DOCSLIB.ORG

The Perception of African Migrants in Post-Apartheid South Africa

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Perception of African Migrants in Post-Apartheid South Africa Faculté des Lettres et Sciences Humaines Année Universitaire : 2019/2020 Master Mention Lettres et Langues Spécialité recherche, monde anglophone The Perception of African Migrants in Post-Apartheid South Africa Omar AKMOUM Mémoire de Master 2 Sous la direction de : Dr Sandra SAAYMAN Maîtresse de conférences HDR en littérature sud-africaine 2019/2020 2 Faculté des Lettres et Sciences Humaines Année Universitaire : 2019/2020 Master Mention Lettres et Langues Spécialité recherche, monde anglophone The Perception of African Migrants in Post-Apartheid South Africa Omar AKMOUM Mémoire de Master 2 Sous la direction de: Dr Sandra SAAYMAN Maîtresse de conférences HDR en littérature sud-africaine 2019/2020 3 “A person with ubuntu is open and available to others, affirming of others, does not feel threatened that others are able and good, for he or she has a proper self-assurance that comes from knowing that he or she belongs in a greater whole and is diminished when others are humiliated or diminished, when others are tortured or oppressed.” Archbishop Desmond Tutu 4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to thank Dr Sandra SAAYMAN for her constant support as my supervisor. This Memoir has been challenging and even though Dr SAAYMAN’s field of research is South African literature, she contributed greatly to my work, through her profitable criticism and helpful advice, and thus since 2016. I am thankful as well to all the professors and doctors for their critics, among them Professor LANDAU. I also wish to thank the South African Department of Home Affairs, for the documents they provided me. I am grateful to my mother and for support she provided during my research. 6 TECHNICAL NOTES and ACRONYMS ACMS: African Centre for Migration and Society. ADF: African Diaspora Forum. AIDS: Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome. ANC: African National Congress. ART: Antiretroviral. ASGISA: Accelerated Shared Growth Initiative for South Africa. ATDF: All Truck Drivers Foundation AU: African Union, previously known as the Organisation of African Unity. BRICS: Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa, economic developing countries. COSATU: Congress of South African Trade Unions. DA: Democratic Alliance. DHA: Department of Home Affairs. EFF: Economic Freedom Fighters. FEDUSA: Federation of Unions of South Africa. FRELIMO: the Mozambique Liberation Front. GEAR: The Growth, Employment, and Redistribution plan. HIV: Human Immunodeficiency Virus. HDI: Human Development Index. ILO: International Labour Organization. IOM: International Organisation for Migration. IRIN: Integrated Regional Information Networks. JIPSA: Joint Initiative for Priority Skills Acquisition. MK: Umkhonto weSizwe. MPLA: the People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola. NACTU: National Council of Trade Unions. NDH: National Department of Health. NEDLAC: National Economic Development and Labour Council. NP: Afrikaner National Party. OAU: Organisation of African Unity. OECD: Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. OCHA: United Nations Office for Coordination and Humanitarian Affairs. PAIGC: the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde. PAC: Pan African Congress. SADC: Southern African Development Community. SADF: South African Defence Force. SAMWU: South African Municipal workers’ Union. SANDF: South African National Defence Force. SLF: Sustainable Livelihoods Foundation. SPF: Sisonke People’s Forum SWAPO: the South West African People’s Organisation. RENAMO: Mozambican National Resistance. 7 RDP: Reconstruction and Development Programme. RSA: the Republique of South Africa. USA: United States of America. UN: United Nations. UNAOC: United Nation Alliance Of Civilisations. UNDP: United Nation Development Programme. UNHCR: United Nations High Commissioner for Refugee. ZAPU: the Zimbabwe African People’s Union. TABLE OF CONTENTS ATTESTATION SUR L’HONNEUR DE NON PLAGIAT 5 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 6 TECHNICAL NOTES and ACRONYMS 7 TABLE OF CONTENTS 8 FOREWORD 10 INTRODUCTION 11 I National Protection opposed to Pan-Africanism 14 1. Economic Plan 15 A. Impact of UN Resolutions 16 B. GEAR 18 C. Protectionism and Regulations 20 2. The Symbol of Peace 21 A. ANC in Exile and Pan-African Consciousness 22 B. Stability 24 3. Refugees and Illegal immigrants 26 A. Legal Differentiation 27 B. Identification Act: Migrants vs Citizens 29 II Human Capital Factor 33 1. Workforce 38 A. Cheap Labour 38 B. Brain Drain and Skilled Immigrants 39 C. Precarious Contracts for Unstable Status 40 D. Informal Trade 41 2. Immigration Act of 2002 42 8 A. A Restrictive Bill 43 B. Xenophobic Assumptions 43 C. Conflicts and Debates: Factors for Amendments 45 3. Trade Unions 46 A. The DHA and Trade Unions: The Negotiation Process 46 B. Immigrant Workers a Selective Perception 48 C. Illegal Immigrants the Trade Unions Contradiction 50 III The Rise of Xenophobic Violence 52 1. Public Perception 57 A.The Foreign Aliens 57 B. A Highly Visible Minority 59 C. Justified Criminality? 60 D. Women’s Immigration Experience 64 E. AIDS Epidemic a Foreign Disease 66 F. Immigrants Contribution 69 2. Political Manoeuvres 72 A. 2008’s Overturn 73 B. Xenophobia: Parties’ Voting Cost 76 C. Behind the Condemnations 78 D. Repercussions and Struggle 80 3.“Afrophobia” a Debated Concept 83 A. Afrophobia? 83 B. A Shared Experience 85 CONCLUSION 87 ANNEX 89 BIBLIOGRAPHY 93 Primary Sources 93 Secondary Sources 97 Internet Sources 100 INDEX 101 9 FOREWORD I chose this topic of African migrants and refugees in South Africa as a result of my stay in South Africa 3 years ago. I met with various people, some of whom I innocently labelled as South Africans, but where they were in fact not South Africans. Most of the immigrants I met in Durban were not South African but from Malawi (English speaking), Somalia (Arabic), Angola, Mozambique (Portuguese and Swahili), the Democratic Republic of Congo (French), Egypt (Arabic) and so on. When I sat with them, some spoke to me in French, I indeed had the impression of encountering the rainbow nation. So I observed them and remarked that the majority of them were living in groups, in bad neighbourhoods like Grey Street Complex in Durban. The Congolese, Angolans and the Somalis, every group lived among its ethnicity. There was the block of Congolese people, who were mainly manual workers; they worked as mechanics, for example. The Somalis and Egyptians were salesmen. As for the Nigerians, and Malawians, they worked in offices since English is their official language. Actually, all of them could speak Zulu and English, but the majority were also in the streets: South Africans and immigrants alike, trying to work, love and achieve their “African dream”, as one Nigerian put it. South Africa, from the African immigrant’s perspective, is the most successful country of the continent, it is part of the “BRICS”1. If they have gathered in South Africa it is because they believe in this country. “Mandela is not only South Africa’s president” one said, “he was also the president of all Africans because he cared for his people no matter the language, colour or religion”. And they believe in that ideal, which is why they have come. In fact, they would have preferred to stay in their country too, but they were massacred and lost many relatives during civil wars. “That is why we fled to South Africa to find a place, hope, opportunity, understanding but above all to live”2. 1 BRICS is an acronym for the 5 developing countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) which are of a similar level to developed countries like Europe, Japan and the US. 2 Conversation with an African migrant from the Democratic Republic of Congo (RDC) in Pietermaritzburg in mid July 2016. 10 INTRODUCTION Migration3 is a major contemporary issue worldwide and usually involves two categories of countries, namely developed (industrialised) and underdeveloped or countries ravaged by war (they are often former colonies). From Latinos in the United States of America to the Africans and Syrians in Europe, migration has been and is still perceived by the USA and Europe as a Western social dilemma. However, it is not a problem only the Western world faces. Indeed, other countries experience this phenomenon, one such country being South Africa. The question of immigration and refugees in South African society is an atypical one and has its own characteristics, not only it is sensitive, but it also leads to controversy, and social to not say “racial” dilemmas in both the political and public sphere. In order to navigate and analyse those dilemmas, a contextual introduction of the contemporary migration crisis in South Africa must be made. As said earlier, migration in South Africa has atypical characteristics. Most of the migrants since 1994 are Africans, and all did not migrate for the same reasons. Indeed, there is economic migration from Nigeria and Angola, to refugees from Malawi, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Zimbabwe because of wars and famine. It is then safe to speak about intracontinental migration here. However, for most African individuals exiled in South Africa, migration blends the two concepts as refugees and migrants are categorised as the same by the majority of South African society. This rush of migrants is principally due to the instability of South Africa’s neighbouring countries, as well as the symbols of success, security and economic stability which South Africa embodies in the eyes of the rest of Africa. After the fall of apartheid, which was a segregation system based on race and colour, established by the NP (National Party in 1948), Nelson Mandela with the support of the ANC (African National Congress) implemented a reconciliation policy embodied by the metaphor of the “Rainbow Nation”, in the words of the Archbishop Desmond Tutu. Thus all South Africans, previously classified as “black,” “white,” “coloured” and “Indian” are to live in unity as equals. 3 Oxford dictionary definition: “Movement of people to a new area or country in order to find work or better living conditions.” 11 One of the early policies of then President Nelson Mandela was to open the country’s border by switching off the electrified fences during the open borders debate of 1994.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Reconfiguring the World System: Envisioning Inclusive Development Through a Socially Responsive Economy
    News independentTHE SUNDAY 3 FEBRUARY 18 2018 Traditional style and cheerful KHOISAN activist and politi- cian from the Eastern Cape arrived on the red carpet at the State of the Nation address on Friday in Nkosazana Atraditional attire, so that President Dlamini Cyril Ramaphosa would not forget Zuma. the indigenous Khoisan peoples. PICTURE: Christian Martin, a member ELMOND of the Eastern Cape provincial JIYANE/GCIS legislature, was one of four Khoisan activists who made headlines in December Aaron Motsoaledi and Lethabo Motsoaledi. when they walked from the PICTURE: KOPANO TLAPE/ GCIS Eastern Cape and staged a live-in protest and hunger strike at the Union Build- ings in Pretoria. Their 24-day protest only ended after Rama- phosa came out to meet them where they had set up camp, but not before they garnered the atten- tion and support of thou- sands of members of the public. Martin joined others on the red carpet before the State of the Nation address, including ministers and their wives and partners such as David Mahlobo, Aaron Motsoaledi, Nko- sazana Dlamini Zuma, Nathi Mthethwa and Bheki Cele. Everyone seemed happy and cheerful as they posed for cameras, including Pub- lic Protector Busisiwe Mkh- webane, in a doll-like red dress. Western Cape Premier Helen Zille looked glam and fresh in a simple but styl- ish silky dress. – Staff Nathi Nhleko and Nomcebo Reporter/African News Bheki Cele and his wife Thembeka Minister Jeff Radebe and wife Bridgette Motsepe. Lindiwe Zulu and her daughter Phindile. Mthembu. Agency (ANA) PICTURE: KOPANO TLAPE/GCIS PICTURE: KOPANO TLAPE GCIS PICTURE: ELMOND JIYANE/ GCIS Ngcobo PICTURE: ELMOND JIYANE/GCIS FEATURE Reconfiguring the World System: Envisioning inclusive development through a socially responsive economy Ari Sitas peace and security, in innovations for development what Britain achieved between the 1790s and the s South Africa takes over the BRICS based on the fourth industrial revolution, in the 1890s.
    [Show full text]
  • Quarterly Activities Report for the Period Ending 31
    QUARTERLY ACTIVITIES REPORT FOR THE 30 Apr 2018 PERIOD ENDING 31 MARCH 2018 Board of Directors: Michael Fry HIGHLIGHTS (Non-executive Chairman) Robert Willes • Vice President and President of the ANC Cyril (Managing Director) Ramaphosa elected as President of South Africa, representing a major change in power. William Bloking (Non-executive Director) • Gwede Mantashe, the former Secretary General of the ANC, appointed as the Minister of Mineral Issued capital: Resources. 389,466,818 fully paid • Select Committee currently deliberating the ordinary shares (ASX: CEL) proposed amendments to the Bill submitted during the public participation process. 53,250,000 unlisted options and rights • Given past delays and remaining uncertainties around the timing of exploration rights awards, the Company continues to focus on internal cost Substantial holders: control and is actively pursuing other LQ Super 11.06% opportunities that could add a further dimension to the Company’s portfolio. W&M Brown 7.47% Registered office: Level 17, 500 Collins St Melbourne VICTORIA 3000 Tel +61 3 9614 0600 Fax +61 3 9614 0550 Changing Political Landscape In December 2017, Vice President Cyril Ramaphosa was elected as the President of South Africa’s governing political party, the African National Congress (“ANC”). In February 2018, he was elected President of South Africa in a parliamentary vote following the resignation of Jacob Zuma. This represents a major change in power with key changes in cabinet announced on 26 February 2018, most notably: 1. The Minister of Finance (formerly Malusi Gigaba, now Nhlanhla Nene); 2. The Minister of Mineral Resources (formerly Mosebenzi Zwani, now Gwede Mantashe, former Secretary General of the ANC); and 3.
    [Show full text]
  • The New Cabinet
    Response May 30th 2019 The New Cabinet President Cyril Ramaphosa’s cabinet contains quite a number of bold and unexpected appointments, and he has certainly shifted the balance in favour of female and younger politicians. At the same time, a large number of mediocre ministers have survived, or been moved sideways, while some of the most experienced ones have been discarded. It is significant that the head of the ANC Women’s League, Bathabile Dlamini, has been left out – the fact that her powerful position within the party was not enough to keep her in cabinet may be indicative of the President’s growing strength. She joins another Zuma loyalist, Nomvula Mokonyane, on the sidelines, but other strong Zuma supporters have survived. Lindiwe Zulu, for example, achieved nothing of note in five years as Minister of Small Business Development, but has now been given the crucial portfolio of social development; and Nathi Mthethwa has been given sports in addition to arts and culture. The inclusion of Patricia de Lille was unforeseen, and it will be fascinating to see how, as one of the more outspokenly critical opposition figures, she works within the framework of shared cabinet responsibility. Ms de Lille has shown herself willing to change parties on a regular basis and this appointment may presage her absorbtion into the ANC. On the other hand, it may also signal an intention to experiment with a more inclusive model of government, reminiscent of the ‘government of national unity’ that Nelson Mandela favoured. During her time as Mayor of Cape Town Ms de Lille emphasised issues of spatial planning and land-use, and this may have prompted Mr Ramaphosa to entrust her with management of the Department of Public Works’ massive land and property holdings.
    [Show full text]
  • Ungovernability and Material Life in Urban South Africa
    “WHERE THERE IS FIRE, THERE IS POLITICS”: Ungovernability and Material Life in Urban South Africa KERRY RYAN CHANCE Harvard University Together, hand in hand, with our boxes of matches . we shall liberate this country. —Winnie Mandela, 1986 Faku and I stood surrounded by billowing smoke. In the shack settlement of Slovo Road,1 on the outskirts of the South African port city of Durban, flames flickered between piles of debris, which the day before had been wood-plank and plastic tarpaulin walls. The conflagration began early in the morning. Within hours, before the arrival of fire trucks or ambulances, the two thousand house- holds that comprised the settlement as we knew it had burnt to the ground. On a hillcrest in Slovo, Abahlali baseMjondolo (an isiZulu phrase meaning “residents of the shacks”) was gathered in a mass meeting. Slovo was a founding settlement of Abahlali, a leading poor people’s movement that emerged from a burning road blockade during protests in 2005. In part, the meeting was to mourn. Five people had been found dead that day in the remains, including Faku’s neighbor. “Where there is fire, there is politics,” Faku said to me. This fire, like others before, had been covered by the local press and radio, some journalists having been notified by Abahlali via text message and online press release. The Red Cross soon set up a makeshift soup kitchen, and the city government provided emergency shelter in the form of a large, brightly striped communal tent. Residents, meanwhile, CULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY, Vol. 30, Issue 3, pp. 394–423, ISSN 0886-7356, online ISSN 1548-1360.
    [Show full text]
  • “They Have Robbed Me of My Life” Xenophobic Violence Against Non-Nationals in South Africa WATCH
    HUMAN RIGHTS “They Have Robbed Me of My Life” Xenophobic Violence Against Non-Nationals in South Africa WATCH “They Have Robbed Me of My Life” Xenophobic Violence Against Non-Nationals in South Africa Copyright © 2020 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-62313-8547 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org SEPTEMBER 2020 ISBN: 978-1-62313-8547 “They Have Robbed Me of My Life” Xenophobic Violence Against Non-Nationals in South Africa Map .................................................................................................................................. i Summary ......................................................................................................................... 1 Recommendations ..........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Report of the 54Th National Conference Report of the 54Th National Conference
    REPORT OF THE 54TH NATIONAL CONFERENCE REPORT OF THE 54TH NATIONAL CONFERENCE CONTENTS 1. Introduction by the Secretary General 1 2. Credentials Report 2 3. National Executive Committee 9 a. Officials b. NEC 4. Declaration of the 54th National Conference 11 5. Resolutions a. Organisational Renewal 13 b. Communications and the Battle of Ideas 23 c. Economic Transformation 30 d. Education, Health and Science & Technology 35 e. Legislature and Governance 42 f. International Relations 53 g. Social Transformation 63 h. Peace and Stability 70 i. Finance and Fundraising 77 6. Closing Address by the President 80 REPORT OF THE 54TH NATIONAL CONFERENCE 1 INTRODUCTION BY THE SECRETARY GENERAL COMRADE ACE MAGASHULE The 54th National Conference was convened under improves economic growth and meaningfully addresses the theme of “Remember Tambo: Towards inequality and unemployment. Unity, Renewal and Radical Socio-economic Transformation” and presented cadres of Conference reaffirmed the ANC’s commitment to our movement with a concrete opportunity for nation-building and directed all ANC structures to introspection, self-criticism and renewal. develop specific programmmes to build non-racialism and non-sexism. It further directed that every ANC The ANC can unequivocally and proudly say that we cadre must become activists in their communities and emerged from this conference invigorated and renewed drive programmes against the abuse of drugs and to continue serving the people of South Africa. alcohol, gender based violence and other social ills. Fundamentally, Conference directed every ANC We took fundamental resolutions aimed at radically member to work tirelessly for the renewal of our transforming the lives of the people for the better and organisation and to build unity across all structures.
    [Show full text]
  • Betrayal of the Promise: How South Africa Is Being Stolen
    BETRAYAL OF THE PROMISE: HOW SOUTH AFRICA IS BEING STOLEN May 2017 State Capacity Research Project Convenor: Mark Swilling Authors Professor Haroon Bhorat (Development Policy Research Unit, University of Cape Town), Dr. Mbongiseni Buthelezi (Public Affairs Research Institute (PARI), University of the Witwatersrand), Professor Ivor Chipkin (Public Affairs Research Institute (PARI), University of the Witwatersrand), Sikhulekile Duma (Centre for Complex Systems in Transition, Stellenbosch University), Lumkile Mondi (Department of Economics, University of the Witwatersrand), Dr. Camaren Peter (Centre for Complex Systems in Transition, Stellenbosch University), Professor Mzukisi Qobo (member of South African research Chair programme on African Diplomacy and Foreign Policy, University of Johannesburg), Professor Mark Swilling (Centre for Complex Systems in Transition, Stellenbosch University), Hannah Friedenstein (independent journalist - pseudonym) Preface The State Capacity Research Project is an interdisciplinary, inter- that the individual confidential testimonies they were receiving from university research partnership that aims to contribute to the Church members matched and confirmed the arguments developed public debate about ‘state capture’ in South Africa. This issue has by the SCRP using largely publicly available information. This dominated public debate about the future of democratic governance triangulation of different bodies of evidence is of great significance. in South Africa ever since then Public Protector Thuli Madonsela published her report entitled State of Capture in late 2016.1 The The State Capacity Research Project is an academic research report officially documented the way in which President Zuma and partnership between leading researchers from four Universities senior government officials have colluded with a shadow network of and their respective research teams: Prof. Haroon Bhorat from the corrupt brokers.
    [Show full text]
  • Churches and NGO's in Partnership with Government
    Churches and NGO’s in partnership with government against corruption: a Pastoral study in the South African context NR Makungo 12024260 Thesis submitted for the degree Philosophiae Doctor in Pastoral studies at the Potchefstroom Campus of the North-West University Promoter: Prof dr RS Letšosa May 2017 i Declaration I hereby declare that: Churches and NGOs in partnership with government against corruption: A pastoral within the South African context is my own work, that all the sources used and quoted have been indicated and acknowledged by means of complete references, and that this thesis has not been previously submitted by me for a degree at any other university Ntshengedzeni Robert Makungo i Dedication I dedicate this thesis to my lovely wife Konanani Elsie Makungo, who was the engine behind the completion of this work, and our children Ovhonala, Vhugalahawe and Mufhatutshedzi. I also dedicate this thesis to my parents (Wilson and Masindi Makungo), who were very supportive and providing me with words of encouragement during my studies. I dedicate it to my siblings, Tshililo, Zwidofhelangani, Philip and Elekanyani Makungo, for their overwhelming support during my studies. I also dedicate this work to Reformed Church Trans-Letaba and the church council for allowing me to complete this thesis. I dedicate it again to the North-West University for giving me another chance to complete my studies. I again want to dedicate it to the following families in general, Makungo, Mamida, Netswinga, Phume, Malivha, Mudau, and all relatives and friends. Lastly, I want to dedicate it to the Letšosa and the Hobyane families for their support and encouragement.
    [Show full text]
  • State of the World's Minorities and Indigenous Peoples 2016 (MRG)
    State of the World’s Minorities and Indigenous Peoples 2016 Events of 2015 Focus on culture and heritage State of theWorld’s Minorities and Indigenous Peoples 20161 Events of 2015 Front cover: Cholitas, indigenous Bolivian Focus on culture and heritage women, dancing on the streets of La Paz as part of a fiesta celebrating Mother’s Day. REUTERS/ David Mercado. Inside front cover: Street theatre performance in the Dominican Republic. From 2013 to 2016 MRG ran a street theatre programme to challenge discrimination against Dominicans of Haitian Descent in the Acknowledgements Dominican Republic. MUDHA. Minority Rights Group International (MRG) Inside back cover: Maasai community members in gratefully acknowledges the support of all Kenya. MRG. organizations and individuals who gave financial and other assistance to this publication, including the Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland. © Minority Rights Group International, July 2016. All rights reserved. Material from this publication may be reproduced for teaching or other non-commercial purposes. No part of it may be reproduced in any form for Support our work commercial purposes without the prior express Donate at www.minorityrights.org/donate permission of the copyright holders. MRG relies on the generous support of institutions and individuals to help us secure the rights of For further information please contact MRG. A CIP minorities and indigenous peoples around the catalogue record of this publication is available from world. All donations received contribute directly to the British Library. our projects with minorities and indigenous peoples. ISBN 978-1-907919-80-0 Subscribe to our publications at State of www.minorityrights.org/publications Published: July 2016 Another valuable way to support us is to subscribe Lead reviewer: Carl Soderbergh to our publications, which offer a compelling Production: Jasmin Qureshi analysis of minority and indigenous issues and theWorld’s Copy editing: Sophie Richmond original research.
    [Show full text]
  • Soweto, the S“ Torybook Place”: Tourism and Feeling in a South African Township Sarah Marie Kgagudi University of Pennsylvania, [email protected]
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2019 Soweto, The s“ torybook Place”: Tourism And Feeling In A South African Township Sarah Marie Kgagudi University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Linguistics Commons, Music Commons, and the Social and Cultural Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation Kgagudi, Sarah Marie, "Soweto, The s“ torybook Place”: Tourism And Feeling In A South African Township" (2019). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 3320. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/3320 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/3320 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Soweto, The s“ torybook Place”: Tourism And Feeling In A South African Township Abstract This dissertation deals with the role of tour guides in creating and telling the story of Soweto – a township southwest of Johannesburg, South Africa. The ts ory speaks of a place afflicted by poverty because of its history of segregation during apartheid but emerging out of these struggles to lead its nation in a post-apartheid culture. I argue that Soweto’s story was created out of a governmental mandate for the township to become one of Gauteng’s tourism locations, and out of a knowledge that the transformation story from apartheid to a ‘rainbow nation’ would not sell in this context. After being created, Soweto’s story was affirmed through urban branding strategies and distributed to tourism markets across the world. It is a storybook – a narrative with a beginning, a climax, and an ending; it is easily packaged, marketed and sold to individuals from across the world, and this is done through the senses and emotions.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of the Sharpeville Massacre and Soweto Uprising
    Georgia Southern University Digital Commons@Georgia Southern University Honors Program Theses 2019 Genocide Masquerading: The olitP ics of the Sharpeville Massacre and Soweto Uprising Jessica P. Forsee Georgia Southern University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.georgiasouthern.edu/honors-theses Part of the Africana Studies Commons, African History Commons, Diplomatic History Commons, International Relations Commons, Political History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Forsee, Jessica P., "Genocide Masquerading: The oP litics of the Sharpeville Massacre and Soweto Uprising" (2019). University Honors Program Theses. 415. https://digitalcommons.georgiasouthern.edu/honors-theses/415 This thesis (open access) is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons@Georgia Southern. It has been accepted for inclusion in University Honors Program Theses by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@Georgia Southern. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Genocide Masquerading: The Politics of the Sharpeville Massacre and Soweto Uprising An Honors Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Honors in History. By Jessica Forsee Under the mentorship of Dr. Cathy Skidmore-Hess ABSTRACT Apartheid South Africa represented a paradox as a US ally and human rights pariah. “Genocide Masquerading” uncovers the implications of US foreign policy on the rise and decline of apartheid, looking specifically at the 1960 Sharpeville Massacre and the 1976 Soweto Uprising. By comparing Presidents Eisenhower, Kennedy, Ford, and Carter foreign policy responses, this thesis creates a comparative analysis of how effective, or ineffective, the United States was during pivotal moments in apartheid history. This thesis will not only expand on the developing South African literature but add to the conversation of international aid, diplomacy practices, and North-South relationships.
    [Show full text]
  • Re-Imagining the South African Nation: Case Studies of the 1995 Rugby World Cup and the 2010 FIFA World Cup Josh Tancer Giesler Bates College, [email protected]
    Bates College SCARAB Honors Theses Capstone Projects Spring 5-2016 Re-imagining the South African Nation: Case Studies of the 1995 Rugby World Cup and the 2010 FIFA World Cup Josh Tancer Giesler Bates College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scarab.bates.edu/honorstheses Recommended Citation Giesler, Josh Tancer, "Re-imagining the South African Nation: Case Studies of the 1995 Rugby World Cup and the 2010 FIFA World Cup" (2016). Honors Theses. 176. http://scarab.bates.edu/honorstheses/176 This Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Capstone Projects at SCARAB. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of SCARAB. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Re-imagining the South African Nation: Case Studies of the 1995 Rugby World Cup and the 2010 FIFA World Cup An Honors Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of Sociology Bates College In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Bachelor of Arts By Joshua Tancer Giesler Lewiston, Maine March 28, 2016 G i e s l e r | ii Acknowledgements I would like to express sincere gratitude to Professor Francesco Duina who worked tirelessly to motivate and inspire me to complete a project that goes far beyond what I ever thought I was capable of on my own. You encouraged me to think critically about my work and challenged me to find a deeper level of analysis and consider the implications of my findings. Words cannot express my appreciation. To the Bates Sociology Department, particularly Professor Kane, Professor Rocque, Professor Taylor, and Professor Moodie, thank you for helping to shape my sociological lens and encouraging me to pursue research that aligned with my interests.
    [Show full text]