The Guatemala Genocide Cases: Universal Jurisdiction and Its Limits by Paul “Woody” Scott* INTRODUCTION Systematic murder, genocide, torture, terror and cruelty – all are words used to describe the campaigns of Guatemalan leaders, including President Jose Efrain Rios Montt, directed toward the indigenous Mayans in the Guatemalan campo. The United Nations-backed Truth Commission concludes that the state carried out deliberate acts of genocide against the Mayan indigenous populations.1 Since Julio Cesar Mendez Montenegro took Guatemalan presidential office in 1966, Guatemala was involved in a bloody civil war between the army and guerrilla groups located in the Guatemalan countryside. The bloodshed escalated as Montt, a fundamentalist Christian minister, rose to power in 1982 after taking part in a coup d’état and becoming the de facto president of Guatemala. He was in power for just sixteen months, considered by many to be the bloodiest period of Guatemala’s history.2 Under his sixteen-month rule, more than 200,000 people were victims of homicide or forced kidnappings, 83% of whom were of indigenous Mayan origin. Indigenous Mayans were targeted, killed, tortured, raped, and * Paul “Woody” Scott is an associate attorney with Jeri Flynn & Associates in Baton Rouge, Louisiana. His practice is primarily immigration law and criminal defense, specializing in defending immigrants charged with criminal offenses, and deportation defense. He was born in San Pedro Sula, Honduras and moved to the United States at a very early age. He is fluent in both English and Spanish. 1 United Nations Office for Project Services [UNOPS], Commission for Historical Clarification [CEH], Conclusions and Recommendations, GUATEMALA, MEMORIA DEL SILENCIO [hereinafter, GUATEMALA, MEMORY OF SILENCE], Volume V, ¶ 26 (1999).
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												  Everyday Experiences of Cambodian Genocide Survivors in HiddenDocumentation Center of Cambodia Democratic Kampuchea Regime Survivors and Sites of Violence Savina Sirik Team Leader of the Transitional Justice Program The Khmer Rouge Movement • Khmer Rouge communist movement o 1940s- emerged as struggle against the French Colonialization o 1950- Formed communist-led United Issarak Front or Khmer Issarak • Khmer People’s Revolutionary Party (KPRP) o 1951- formed with support from Vietnamese communists o Lost the 1955 election to Sangkum Reastr Niyum o 1956 Sieu Heng defected to the Prince Sihanouk government The Khmer Rouge Movement (Cont.) • Workers’ Party of Kampuchea o 1960-Secret congress was held, reorganized the party o Tou Samut disappeared, Pol Pot became the party’s leader o 1965 Visit of Pol Pot to Vietname, China and North Korea • Communist Party of Kampuchea o 1966 changed the party name to CPK o 1966-70 headquarter in Rattanakiri The Khmer Rouge regime, officially known as the Democratic Kampuchea (DK), ruled Cambodia from 1975 to 1979. The Evacuation of Phnom Penh on April 17, 1975. Source: Roland Neveu Collective cooperatives and massive agricultural and irrigation projects were established throughout the country Democratic Kampuchea in 1976 Source: DK Ministry of Education, 1976. Administrative Divisions & Security System • 6 Zones • 32 Regions • District • Sub-district • Cooperatives • Security system is divided in five levels with S-21 as the top level security center, followed by zonal, regional, district, and sub-district prisons. • 196 prisons • Over 388 killing sites containing almost 20,000 mass graves • Labor sites • 81 local memorials Former Khmer Rouge security centers Physical evidence of violence in the landscapes remains After the Democratic Kampuchea • Introduce to an unmarked site of mass violence and its relationship to survivors • Consider how contemporary lives of survivors are informed by memories of the genocide • Until today, many survivors still live and work in the same villages where they experienced starvation, forced labors, and torture during the DK.
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												  Genocide, Ethnocide, Ecocide, with Special Reference to Indigenous Peoples: a BibliographyGenocide, Ethnocide, Ecocide, with Special Reference to Indigenous Peoples: A Bibliography Robert K. Hitchcock Department of Anthropology and Geography University of Nebraska-Lincoln Lincoln, NE 68588-0368 [email protected] Adalian, Rouben (1991) The Armenian Genocide: Context and Legacy. Social Education 55(2):99-104. Adalian, Rouben (1997) The Armenian Genocide. In Century of Genocide: Eyewitness Accounts and Critical Views, Samuel Totten, William S. Parsons and Israel W. Charny eds. Pp. 41-77. New York and London: Garland Publishing Inc. Adams, David Wallace (1995) Education for Extinction: American Indians and the Boarding School Experience 1875-1928. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas. Africa Watch (1989) Zimbabwe, A Break with the Past? Human Rights and Political Unity. New York and Washington, D.C.: Africa Watch Committee. Africa Watch (1990) Somalia: A Government at War With Its Own People. Testimonies about the Killings and the Conflict in the North. New York, New York: Human Rights Watch. African Rights (1995a) Facing Genocide: The Nuba of Sudan. London: African Rights. African Rights (1995b) Rwanda: Death, Despair, and Defiance. London: African Rights. African Rights (1996) Rwanda: Killing the Evidence: Murders, Attacks, Arrests, and Intimidation of Survivors and Witnesses. London: African Rights. Albert, Bruce (1994) Gold Miners and Yanomami Indians in the Brazilian Amazon: The Hashimu Massacre. In Who Pays the Price? The Sociocultural Context of Environmental Crisis, Barbara Rose Johnston, ed. pp. 47-55. Washington D.C. and Covelo, California: Island Press. Allen, B. (1996) Rape Warfare: The Hidden Genocide in Bosnia-Herzogovina and Croatia. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. American Anthropological Association (1991) Report of the Special Commission to Investigate the Situation of the Brazilian Yanomami, June, 1991.
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												  Bombs Over Cambodiathe walrus october 2006 History Bombs Over Cambodia New information reveals that Cambodia was bombed far more heavily during the Vietnam War than previously believed — and that the bombing began not under Richard Nixon, but under Lyndon Johnson story by Taylor Owen and Ben Kiernan mapping by Taylor Owen US Air Force bombers like this B-52, shown releasing its payload over Vietnam, helped make Cambodia one of the most heavily bombed countries in history — perhaps the most heavily bombed. In the fall of 2000, twenty-five years after the end of the war in Indochina, more ordnance on Cambodia than was previously believed: 2,756,941 Bill Clinton became the first US president since Richard Nixon to visit tons’ worth, dropped in 230,516 sorties on 113,716 sites. Just over 10 per- Vietnam. While media coverage of the trip was dominated by talk of cent of this bombing was indiscriminate, with 3,580 of the sites listed as some two thousand US soldiers still classified as missing in action, a having “unknown” targets and another 8,238 sites having no target listed small act of great historical importance went almost unnoticed. As a hu- at all. The database also shows that the bombing began four years earlier manitarian gesture, Clinton released extensive Air Force data on all Amer- than is widely believed — not under Nixon, but under Lyndon Johnson. ican bombings of Indochina between 1964 and 1975. Recorded using a The impact of this bombing, the subject of much debate for the past groundbreaking ibm-designed system, the database provided extensive three decades, is now clearer than ever.
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												  Reconciliation in Cambodia: Victims and Perpetrators Living Together, ApartCoventry University Reconciliation in Cambodia: Victims and Perpetrators Living Together, Apart McGrew, L. Submitted version deposited in CURVE January 2014 Original citation: McGrew, L. (2011) Reconciliation in Cambodia: Victims and Perpetrators Living Together, Apart. Unpublished PhD Thesis. Coventry: Coventry University. Copyright © and Moral Rights are retained by the author(s) and/ or other copyright owners. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This item cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the copyright holder(s). The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. CURVE is the Institutional Repository for Coventry University http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open Reconciliation in Cambodia: Victims and Perpetrators Living Together, Apart by Laura McGrew A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the University’s requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Coventry University Centre for the Study of Peace and Reconciliation Coventry, United Kingdom April 2011 © Laura McGrew All Rights Reserved 2011 ABSTRACT Under the brutal Khmer Rouge regime from 1975 to 1979 in Cambodia, 1.7 million people died from starvation, overwork, torture, and murder. While five senior leaders are on trial for these crimes at the Extraordinary Chambers of the Courts of Cambodia, hundreds of lower level perpetrators live amongst their victims today. This thesis examines how rural Cambodians (including victims, perpetrators, and bystanders) are coexisting after the trauma of the Khmer Rouge years, and the decades of civil war before and after.
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												  Overview: CambodiaOverview: Cambodia In merely a few years during the 1970s, perpetrators of the Cambodian Genocide murdered up to 3 million of their fellow countrymen and caused unimaginable suffering to a great number of others. Members of the Khmer Rouge, the radical political regime behind the terror, invoked a dubious justification of their crimes by alleging that such actions would ultimately improve everyday people’s quality of life through the establishment of a more egalitarian society under communist rule. This purportedly utopian pursuit has left the Cambodian people with a painful legacy, one that they are still struggling to overcome. Cambodian history was not always so mired in atrocity. In fact, for a long time, visitors recorded being favorably impressed by the region’s promise of an affluent lifestyle to its residents, known as the Khmer. From the 9th through 15th centuries, the Khmer Empire was based in Cambodia and ruled most of southeastern Asia. Its capital city of Angkor boasted a population greater than one million residents, making it for hundreds of years the largest city in the world. Angkor boasted a reputation for prosperity, but was finally sacked in the 15th century, an event that helped usher in generations of hardship. By the 1800s, the region of Cambodia was locked in a power struggle between neighboring Siam and Vietnam. The French entered at mid- century, and a colonial system soon emerged. While never genocidal, French encroachment was for the people of Cambodia but one more marker on their recent historical downslide. The Japanese invasion during the Second World War saw the weakening of French forces in Cambodia and the installation of Cambodia’s King Sihanouk, whose reign began in 1941.
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												  Racial Ideology and Implementation of the Khmer Rouge GenocideRacial Ideology and Implementation of the Khmer Rouge Genocide Abby Coomes, Jonathan Dean, Makinsey Perkins, Jennifer Roberts, Tyler Schroeder, Emily Simpson Abstract Indochina Implementation In the 1970s Pol Pot devised a ruthless Cambodian regime Communism in Cambodia began as early as the 1940s during known as the Khmer Rouge. The Khmer Rouge adopted a strong the time of Joseph Stalin. Its presence was elevated when Pol Pot sense of nationalism and discriminated against the Vietnamese and became the prime minister and leader of the Khmer Rouge. In 1975, other racial minorities in Cambodia. This form of radical Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge implemented their new government communism led to the Cambodian genocide because the Khmer the Democratic Kampuchea. This government was meant to replace Rouge cleansed the minorities of their culture and committed mass the existing one in every way possible by any means necessary. murder amongst their people in order to establish power. Pol Pot The Khmer Rouge imposed a forced cleansing of Cambodia, both in established the Democratic Kampuchea which forced what he culture and race. This meant that the Cambodian minorities were to called the “New People” to work on the farms and in the factories. be weeded out, tortured, and murdered. This was called the Four The Khmer Rouge went as far as to convert the schools into Year Plan. prisons and destroyed all traces of books and equipment to rid The Khmer Rouge started by separating the minority groups Cambodia of their education system. This project will analyze how within the country. The Khmer Rouge wedged a division between Pol Pot’s regime created systematic racism amongst the the urban and rural populations, categorizing between the “New Cambodian minorities and developed a social hierarchy.
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												  Forensic Anthropologist's Role in Developing Evidence ToFlorida State University Libraries Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School 2011 Proving Genocide: The Role of Forensic Anthropology in Developing Evidence to Convict Those Responsible for Genocide Jean M. Morgan Follow this and additional works at the FSU Digital Library. For more information, please contact [email protected] THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES PROVING GENOCIDE: THE ROLE OF FORENSIC ANTHROPOLOGY IN DEVELOPING EVIDENCE TO CONVICT THOSE RESPONSIBLE FOR GENOCIDE By Jean M. Morgan A Thesis submitted to the Department of Anthropology in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science Degree Awarded: Fall Semester, 2011 Copyright © 2011 Jean M. Morgan All Rights Reserved Jean M. Morgan defended this thesis on October 17, 2011. The members of the supervisory committee were: Glen H. Doran Professor Directing the Thesis Rochelle Marrinan Committee Member Lynne Schepartz Committee Member The Graduate School has verified and approved the above-named committee members, and certifies that the thesis has been approved in accordance with university requirements. ii I would like to dedicate this work to Bishop Juan Gerardi Conedera, of the Archdiocese of Guatemala, who was murdered two days after issuing a report on the Guatemalan genocide. Additionally, this work is dedicated to all of the courageous forensic scientists and prosecutors who investigate atrocities and prosecute cases of genocide at the risk of their own personal safety. Without their dedication and hard work, justice would not be served for the victims of genocide and their loved ones. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The thesis presented here would not have been possible without the support of colleagues, family, friends, and medical professionals.
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												  A Comparative Study of the Assyrian and Guatemalan GenocidesUNLV Theses, Dissertations, Professional Papers, and Capstones 5-1-2015 A Comparative Study of the Assyrian and Guatemalan Genocides Bernadette Mary Lazar University of Nevada, Las Vegas Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/thesesdissertations Part of the Islamic World and Near East History Commons, Latin American Studies Commons, Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons, Peace and Conflict Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Repository Citation Lazar, Bernadette Mary, "A Comparative Study of the Assyrian and Guatemalan Genocides" (2015). UNLV Theses, Dissertations, Professional Papers, and Capstones. 2373. http://dx.doi.org/10.34917/7645938 This Thesis is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Scholarship@UNLV with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Thesis in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Thesis has been accepted for inclusion in UNLV Theses, Dissertations, Professional Papers, and Capstones by an authorized administrator of Digital Scholarship@UNLV. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE ASSYRIAN AND GUATEMALAN GENOCIDES By Bernadette M. Lazar Bachelor of Arts - Political Science University of Nevada, Las Vegas 2010 A thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts - Political Science Department of Political Science College of Liberal Arts The Graduate College University of Nevada, Las Vegas May 2015 We recommend the thesis prepared under our supervision by Bernadette M.
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												  Proquest DissertationsRICE UNIVERSITY Tracing the Last Breath: Movements in Anlong Veng &dss?e?73&£i& frjjrarijsfass cassis^ scesse & w o O as by Timothy Dylan Wood A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE Doctor of Philosophy APPROVED, THESIS COMMITTEE: y' 7* Stephen A. Tyler, Herbert S. Autrey Professor Department of Philip R. Wood, Professor Department of French Studies HOUSTON, TEXAS MAY 2009 UMI Number: 3362431 INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI UMI Microform 3362431 Copyright 2009 by ProQuest LLC All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ABSTRACT Tracing the Last Breath: Movements in Anlong Veng by Timothy Dylan Wood Anlong Veng was the last stronghold of the Khmer Rouge until the organization's ultimate collapse and defeat in 1999. This dissertation argues that recent moves by the Cambodian government to transform this site into an "historical-tourist area" is overwhelmingly dominated by commercial priorities. However, the tourism project simultaneously effects an historical narrative that inherits but transforms the government's historiographic endeavors that immediately followed Democratic Kampuchea's 1979 ousting.