sign in sign up
<<
Home , British rule in Ireland, Desmond Rebellions, Edward Heath, Irish Confederate Wars, Operation Banner, Operation Demetrius

Troubled Times: The Cabinet of , 1972 Hawaiʻi Pacific Model United Nations 2019

Aloha and welcome to PacMUN 2019!

Our names are Jackie Osaki and Matt Linker and we are excited to return as Secretary General for PacMUN 2019. Throughout our involvement with PacMUN over the past three years, we have seen this conference grow and flourish. We are happy to say that trend continues this year as we host the largest and most dynamic PacMUN so far, with a variety of General Assembly, Specialized, Crisis, and Joint Crisis committees that tackle some of the most complex and urgent issues that have faced our world.

My name is Jackie and I’m a recent graduate of Stanford University with a BS with Honors in Biology and a BA in Comparative Literature. I currently work for a management and technology consulting firm that specializes in media and entertainment. Throughout my Stanford career, I participated in Model UN as a delegate, vice-captain, and eventually team captain in my last two years. I love being able to bring realism and current issues to Model UN for students to begin thinking about how we can solve the most pressing issues facing society today.

My name is Matt and I’m a 2019 Stanford graduate in Computer Science, and now work in equity derivatives trading and structuring at a major financial services firm. I first participated in MUN early in my own high school career, before rediscovering it my sophomore year at Stanford, eventually serving as vice-captain, captain, and on the board of our MUN team’s parent organization, the Society for International Affairs at Stanford. To me, MUN represents a window into the true complexity of world affairs, and an excellent learning opportunity to understand why some challenges are more difficult to resolve than others.

While we are excited to bring what we believe to be the best PacMUN yet into fruition, we are most excited to see relationships continue to build this year. We strive to embody all of our core values, but it is truly special to see laulima, or collaboration, in action. We urge all delegates to keep laulima in mind to work together to innovate solutions and make new friends in the process. We hope this guide helps you jump start your research for this year’s PacMUN and we look forward to seeing you in November!

Sincerely,

Jackie Osaki and Matt Linker

2

Hello delegates!

My name is Stephanie Jackson (I usually go by Stephy) and I will be your chair for Prime Minister Edward Heath’s

Cabinet at PacMUN 2019.

I have been participating in Model U.N. since fifth grade and have loved it ever since. I graduated from Henry M. Gunn

High School in Palo Alto, California in May of 2019 and am a freshman at Stanford University this year. Some of my favorite things to do are to spend time with my four other siblings, eat cookie dough, and read. I am a big fan of The Lord of the Rings (the books and the movies), The

Office, Parks and Rec and of course, Brooklyn Nine-Nine. I plan to study foreign policy and international law during college, but I am also interested in psychology, child development, and bioethics. I am extraordinarily excited to chair at PacMUN this year and can not wait to meet all of you in November. Our committee starts in the year 1972, in the heat of the ethno-nationalist conflict between the Unionists and Nationalists in Northern known as . For this committee, I expect delegates to be well-versed in the history of our topic as well as thoroughly researched in the position and opinion of their assigned cabinet member. This committee is an opportunity for delegates to demonstrate their research capabilities, public speaking skills, as well as the ability to respond to crises swiftly and creatively.

In this Cabinet, delegates will work collaboratively to synthesize solutions and responses to one of the most pressing issues facing the Empire - one that concerns our very . In this committee, I, you chair, will be acting as Prime Minister Edward Heath. If you have any questions

3 or concerns as you research your position, please feel free to send me an email at [email protected] and I will get back to you as soon as possible. As your Prime Minister I will expect my cabinet members work together during each committee session and to understand that we all have a common goal: to end this destabilizing conflict, and to protect our citizens from future or imminent harm. I cannot wait to meet you all, have fun reading this background guide, and God save the Queen!

4

Greetings delegates, and mahalo nui loa.

My name is Luc Lavatai, and I have the distinct pleasure to serve as your Crisis Director for PACMUN 2019.

I graduated from ‘Iolani School in 2015, and was involved with the Hawai’i Model UN community as a delegate with ‘Iolani, also serving as the Secretary-General of the 2014-2015 ‘Iolani

Conference programme. I attended NYU and graduated this past

May with a BS in Business, concentrating in Finance and

Strategy. During my time at NYU, I competed on the collegiate circuit, served on the 2016

Directorate for EmpireMUNC, NYU’s High School Conference, and the 2017-2018 Secretariat for NYUMUNC, our collegiate conference. In addition, I’ve chaired and crisis directed several committees, including the JCC Space Race – New Russian Empire in 2015, JCC Europe – Hungary in 2016, Saharan Crisis – Chad in 2016, the Ad-Hoc Committee of the Secretary General in 2017, and most recently Black Hawk Down in 2019. Model UN has been a core part of my life for quite some time now, and I am excited to share this opportunity with the next generation of delegates.

I grew up in Hawai’i and thus have an insatiable love for local food, which has only been compounded by the lack of good poké in New York. I am an avid steak enthusiast, and also enjoy brisket, ribs, bacon, pork belly, and Korean BBQ. When I’m not playing cards or cooking, I can often be found catching up on shows on Netflix and HBO – some of my all-time favorites include

Billions, Big Little Lies, Jack Ryan and The Americans. I’m excited to return home to see that

5 Model UN has flourished in Hawai’i, and look forward to a weekend of heated debate, political intrigue, and lasting memories.

Technology Policy

In this committee there will be a strict no-technology policy for all committee sessions.

Delegates will be writing directives and crisis notes on paper. If a delegate needs to search for a statistic or fact during committee they can ask the chair to do so.

Introduction

It is February 1st, 1972 and the country is in turmoil. One day ago British soldiers shot 28 civilians in the city of , during a protest led by the Northern Ireland Civil

Rights Association (NICRA) against the internment of Irish Nationalists and other civil rights abuses against the Catholic minority in the region of . As of now, 13 have been confirmed as dead due to this tragic event; all were Catholic.1 The growing tension in Northern Ireland between the Nationalists, or Republicans, who wish Northern Ireland to united with the country of

Ireland, and the Unionists, or Loyalists, who wished Northern Ireland to remain with the United

Kingdom is an imminent threat to the stability of the country. The tragic events at Derry, which have been named , have seemed to light a match on the kindling of the conflict brewing during recent years. Tomorrow on February 2nd, 12 of the thirteen who died will be buried

1 “Bloody Sunday: What Happened on Sunday 30 January 1972?” BBC News, BBC, 14 Mar. 2019, www.bbc.com/news/uk-northern-ireland-foyle-west-47433319.

6 and the citizens of the wait for their nation’s leaders to react to this troublesome event.

History

Though The Troubles officially began in

1969, the conflict between the Protestants and

Catholics as well as the fight for independence from British rule in Ireland dates back to centuries before then.

In 1603, following the brutal conflict of the

Desmond Rebellions and the Nine Years War, King James I brought the under

English rule and eventually united all four regions of Britain — , Scotland, Whales, and

Ireland. In 1609, Protestant Scottish and English settlers, known as “planters” were sent to the Irish province of Ulster — located in the north-east of the country. This organized colonization of Irish land, known as the , led to an outbreak of conflict between Catholic residents and Protestant planters, known as the of 1641 and 1653. The victory of

Protestant forces after the wars led to the passage of restrictive legislation for the Catholic population in Ireland which sparked more discontent with British rule.2 These — which included but were not limited to the ban of intermarriage between Catholics and Protestants, the ban of Catholic membership in the , and the Disinfringement Act which

2 Finnegan, Patrick. “Religious Motivation During the Troubles.” St Antony's International Review, vol. 12, no. 1, 2016, pp. 53–75. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/26229159.

7 banned Catholics from voting — led to years of Irish rebellion against English dominion as well as retaliatory attacks on Irish citizens from British forces.

Influenced by the American and French Revolutions of 1776 and 1789, a group of republican revolutionists named the Society of United Irishmen organized a rebellion in 1798.

There self-claimed purpose was to remove religion from politics and allow Catholic citizens to be members of the Parliament of Ireland. In retaliation for the rebellion, the Parliament of Great

Britain and the Parliament of Ireland passed the Acts Union of 1800 which effectively abolished the Parliament of Ireland.

Over the course of the next few decades the issue of Irish self-government resurfaced as a controversial issue many times. The Great from 1845 to 1859 aggravated the already rising political tensions in the area, and although many restrictive laws were repealed during the

Catholic Emancipation of 1829, the Catholic populations in Ireland remained discontent with the current status of their nation. In 1874, the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) was founded by Isaac

Butt, a nationalist who hoped for better representation of Irish Nationalists in the British

Parliament. The rise in power of the IPP in the British House of Commons as well as the growing discontent with the treatment of the Irish citizens, led to the political and social movement in favor of limited Irish self-government known as the Home Rule Movement. Three separate Home Rule

Bills were proposed to the British Parliament, each one sparking debate in the two houses and occasionally violence in Ireland between Nationalists and Unionists. The First Home Rule Bill, introduced in 1886 was defeated in the House of Commons, and the Second was defeated in the

House of Lords. When the Third Home Rule Bill was introduced in 1912, a group of Unionist founded in the province of Ulster and formed to resist the proposal of Home Rule — this group called themselves the Ulster Volunteers. In response, a similar but opposing group of

8 Nationalists formed; calling themselves the Irish Volunteers. Eventually, however, the British parliament agreement to set up a form of self-government in Ireland and passed the Act of 1914, which granted Ireland self-government in a devolved government. The Act was delayed in its implementation, however, due to the outbreak of the First World War in

September of 1914. During the years of the Great War, Ireland was plagued with mass protests and violence between the Nationalists and the Unionists. On Monday, April 24 of 1916, around

1,200 armed Irish Volunteers entered the city of and began seizing important sites and buildings around the city centre. Throughout the day, the Irish forces built blockades in streets and cut multiple telephone and other communication lines. The fighting continued between the British military forces deployed in the city and the Irish Volunteers throughout the next four days. After suffering many defeats by the British military near the end of the week and having to retreat from their main headquarters in the city, the Irish Volunteers surrendered on April 29th after around 485 people had died — about 54 percent of which were civilians.

Though the attempt to seize the city and establish an was unsuccessful, the events of April 24th, now known as , led to a growth in public support of the Irish rebels and a larger political movement for an increase in Irish representation began. This political movement was headed by Sinn Féin — the Irish Republican party whose members participated in the actions of Easter Rising. In the election of 1918, the previously popular IPP lost its majority hold of Ireland's representation in the British Parliament, and Sinn

Féin won 73 of Ireland's 103 total seats. This land-slide victory for the Nationalist party brought about the growth in power and influence of the (IRA). Established in 1917 from Irish Volunteers after Easter Rising, the IRA became a paramilitary organization that was dedicated to see complete Irish independence from British rule. In January of 1919, Sinn Féin was

9 successful in getting the British Parliament to allow for the establishment of the Irish Republican

Parliament which was charged in representing all 32-. The forces of the IRA were unsatisfied, however, with the remaining political ties with the British Parliament, and used guerilla warfare to begin the Irish War for Independence from 1919 to 1921. Specifically, the war began on January 21st of 1919 when the Irish Rupublican Parliament, known as Dáil Éireann at the time, in tandem with Sinn Féin, declared Irish independence from Britain and began establishing an autonomous Irish State. In addition to this escalation in political tension, the IRA issued attacks on the as well as the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) — a police force specific to Ireland. During the conflict the British government declared martial law on much of

Ireland, many Sinn Féin members were imprisoned, and over 2,000 people died due to the war, of which around 750 were civilians. After almost 3 years of conflict, a truce was reached in July of

1921. To end the war, the Irish and British Parliaments signed

the Anglo-Irish Treaty; which allowed for the creation of a 6-

county Northern Ireland to remain part of the dominion of the

United Kingdom, and a 26-county . The treaty

was ratified in 1922, and the became

officially independent from British Rule and the counties of

Northern Ireland remained part of the United Kingdom.

The new government of Northern Ireland consisted of the Executive Committee, which operated with executive authority over the dominion of Northern Ireland and the Parliament of

Northern Ireland (including a House of Commons and Senate) — led by the Prime Minister. In

1922, the government of Northern Ireland passed the Special Powers Act of 1922, which was seen as a necessity to prevent an outbreak of conflict between the remaining mostly Catholic

10 Nationalists and mostly Protestant Unionists. The Act allowed the Home Affairs Minister to carry out any act they deemed necessary to maintain peace and order in the region, as well as allowed special summary jurisdiction — meaning court without jury — for citizens who refused to abide to said acts. Additionally, due to the Special Powers Act, the now unionist-majority government was able to redraw county district boundaries in order to establish a Unionist majority in cities such as , Tyrone, and Derry City, which previously had a nationalist majority in 1920.

The growing power of the Unionist government in Northern Ireland significantly impeded on the ability for Irish nationalists to be represented in their government; leading to distrust between the two sides. During the 1940’s and through 1960’s there were many reported cases of employment and housing discrimination against . Many accusations surrounded the abuse coming from local government that controlled the creation and distribution of small council housing for low-income and impoverished citizens. These Union-controlled governments were allegedly primarily distributing these houses to unionist and protestant tenants.3 As a result of these allegations as well as the rise of work-place discrimination, many Catholic citizens emigrated to the Republic of Ireland to escape mistreatment — causing an increase in the Protestant-Unionist majority in regions such as Ulster. This change gave rise to the establishment of the Ulster Unionist

Party (UUP), which took power in most of the seats in the Parliament of Northern Ireland. The

Irish nationalist populations of Northern Ireland resented the actions of the Parliament and in 1935 riots broke out in the city of leaving 9 people dead. These events led to the retaliatory forced eviction of around 2,000 Catholic citizens from their homes. In response to this treatment of the Irish-Catholics, the IRA started their Northern Campaign in 1942, which involved a series

3 Lynn, Brendan, and Graham Gudgin. “Discrimination: Discrimination in Housing and Employment under the Stormont Administration.” CAIN Web Service, Ashgate Publishing Ltd., 1999, cain.ulster.ac.uk/issues/discrimination/gudgin99.htm.

11 of attacks on the police and security forces of Northern Ireland and ended in 1944. Furthermore in

1956, the IRA initiated their Border Campaign which lasted for ten years and involved the use of guerilla warfare all along the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland.

The campaigns of the IRA, however, proved to be ineffective in stopping the civil rights abuses against the Irish-Catholic minority in Northern Ireland and protests against the Unionist government became regular. The Prime Minister of Northern Ireland at the time, Terence O'Neill attempted to reform some laws passed by the Parliament, however, was faced with staunch opposition from Unionist MP’s. Prime Minister O'Neill continued to lack support through the late

1960’s as the Protestant Unionists saw him as too soft on the civil rights movement, and the

Catholic Nationalist thought he did not do enough to support the cause. In April of 1966, after weeks of protests for the protection of civil rights, the Ulster Protestant Volunteers (UPV) was established and determined to force O’Neill out of office. Additionally, in 1966, the Ulster

Volunteer Force (UVF) was established as paramilitary group intent on combating the IRA, however, was declared illegal by the government after members shot and killed four Catholic civilians. On April 9th, 1967, the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) was established with the intent of publicizing, documenting, and lobbying against the discrimination of Irish-Catholics and Irish-Nationalists in Northern Ireland. On October 5th, 1968, NICRA had planned a march in the city of Derry, when the loyalist group named the Apprentice Boys announced they would also be holding a counter-protest on the same day and time. In order to avoid conflict the government banned all protests and marches on that day, how the civil rights activist refused the ban and arrive at Derry in the morning. In response, city officers and police beat up and injured almost 100 of the activists. October 5th, 1968 is now recognized as the start of the civil rights movement in Northern Ireland and promoted the establishment of many other

12 activist organizations. The People's Democracy, for example, was formed on October 9th of 1968.

One of the most famous actions of the People’s Democracy was their protests in the city of Derry in January of 1969, where the conflicts between civil rights marchers and police officers led to the rampage and attack of Catholic homes by officers in the area of Derry. These events led to what is known as the “” movement — an effort to keep police out of the area. The protests of the People’s Democracy on January 4th of 1969 are recognized as the start of The

Troubles.

Following the events at Derry, the violence in Northern Ireland only increased, and innocent civilians were most common victims of the conflicts to come. In March and April of 1969 a series of bombings from both the IRA and the forces of the UVF and UPV caused the water and electricity supply of multiple cities to be cut. This violence, as well as pressure from his own political party, led to the resignation of Prime Minister O'Neill. The on

August 12th and violent riots on August 14th, 1969 ended in the deaths of 8 civilians and over 133 injured. The houses and business of many Catholics were burned down by rioters in multiple cities in the Ulster region. These deaths and atrocities started what is known as : the military plan where British soldiers were deployed widespread in Northern Ireland to keep peace

between the warring sides.4 In the next few months

the UVF would carry out multiple attacks and

bombings that further destabilized the region. In

December of 1969, the IRA split into the Official

IRA, the less-violent more politically active group,

4 Jackson, Mike. “Operation Banner: An Analysis of Military Operations in Northern Ireland.” Operation Banner, Ministry of Defense (MOD), July 2006, www.patfinucanecentre.org/misc/opbanner.pdf.

13 and the Provisional IRA, the violent paramilitary group. The Provisional IRA would later carry out several bombings in Northern Ireland in the following months.

In the lead up to Bloody Sunday, a number of contentious events sparked outrage in

Nationalist communities. In July of 1970, a was established in the Lower Fall region of

Belfast due to the constant gun battles between the British military and the IRA in the area.5 The imposed curfew was supposed to last for the next 36 hours, however it ended when thousands of residents marched into the streets and demanded for the military to cease the battles. Additionally, on August 9th and 10th of 1969, the British military carried out : the internment of 342 people who were suspected of having ties to the IRA. All of those arrests were

Irish Nationalists, and most were Catholic. The introduction of internment and the violence of the

British military sparked the organization of protests in Derry which would eventually turn into the tragic occurrence of Bloody Sunday.

Current Issues

The Rise of Power in Paramilitary Organizations

One of the primary threats to the safety and stability of both Northern Ireland and the

United Kingdom is the increasing power of paramilitary groups such as the Provisional IRA

(PIRA). The Belfast-based faction of the original IRA has openly expressed it’s intent to use violence and intimidation as mechanisms of the change they hope to promote. Though lacking support in the initial stages of their establishing in 1969, the PIRA gradually gained influence was

5 Melaugh, Martin. “Chronology of the Conflict 1970.” CAIN Web Service, 2016, cain.ulster.ac.uk/othelem/chron/ch70.htm.

14 their radical and violent campaign grew in popularity in Northern Ireland. Since 1969, the

Provisional IRA has carried out multiple sniper assassinations and bombings within Ulster; focusing on more urban areas.6 Due to the popularity of civil disobedience in the form of mass non-violent protests at the time, however, the PIRA did not gain much support until recently. In addition to common conflicts with the UVF, the PIRA has had and continues to have open gun battles with the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), a primarily Protestant police force in Northern

Ireland.7

The PIRA was structured into multiple subsections: The PIRA Chief of Staff leads the

PIRA’s Army council — the top-tier of the PIRA leadership. Beneath these members are the regional leaders of specific Ulster counties, and the heads of PIRA birage (communities of volunteers for the military force). In 1971, the PIRA began its offensive campaign, with attacks spreading outside the borders of Ulster. Following these attacks, the PIRA now controls almost all of the territory that the previous IRA had once controlled.8 Even more pressing is the increasing radicalization of Irish youths into this violent paramilitary group. After the events of Bloody

Sunday, it is expected that the PIRA will plan a retaliatory attack in the near future.

In addition to the violence spread by the PIRA, the opposing Ulster Volunter Force (UVF) as well as the Ulster Protestant Force (UPF) have become known for their killings of Irish Catholic community members, as well as their recent uptake of bombings such as at McGurk’s Bar — a

6 Cowell-Meyers, Kimberly, and Paul Arthur. “Irish Republican Army.” Encyclopædia Britannica, Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., 2016, www.britannica.com/topic/Irish-Republican-Army. 7 Gregory, Kathryn. “Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) (Aka, PIRA, ‘the Provos," Óglaigh Na HÉireann) (UK Separatists).” Council on Foreign Relations, Council on Foreign Relations, 16 Mar. 2010, www.cfr.org/backgrounder/provisional-irish-republican-army-ira-aka-pira-provos-oglaigh-na-heireann-uk. 8 Ackerman, Gary A. The Provisional Irish Republican Army and the Development of Mortars. Journal of Strategic Security, 2016, scholarcommons.usf.edu/jss/vol9/iss1/?utm_source=scholarcommons.usf.edu%2Fjss%2Fvol9%2Fiss1%2F4&utm_ medium=PDF&utm_campaign=PDFCoverPages.

15 pub commonly visited by Irish Catholics and Nationalists. Since 1969 the UVF has also carried out multiple bombings in cities in the Republic of Ireland, straining the UK’s relationship with the nation.

The Future of the Parliament of Northern Ireland and the Representation of

Irish Nationalists in Government

Since 1921, after the borders of certain counties were re-drawn, the

(UUP) has held a significant majority in the Parliament of Northern Ireland. Other opposing parties such as the Nationalist Party — a continuation of the IPP after the — and the

National Democratic Party have, however, been able to maintain positions in both the House of

Commons and the Senate. The Nationalist Party has been greatly affected by border re-drawing in

1922 as well as in 1929 where they lost 9.2 percent of their voting abilities. Both civil rights organizations as well as nationalist political parties have called for better treatment and representation of Irish Nationalists and Irish Catholics within the government. Though some reforms have been made in recent years — such as the repeal of the one house-one vote law where only house owners were allowed to vote — there still remains many unanswered calls for the government to stand against civil rights abuses in Northern Ireland.9 The NICRA and other civil rights organizations have strictly opposed the current electoral system where the UUP has been able to maintain control and the continued question of direct rule has caused the future of Irish democracy to be questioned. Additionally, in the aftermath of Bloody Sunday, the primary

9 Feeney, Brian. “A Short History of the Troubles.” Google Books, O'Brien Press, 2014, books.google.co.nz/books?id=RpwHBAAAQBAJ&dq=history%2Bof%2Bthe%2Btroubles&lr=&source=gbs_navli nks_s.

16 opposition to the UUP and to Prime Minister of Northern Ireland , the Social

Democratic and Labour Party, have called for a boycott of Northern Ireland’s Parliament.10

Civil Rights in Northern Ireland

The 1960’s in Northern Ireland have seen a sharp increase in the number and support of civil rights organizations. The Parliaments’ continued use of gerrymandering as well as police brutality in cities such as Derry, have caused a growing doubt and distrust of law enforcers and the government from Irish

Nationalists. Furthermore, political activist groups who hold seats in the parliament, such as the People’s Democracy, have been gaining support in recent years as a result of the popularity of the civil rights protests. The NICRA and the People's Democracy have focused on a number of civil rights abuses in the province to further their social and political campaigns.11 The

Derry Housing Action Committee (DHAC) targeted housing discrimination against Irish Catholics specifically in social housing owned and distributed by the government. Other civil rights causes have included police brutality (specifically regarding the RUC), as well as the mass interment of citizens without warrant or trail. As outcry from the public has increased for action regarding these civil rights abuse claims, organizations such as The Cameron Report and the Hunt Report have

10 “FAULKNER, ARTHUR BRIAN DEANE 1921-1977.” Dictionary of Ulster Biography, WayBack Machine, 2017, web.archive.org/web/20070302063513/http://www.ulsterbiography.co.uk/biogsF.htm#faulkABD.

11 “Civil Rights Movement 1968-69.” RTÉ Archives, 25 Jan. 2012, www.rte.ie/archives/exhibitions/1031-civil- rights-movement-1968-9/.

17 begun recording civil rights violations in Northern Ireland to pressure the government to take action. Following 1968, a number of acts were passed to address these concerns including the

Commissioner of Complaints Act of 1969, the Police Act of 1970 which disarmed the RUC, and the Housing Executive Act of 1971 to entertain and address allegations of housing discrimination.12

12 “Civil Rights in Northern Ireland.” The Conflict of Northern Ireland, Teaching Divided Histories, 2015, www.nervecentre.org/sites/default/files/downloads/Lesson%201%20- %20Civil%20Rights%20in%20Northern%20Ireland_0_0.pdf.

18 Cabinet Members

Delegates will receive detailed character dossiers prior to the conference providing information germane to overt and covert powers, connections and aspirations.

Position Name

Lord Chancellor Lord Hailsham of St Marylebone

Lord President of the Council and Leader of Williams Whitelaw the House of Commons

Lord Privy Seal and Leader of the House of Lord Jellicoe Lords

Chancellor of the Exchequer Ian Macleod

Foreign Secretary Sir Alec Douglas-Home

Home Secretary

Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food James Prior

Secretary of State for Defence Lord Carrington

Secretary of State for Education and Science

Secretary of State for Employment

Minister of Housing and Local Government Peter Walker

Secretary of State for Health and Social Sir Services

Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster

Secretary of State for Scotland Gordon Campbell

Secretary of State for Technology

President for the Board of Trade Michael Noble

Secretary of State for Wales Peter Thomas

19 Questions to Consider

1. What should be the immediate response to Bloody Sunday and how should the Cabinet

ease tensions in the short term?

2. What actions should be taken to end the rising power of paramilitary groups such as the

IRA, the UVF, and the UPV?

3. How can the government ensure the safety of the citizens of Northern Ireland and protect

their civil rights without causing conflict?

4. How should the Cabinet maintain relations with the Parliament of Northern Ireland as well

as ensure government stability in the region?

20 Works Cited

1. Dawson, Graham. “Trauma, Place and the Politics of Memory: Bloody Sunday, Derry,

1972-2004.” History Workshop Journal, no. 59, 2005, pp. 151–178. JSTOR,

www.jstor.org/stable/25472791.

2. Garvin, Thomas C. “Troubles.” The Wilson Quarterly (1976-), vol. 9, no. 2, 1985, pp.

48–61. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/40468525.

3. British Information Services. “After ‘Bloody Sunday’: Several Reorganizations of

Northern Ireland: An Official View.” International Journal of Politics, vol. 10, no. 1,

1980, pp. 84–92. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/40469872.

4. Finnegan, Patrick. “Religious Motivation During the Troubles.” St Antony's International

Review, vol. 12, no. 1, 2016, pp. 53–75. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/26229159.

5. Dorney, John. “Revisiting the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Movement: 1968-69.” The

Irish Story, 30 Mar. 2019, www.theirishstory.com/2018/12/03/revisiting-the-northern-

ireland-civil-rights-movement-1968-69/#.XUhJQpNKhQI.

6. Melaugh, Martin. “Chronology of the Conflict 1968.” CAIN, Ulster University, 2 June

2019, cain.ulster.ac.uk/othelem/chron/ch68.htm.

7. “History - The Troubles, 1963 to 1985.” BBC, BBC History, 1 Feb. 2007,

www.bbc.co.uk/history/recent/troubles/the_troubles_article_01.shtml.

8. “Freedom: A Sinn Fein Education Publication.” The Conflict in Ireland, Sinn Féin, May

1991, www.sinnfein.org/releases/freedom.html.

9. Jackson, Mike. “Operation Banner: An Analysis of Military Operations in Northern

Ireland.” Operation Banner, Ministry of Defense (MOD), July 2006,

www.patfinucanecentre.org/misc/opbanner.pdf.

21 10. Melaugh, Martin. “Northern Ireland Society - Security and Defence.” CAIN, Ulster

University, 2019, cain.ulster.ac.uk/ni/security.htm.

11. Coakley, Joan. “ETHNIC CONFLICT AND THE TWO-STATE SOLUTION.” Passia

Seminars 2004, Passia Seminars, 2004,

web.archive.org/web/20120229043534/http://www.passia.org/seminars/2004/John-

Coakley-Ireland-Seminar.htm.

12. Melaugh, Martin. “Frequently Asked Questions - The Northern Ireland Conflict.” CAIN,

Ulster University, 3 Feb. 2003, cain.ulster.ac.uk/faq/faq2.htm.

13. Gregory, Kathryn. “Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) (Aka, PIRA, ‘the Provos,"

Óglaigh Na HÉireann) (UK Separatists).” Council on Foreign Relations, Council on

Foreign Relations, 16 Mar. 2010, www.cfr.org/backgrounder/provisional-irish-

republican-army-ira-aka-pira-provos-oglaigh-na-heireann-uk.

22