1)To Understand What Home Rule Was, Who Supported/Opposed It and Why
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Drumcree 4 Standoff: Nationalists Will
UIMH 135 JULY — IUIL 1998 50p (USA $1) Drumcree 4 standoff: Nationalists will AS we went to press the Drumcree standoff was climbdown by the British in its fifth day and the Orange Order and loyalists government. were steadily increasing their campaign of The co-ordinated and intimidation and pressure against the nationalist synchronised attack on ten Catholic churches on the night residents in Portadown and throughout the Six of July 1-2 shows that there is Counties. a guiding hand behind the For the fourth year the brought to a standstill in four loyalist protests. Mo Mowlam British government looks set to days and the Major government is fooling nobody when she acts back down in the face of Orange caved in. the innocent and seeks threats as the Tories did in 1995, The ease with which "evidence" of any loyalist death 1996 and Tony Blair and Mo Orangemen are allowed travel squad involvement. Mowlam did (even quicker) in into Drurncree from all over the Six Counties shows the The role of the 1997. constitutional nationalist complicity of the British army Once again the parties sitting in Stormont is consequences of British and RUC in the standoff. worth examining. The SDLP capitulation to Orange thuggery Similarly the Orangemen sought to convince the will have to be paid by the can man roadblocks, intimidate Garvaghy residents to allow a nationalist communities. They motorists and prevent 'token' march through their will be beaten up by British nationalists going to work or to area. This was the 1995 Crown Forces outside their the shops without interference "compromise" which resulted own homes if they protest from British policemen for in Ian Paisley and David against the forcing of Orange several hours. -
Violence and the Sacred in Northern Ireland
VIOLENCE AND THE SACRED IN NORTHERN IRELAND Duncan Morrow University of Ulster at Jordanstown For 25 years Northern Ireland has been a society characterized not so much by violence as by an endemic fear of violence. At a purely statistical level the risk of death as a result of political violence in Belfast was always between three and ten times less than the risk of murder in major cities of the United States. Likewise, the risk of death as the result of traffic accidents in Northern Ireland has been, on average, twice as high as the risk of death by political killing (Belfast Telegraph, 23 January 1994). Nevertheless, the tidal flow of fear about political violence, sometimes higher and sometimes lower but always present, has been the consistent fundamental backdrop to public, and often private, life. This preeminence of fear is triggered by past and present circumstances and is projected onto the vision of the future. The experience that disorder is ever close at hand has resulted in an endemic insecurity which gives rise to the increasingly conscious desire for a new order, for scapegoats and for resolution. For a considerable period of time, Northern Ireland has actively sought and made scapegoats but such actions have been ineffective in bringing about the desired resolution to the crisis. They have led instead to a continuous mimetic crisis of both temporal and spatial dimensions. To have lived in Northern Ireland is to have lived in that unresolved crisis. Liberal democracy has provided the universal transcendence of Northern Ireland's political models. Northern Ireland is physically and spiritually close to the heartland of liberal democracy: it is geographically bound by Britain and Ireland, economically linked to Western Europe, and historically tied to emigration to the United States, Canada, and the South Pacific. -
Lesson Lesson Description
MODULE 4. THE EASTER RISING 1: BEFORE THE REVOLUTION LESSON LESSON DESCRIPTION 1. The first lesson in the module will explore the historical background to the Easter Rising by introducing students to the social, political and cultural factors that shaped Ireland before 1916. The lesson outlines the political tensions surrounding the introduction of Home Rule in 1912. We see how the Home Rule crisis was a pivotal event leading to the Easter Rising. LESSON INTENTIONS LESSON OUTCOMES 1. Discuss the range of views and • Be able to discuss how the experiences that shaped people’s Home Rule crisis changed political views and activities. the nature of both the 2. Explain the origins of the Home nationalist and unionist political Rule Crisis in 1912 and summarise movements, and led to the the reactions to it. events of 1916. 3. Demonstrate an understanding of • Employ ICT skills to express an the political changes of the time understanding of the topic. through the use of digital media. HANDOUTS DIGITAL SOFTWARE HARDWARE AND GUIDES • Lesson 1 Key • Suggested • Comic • Whiteboard Information Additional Creation • PCs/laptops I N • M4L1Tasksheet Resources Software RO P • Comic Creation e.g. Comic Storyboard Life • Digital Imaging • Image Design Sheet Editing Software e.g. GIMP www.nervecentre.org/teachingdividedhistories MODULE 4: LESSON 1: LESSON PLAN 9 MODULE 4. THE EASTER RISING 1: BEFORE THE REVOLUTION ACTIVITY LEARNING OUTCOMES Starter - Play Suggested Watching the animation will give Additional Resource 4 from the students an understanding of Key Information.The animation will unionist opposition to Home Rule provide students with an explanation and act as an introduction to some of the Ulster Covenant. -
The Ulster Women's Unionist Council and Ulster Unionism
“No Idle Sightseers”: The Ulster Women’s Unionist Council and Ulster Unionism (1911-1920s) Pamela Blythe McKane A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN POLITICAL SCIENCE YORK UNIVERSITY TORONTO, ONTARIO JANUARY 2015 ©Pamela Blythe McKane 2015 Abstract Title: “No Idle Sightseers”: The Ulster Women’s Unionist Council and Ulster Unionism (1911-1920s) This doctoral dissertation examines the Ulster Women’s Unionist Council (UWUC), an overlooked, but historically significant Ulster unionist institution, during the 1910s and 1920s—a time of great conflict. Ulster unionists opposed Home Rule for Ireland. World War 1 erupted in 1914 and was followed by the Anglo-Irish War (1919- 1922), the partition of Ireland in 1922, and the Civil War (1922-1923). Within a year of its establishment the UWUC was the largest women’s political organization in Ireland with an estimated membership of between 115,000 and 200,000. Yet neither the male- dominated Ulster unionist institutions of the time, nor the literature related to Ulster unionism and twentieth-century Irish politics and history have paid much attention to its existence and work. This dissertation seeks to redress this. The framework of analysis employed is original in terms of the concepts it combines with a gender focus. It draws on Rogers Brubaker’s (1996) concepts of “nation” as practical category, institutionalized form (“nationhood”), and contingent event (“nationness”), combining these concepts with William Walters’ (2004) concept of “domopolitics” and with a feminist understanding of the centrality of gender to nation. -
Ireland Between the Two World Wars 1916-1949, the Irish Political
People’s Democratic Republic of Algeria Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research University of Oran Faculty of Letters, Arts and Foreign Languages, Department of Anglo-Saxon Languages Section of English THE IRISH QUESTION FROM HOME RULE TO THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND, 1891-1949 Thesis submitted to the Department of Anglo-Saxon Languages in candidature for the Degree of Doctorate in British Civilization Presented by: Supervised by: Mr. Abdelkrim Moussaoui Prof. Badra Lahouel Board of examiners: President: Dr. Belkacem Belmekki……………………….. (University of Oran) Supervisor: Prof. Badra Lahouel…………………………… (University of Oran) Examiner: Prof. Abbès Bahous………………….. (University of Mostaganem) Examiner: Prof. Smail Benmoussat …………………..(University of Tlemcen) Examiner: Dr. Zoulikha Mostefa…………………………… (University of Oran) Examiner: Dr. Faiza Meberbech……………………… (University of Tlemcen) 2013-2014 1 DEDICATION …To the Memory of My Beloved Tender Mother… 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS By the Name of God the Clement and the Merciful First and foremost, I would like to thank my mentor and supervisor, the distinguished teacher, Professor Badra LAHOUEL, to whom I am so grateful and will be eternally indebted for her guidance, pieces of advice, encouragement and above all, her proverbial patience and comprehension throughout the preparation of this humble research paper. I am also profoundly thankful to whom I consider as a spiritual father, Professor, El Hadj Fawzi Borsali may God preserve him, for his inestimable support and instructive remarks. Special thanks to all my previous teachers through my graduation years: Lakhdar Barka, Moulfi, Maghni, Mostefa, Sebbane, Boutaleb, Layadi, Chami, Rahal, and those we lost Mr Bouamrane and Mr Benali may their souls rest in peace. I would also like to express my gratitude to Mr Moukaddess from England, for his valuable help, and to my friend Abdelkader Kourdouli for being very willing to help. -
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35 NO 'FRIENDS' OF HOME RULE? From their first arrival in Ireland in 1654 as a group of radical Christians, the Quakers have played a prominent role in Irish society. By the time of the Great Famine, they numbered approximately 3000 and were concentrated mostly in the south and east of the country. They came to national attention in 1846 in the midst of the Great Famine. In response to appeals for help, they held a meeting in Eustace St., Dublin on 13 November and set up the Central Relief Committee to coordinate famine relief.1 Following a fund-raising campaign, food, clothing and money were sent from America. Boilers were shipped from Liverpool in 1847 to ports in the west of Ireland, thus ensuring that the most distressed areas received the benefits of relief schemes. To assist with short-term measures, the Quakers set up soup kitchens which later formed a model for government relief programmes. The Quaker famine pots scattered across the countryside have survived as lasting icons of a remarkable period in Quaker philanthropic activity. Long-term assistance was provided through loans, the distribution of seed and emigration schemes. The Society of Friends succeeded in charting a distinctive role for themselves while at the same time standing apart from the political and religious controversies of the period. Following the Famine, individual Quakers continued to maintain a keen interest in social issues. Among them was the English Quaker, James Hack Tuke, who had a close association with the country for almost fifty years. Raised in a wealthy family noted for its philanthropy in Yorkshire, he moved to Hitchen in Hertfordshire, where he became a partner of the old established firm of Sharples and Company. -
The Catholic Church and the Third Home Rule Bill
9 ‘Resigned to take the bill with its defects’: the Catholic Church and the third Home Rule bill Daithí Ó Corráin In its chronicle of events for 1912, The Irish Catholic Directory devoted just a single line to the introduction of the third Home Rule bill in the House of Commons.1 This contrasted sharply with lengthy entries on the crusade against evil literature, intemperance, the sinking of Titanic and clerical obituaries. Even more striking was the silence of the Catholic hierarchy, which, as a body, did not issue any statement. This reticence should not, however, be regarded as episcopal disapproval. The bishops shared in the general air of expectancy that nationalist aspirations would be fulfilled by 1914: this was the product of the two general elections of 1910; the Parliament Act of 1911, which limited the capacity of the House of Lords to veto parliamentary measures; and the commitment of the Liberal Party under Herbert H. Asquith to introduce a third Home Rule bill. But for the hierarchy the possibility of Irish self-government presented both potential benefits and lurking dangers. Their responses to the bill and the deepening crisis of 1913 and 1914 were conditioned by two overarching factors. 1 The Irish Catholic Directory (ICD), 1913, p. 515. 185 THE HOME RULE CRISIS 1912–1914 The first was their level of confidence in the leadership of the Irish Party. The second applied chiefly to the Ulster bishops: the prospect of exclusion from an Irish parliament imperilled their religious and educational interests. By the onset of the First World War, the spectre of partition had stretched their trust in the Irish Party and support for a Home Rule settlement to breaking point. -
The Political Role of Northern Irish Protestant Religious Denominations
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Supervised Undergraduate Student Research Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects and Creative Work 2-1991 The Political Role of Northern Irish Protestant Religious Denominations Henry D. Fincher Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_chanhonoproj Recommended Citation Fincher, Henry D., "The Political Role of Northern Irish Protestant Religious Denominations" (1991). Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_chanhonoproj/68 This is brought to you for free and open access by the Supervised Undergraduate Student Research and Creative Work at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. - - - - - THE POtJ'TICAIJ I~OI~E OF NOR'TI-IERN IRISH - PROTESrrANrr REI~IGIOUS DENOMINATIONS - COLLEGE SCIIOLAR5,/TENNESSEE SCIIOLARS PROJECT - HENRY D. FINCHER ' - - FEnRlJARY IN, 1991 - - - .. - .. .. - Acknowledgements The completion of this project would have been impossible without assistance from many different individuals in the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Republic of Ireland. I appreciate the gifts of interviews from the MP's for South Belfast and South Wirral, respectively the Reverend Martin Smyth and the Honorable Barry Porter. Li kewi se, these in terv iews would have been impossible without the assistance of the Rt. Hon. Merlyn Rees MP PC, who arranged these two insightful contacts for me. In Belfast my research was aided enormously through the efforts of Mr. Robert Bell at the Linen Hall Library, as well as by the helpful and ever-cheerful librarians at the University of Ulster at Jordanstown. -
Download INTERREG IIIA Sharing Excellence
Sharing Excellence INTERREG IIIA in the Ireland / Northern Ireland East Border Region 2003–2008 Project part financed by the European Union This project is part financed by the European Union through the INTERREG IIIA Programme managed for the Special EU Programmes Body by the East Border Region INTERREG IIIA Partnership East Border Region INTERREG IIIA Programme The INTERREG IIIA Programme is an EU Community Initiative designed to support cross border co-operation, social cohesion and economic development between regions of the EU. The Ireland/Northern Ireland Programme covers all of Northern Ireland and the six Border Counties of Ireland: Cavan, Donegal, Leitrim, Louth, Monaghan and Sligo. The Programme aims to address the economic and social disadvantage that can result from the existence of a border. Throughout the lifetime of the INTERREG IIIA Programme (2000–2008) over 182 million has been invested in genuine cross border projects € throughout the entire eligible area. This funding has been distributed through a number of different organisations such as Government departments working alongside locally developed Partnerships (Implementing Agents) on both sides of the border. The East Border Region INTERREG IIIA Partnership was appointed as an Implementing Agent and as a result has funded 38 genuine cross border projects across the East Border Region to the value of approximately 25 million. We felt it was important to document a brief explanation € of each of our funded projects, hence the creation of this publication. Contents Welcome -
Language, Politics and Identity in Ireland: a Historical Overview
This is a repository copy of Language, Politics and Identity in Ireland: a Historical Overview. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/98924/ Version: Accepted Version Book Section: Crowley, AE (2016) Language, Politics and Identity in Ireland: a Historical Overview. In: Hickey, R, (ed.) Sociolinguistics in Ireland. Palgrave Macmillan , London , pp. 198-217. ISBN 978-1-137-45347-1 Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ Language, politics and identity in Ireland: a historical overview. Tony Crowley 1. Introduction. The Belfast Agreement (1998) brought about new constitutional arrangements between the Republic of Ireland and the United Kingdom, and a new structure of governance within Northern Ireland. Designed, amongst other aims, to end the war in Northern Ireland that had lasted almost thirty years, the agreement was arguably the most important political development within Ireland since the declaration of the Irish Republic in 1948. -
Ballykinler Camp: the First Seven Decades, 1900-1969
The First Seven Decades, 1900-1969 Ballykinler Camp The First Seven Decades,1900-1969 This project has been funded by the European Union’s PEACE III Programme, managed by the Special EU Programmes A Down County Museum Publication Body and delivered by the North Down, Ards and Down Councils’ Cluster. Text by Philip Orr 1 Acknowledgements This project has been funded by the European Union’s PEACE III Programme, managed by the Special EU Programmes Body and delivered by the North Down, Ards and Down Councils’ Cluster. Down County Museum’s PEACE III funded community history project aims to contribute to a reduction in sectarianism and racism across the North Down, Ards and Down Councils’ cluster by increasing understanding and awareness of a range of issues relating to cultural and community identity. The project seeks to provide opportunities to learn about local history and culture and produce resources which examine issues of cultural identity and diversity. The author wishes to acknowledge help given by current and former members of the armed forces who have served at Ballykinler, as well as staff who were employed there as range wardens. Help was also given by employees of the Sandes Homes and by local residents in the Ballykinler area. Staff of Down Museum are to be thanked for assistance throughout the project as are a wide range of friends and enthusiasts who volunteered relevant information. Particular thanks to Nigel Henderson for historical expertise and regular support, including a photographic record of the camp and its hinterland as seen today. The views and opinions expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect those of the European Commission or the Special EU Programmes Body. -
Monuments to British Monarchs in Dublin Before and After Independence
Journal of Historical Geography, 28, 4 (2002) 508±533 doi:10.1006/jhge.2002.0441, available online at http://www.idealibrary.com on The construction and destruction of a colonial landscape: monuments to British monarchs in Dublin before and after independence Y. Whelan Where cities evolve in contentious political circumstances and make the transition from a colonial to a post-colonial state, aspects of the urban landscape such as public monuments, street nomenclature, buildings, city plans and urban design initiatives take on particular signi®cance. Collectively they demonstrate the fact that the city is the product of a struggle among con¯icting interest groups in search of dominion over an environment. As one group seeks dominance over the other the urban landscape often becomes the canvas upon which this power struggle ®nds expression. Public statues in particular serve as an important source for unravelling the geographies of broader political and cultural shifts. These issues are explored here with reference to Dublin City and the monuments erected to royal monarchs before the achievement of political independence in 1922, namely Kings William I (1701), George I (1722), George II (1758) and Queen Victoria (1908). The fate of such monuments in post-colonial Dublin and the ways in which the ¯edgling state and particular groups within it sought to express their new found power through both the of®cial and oftentimes wilful destruction of these royal statues is then examined. The paper illuminates the power of public monuments as symbolic sites of meaning and explores their role in the construction of a landscape of colonial power.