The State of the Left

Hard Times TimesHard

Issue 103 (1/2019) P u b l i s h i n g I n f o Christian Schmitt-Kilb|JörgStrehmannStephanieSumner Anke Bartels, GeorgiaChristinidis,andDirkWiemann Aileen Behrendt |SebastianBergDietmarBöhnke Jessica Fischer|JanaGohrischFraukeHofmeister Stefani Brusberg-Kiermeier|JürgenEnkemann Department ofEnglishDepartment andAmericanStudies LukeMartell|IngridvonRosenberg Michael Krause|IrmgardMaassen Sebastian Berg andLuke Martell Please addressanyenquiriesto [email protected] www.hard-times-magazine.org founded byJürgenEnkemann Hard TimesAdvisoryBoard Hard TimesEditorialTeam Image onfront cover by Prof Dr Dirk Wiemann University ofPotsdam HardMagazine Times ( Editors ofthisissue CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 ) Am Neuen Palais 10 Stephanie Sumner Jon Southcoasting ISSN 0171-1695 14469 Potsdam Hard Times Layout by Germany or T a b l e O f C o n t e n t s 87 78 65 55 45 36 27 17 10 1 i Leszek KoczanowiczLeszek Genealogy ofthePolish Left The LandscapeAfter a Disaster and Even Two: On the Gregor Kritidis Movements inGreece What’s Leftin Hellas? On the Transformation ofSocial PedrettiRoberto What Is Leftofthe(Italian) Left? Eunice Goes Democracy Portuguese Left Tests theLimitsofEuropean Social Charles Masquelier Socialist Vision French andBenoitHamon’s Left-Libertarianism John Mullen Left? La France Insoumise: How New istheFrench New Dirk Wiemann Alia AmirAliofthePakistan Awami Workers Party The Essenceof Politics isCollective: with Interview Lee-Anne Broadhead ‘Shrivelled’ Political Horizons The Abyss…and theLeap: Expanding Canada’s David Landy The State ofthe Irish Left: Half-Full and Half-Empty Heather Mendick The Corbyn Project: a Viewfrom theUK Grassroots Sebastian Berg andLuke Martell Editorial Editorial The State of the Left

fter the financial crisis of 2008 his issue looks at the changing Athe left did not take control of Tfortunes and state of the left, the political agenda when they had especially the rise of the proper left the chance to argue for an alternative and the return of their ideas to the to short term risk-taking in finance, mainstream, after the financial crisis and rewarded by bonuses for the rich and austerity. Why an international remit greedy, and tax avoidance. There could rather than a UK focus for this issue? have been a programme for the people The financial crisis was experienced and for regulating and controlling across Europe and our issue provides capital. In the ensuing austerity period, a synopsis and setting side by side of however, the proper left stepped in on left responses across nation states. This the back of issues raised by anti-austerity can provide evidence on how either movements outside mainstream politics, internationally-related or nationally and provided a firm left path that gained specific the left is today and what popular support: this proper left wants to international solidarity could mean. The terminate neoliberalism and free markets, contents of the issue are shaped in part to redistribute wealth and create a less by who was able to write for us and space ecologically disastrous economy. From limits. However, we aimed to go not just the Indignados to Occupy to Greece a beyond the UK but also beyond Europe, left alternative began to rise from below. although Europe is the main focus. It took party form in Syriza, Podemos, in the work of Sanders and Corbyn, in ost-austerity the proper left has Portugal, and elsewhere. There has not Psurfed the wave of protest, using it been a proper left revival everywhere. to reassert its values. Roberto Pedretti Die Linke, for example, has not taken in this issue says that the crisis of the centre stage (though it increased its left was partly caused by its acceptance membership and share of the vote for a of neoliberal responses to structural short period in 2009/10) as the proper transformations. It was too electorally left has in other places, maybe because timid and ideologically convinced to austerity was less harsh in Germany. reject neoliberalism. A change has come

Page i Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Editorial with the rise of the proper left rejecting as migration, Europe, climate emergency, this paradigm. The proper left has made basic income and reducing the working it possible, in some places, to talk about week. These themes have often (if not socialism again 30 years after 1989. always) been shunned by mainstream Privatisation and neo-liberalism are no statist socialists because of the latter’s longer the default benchmark. David emphasis on growth, work and rights in Landy discusses the challenge to this the workplace. But Charles Masquelier in the fight against water privatisation on Hamon in France and Lee-Anne in Ireland. The alternatives – social Broadhead on Canada, for example, talk ownership and egalitarianism - are about engagement with such issues. Lee- part of the mainstream agenda again. Anne adds decolonisation, an important concern that could get more attention he discussion can be less now about than it has done in this volume. Twhether socialism is dead and more how to link the traditional left agenda he new proper left has built on that has come back in with disarming Tbottom-up popular participation. the far right, mobilising support Mélenchon‘s proposed assembly and his across social strata and demographic and Corbyn’s popular inputs into policy groups, engaging with questions are discussed in this issue. Heather raised in this issue not traditionally Mendick’s article focuses on conflict associated with left/right binaries, and between grassroots Corbyn supporters how to implement left programmes in the UK and the more centrist party and confront fierce opposition. elite. In the heavily privatised UK there has been a return to social ownership as s the proper left just the old left something to be rolled forward, rather Iresurging? The articles on France, than privatisation and the market as amongst others, discuss the left in the assumed approach. This includes relation to its traditional concerns but old-style public ownership but also also ones newer for socialists to take co-ops and local and regional social on. Sectarianism is being overcome, the ownership. So, there is a devolved plural left combining, as discussed in participatory element. Hamon’s interest the articles on Portugal and Pakistan. in co-ops is discussed by Charles Dogmatism has shifted too. Responses Masquelier. These approaches are about in recent years have raised issues less popular rather than private control. central for the left in the past, for instance rethinking the forms social ownership he proper left has risen out of social could take and responding to new social Tmovements, Podemos in Spain an formations like precarity and issues such obvious example, or there has been a

Page ii Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Editorial movement basis within political parties. Portugal raise the question of how much Heather Mendick discusses Momentum socialist or social democratic policies in the UK and our issue has articles on can be followed within the European France, Canada and Greece that flag Union. Corbyn’s position may have to up the movement aspect within left do with political balancing but also his parties. All of this is beyond just the lifelong belief that membership of the party or state delivering socialism from EU is an obstruction to a democratic above and beyond social ownership socialist government pursuing aims as just national state ownership. such as nationalisation and reversing privatisation. But which aspects of on-economic issues are important the EU are limiting for the left varies. Nfor many of the parties, religion For Eunice, in Portugal it is monetary (in Pakistan, Poland and Ireland, for union. Other constraints, she says, can instance), gender, and migration have be worked around. Eunice also raises the become a central issue for many left issue of inequalities in power between parties. Cultural and ‘identity’ issues have poorer and richer members of the EU. become added to left/right economic and social ones. Some of the left have tried he proper left, on the fringes just a to counter the threat of the far right by Tfew years ago, now has real electoral riding the anti-immigration bandwagon, promise. Mélenchon’s performance in playing their part in whipping up the 2017 French election and Corbyn’s racism and hatred: Mélenchon in in party leadership contests and the UK France, some voices in Poland, and general election command attention. Aufstehen in Germany (the latter not Podemos was leading in the polls soon covered in our issue but relevant here). after they were founded and have the possibility of being part of a Spanish he role of Europe features in left government at the time of writing. TCorbyn‘s ambivalence on the Brexit The anti-austerity Portuguese left is process, the coup d’etat by the Troika in in power and Syriza won on an anti- Greece and Mélenchon’s willingness to austerity platform, although they pull out of the EU. There is antagonism have since compromised and lost towards the EU on the left, for left as power in the 2019 general election. well as other reasons, as well as a more prevalent approach geared towards n demographic terms the rise of the working within the EU. Europe is a Iprecariat means that the left cannot neoliberal capitalist club, but is it to be be just about the working class. This changed from within or to be exited? The insecure cross-class group is open case of Syriza and Eunice Goes’ article on to appeals from the firm left and far

Page iii Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Editorial right. The young and educated are also important to left support. This leads to a pluralism and populism of the left, in this context meaning popular support across social groups including but beyond the working class. So political power for the proper left seems possible and social alliances that can deliver electoral support are there to be mobilised. The issue now is less whether democratic socialism has support, but more whether that support can be mobilised to the extent it can edge past the right in elections and how opposition to the proper left can be overcome.

he proper left has succeeded in Treviving democratic socialism and moving onto wider issues such as climate emergency and less work. There is a social base after austerity for a firm left politics in government. But there should be no illusions about the backlash the left in power will face, from the centre- left, the right, the media, international institutions and capital. Embeddedness in society and in popular movements willing to sustain the left will be vital.

Sebastian Berg and Luke Martell

Page iv Hard Times 103 (1/2019) The Corbyn Project: a View from the UK Grassroots

Heather Mendick (London) n the BBC documentary Labour - The rather than collapsed. Second, Stephen’s ISummer That Changed Everything, face signals the difficulties of changing about the 2017 UK General Election, the direction of an existing party whose there is a scene that became a thousand infrastructure, including its MPs, was memes. On election night, we see Labour formed within a different political culture. MP (Member of Parliament) Stephen Kinnock with other Party members in a cross Europe we have seen ‘the pub awaiting the results. The television Arapid capitulation of … social announces the exit poll predicting a democratic heavyweight[s] in times of hung parliament, not the Labour wipe- austerity’, dubbed pasokification after out that many professional politicians its first victim, Greece’s PASOK. PASOK, and pundits, Stephen included, had been the main party of power in Greece since anticipating. He stares blankly at the its democracy was restored in 1974, went screen, unable even to fake enthusiasm from being the country’s largest party for his party’s projected parliamentary with 160 seats representing 43.9 per gains. The voice-over remarks: ‘I’m not cent of the popular vote in 2009 to being sure what Stephen’s face is revealing its smallest party with just 13 seats and but perhaps he’s realising the Corbyn- 4.7 per cent support in 2015. Similarly, free tomorrow he’s been thinking about [i]n France, the incumbent Socialist might never actually come’. This scene Party polled a mere 6.4 per cent in the captures two things relevant to this 2017 presidential election - its worst- article. First, this is the moment when ever result - and won just 30 seats in the National Assembly (down from 280). In Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour Party avoided the Netherlands, the Dutch Labour Party the fate of our sister parties across was reduced to 5.7 per cent in the same Europe as our popular support increased year (a fifth of its previous vote). And in Germany, the Social Democratic Party

Page 1 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) The Corbyn Project: a View from the UK Grassroots

(SPD), the grandfather of the European and practices; and affiliations by the trade centre-left, achieved a new nadir in last union movement and socialist societies. September’s election, winning just 20.5 per cent of the vote and 153 seats. (Eaton In this article I discuss the experience 2018) of engaging with this infrastructure from a grassroots perspective. n contrast parties of the left that reject Iausterity have gained electoral support: The elected politicians Greece’s Syriza in 2015, France’s La France n Parliamentary Socialism, Ralph Insoumise (France Unbowed) and the Miliband argues Labour has never Netherlands’ GroenLinks (Green Left) in I been a socialist party because its MPs 2017, and since 2014, Podemos in Spain. are committed to top-down reformism, n the UK and Portugal, established or Labourism, over the bottom-up Ileft parties, the Labour Party and radicalism favoured by much of its the Partido Socialista, have revived by grassroots. He ends by asserting that adopting anti-austerity politics. In the this cannot change because Labour’s UK, there is a left insurgency similar to parliamentarians will never relinquish those in Greece, France, the Netherlands their veto over the leadership. Yet, in and Spain however not through a new 2015, they did. Previously, Labour’s party of the left but within our country’s leader was decided by an electoral college social democratic heavyweight. This with a third of the votes going to each, Corbyn Project has attracted hundreds the Parliamentary Labour Party (PLP), of thousands of new members, expanded the membership and the trade unions. In the electorate and engaged many young 2015, this changed to One Member One people in electoral politics for the first Vote and the electorate included people time. Labour’s internal revolution has paying £3 to register as a supporter. Now parallels with the left insurgency in the MPs’ votes had the same value as those of US Democratic Party, perhaps because in rank-and-file members. But MPs could both countries, the lack of proportional still ‘protect’ the party from a socialist representation makes it difficult for leader as all candidates needed backing new parties to gain ground. In taking from 15 per cent of the PLP. In response to on and attempting to transform an a remarkable grassroots campaign, some existing party with over a hundred years MPs lent their nominations to Corbyn of history, you gain an infrastructure of despite supporting other candidates. elected politicians, including MPs like hey did this because they could not Stephen Kinnock, and thousands of local imagine him winning. As Corbyn’s councillors; a party apparatus of paid staff, T support grew, they launched vitriolic internal committees, and detailed rules

Page 2 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Heather Mendick

“They fear you.” © Jon Southcoasting (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0) attacks in the media against him and public comments criticising MPs. Yet his supporters. These continued after if we complain about MPs’ abuse, we we won culminating in June 2016’s are told their comments ‘do not go any attempt to undemocratically remove further than political discourse’ or that Corbyn as leader via mass resignations, complaints have been passed onto the negative press briefings, bullying and a whips without any discernible action. no-confidence vote supported by 172 Abuse aside, it is possible that the out of 229 MPs. This ‘Chicken Coup’ Corbyn Project will be destroyed by was resisted by mass demonstrations and Labour MPs who refuse to back a future actions coordinated by Momentum, the Corbyn government. This raises the successor organisation to the Corbyn for issue of the selection and deselection of Leader Campaign. Even after Corbyn was parliamentary candidates which are the re-elected leader in 2016 with increased responsibility of local parties. Momentum support and after Labour made electoral have campaigned for members to choose gains in 2017, the assault continued. Corbyn supporters to contest marginal One MP called Corbyn ‘a fucking racist Tor y-held seats at the next General and anti-semite’ and the Twitter hashtag Election. But this leaves in place the #TrotsRabbleDogs combines some of current PLP many of whom oppose the insults thrown at party activists by socialist policies, like nationalisation and members of the PLP during summer 2016. international relations based on peace and human rights. Do we trust MPs n the grassroots, people are angry. to fall into line? Do we support a few IOrdinary members are suspended local parties to deselect Corbyn’s most and expelled for social media posts or virulent opponents? Or do we attempt

Page 3 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) The Corbyn Project: a View from the UK Grassroots mass deselections in the hope of creating death of the party they have known’. a fit-for-purpose PLP but risking bitter Although Labour has an extensive Rule and divisive battles that may split the Book, it requires interpretation and party and ruin our electoral prospects? staff often control how it is applied. In 2016, then General Secretary Iain hese questions apply - albeit less McNicoll obtained legal advice allowing Turgently - to local government. him to argue that an incumbent leader In Haringey council, ‘zombie Blairites’ is not automatically on the ballot if were attempting ‘to shove family homes, challenged, so Corbyn would need to school buildings and libraries into a secure MPs’ backing to stand again - giant private fund worth £2bn’ and to something they were unlikely to grant hand over control of this Development now they knew he could win! When Vehicle to a private company with a overruled by the National Executive, terrible track record on public housing McNicoll successfully advised them to projects. Local Labour Party members restrict the electorate, took some Party organised through Momentum to replace members to court to stop them voting, councillors who supported this policy and presided over a purge of left wingers ignoring whether they had backed by trawling their social media accounts, Corbyn. Initially a big media story suspending them en masse and removing about ‘hard left’ attacks on ‘moderates’, their votes in the leadership election. the new councillors are now in place and are no longer in the spotlight. Haringey’s ew of us who joined or rejoined targeted and policy-focused approach to FLabour to support Corbyn’s deselection may work at a national level. leadership had anticipated facing a vast bureaucratic apparatus of officers, The party structures meetings, conferences, rules, committees and delegates. Nor had we imagined he PLP are highly visible. Labour’s the extent of the resistance we would paid staff, committees and rules T face within our own party. Winning are not. At least until you bang up the leadership and piling in members against them. But Labour staff were as initially had little effect as the party’s disturbed by Corbyn’s win as MPs. As unchanged infrastructure persisted in Alex Nunns describes in his book tracing working against us. At a local level, Corbyn’s ‘improbable path to power’, people encountered dull report-filled at the special conference announcing meetings where they were treated with the 2015 leadership winner: ‘Party staff suspicion. Local Momentum groups wear sullen, sad faces to match the black sprang up around the UK, creating attire they are sporting, symbolising the

Page 4 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Heather Mendick spaces for people on the left to meet each local government, policymaking, and organise ways into the labyrinthine mobilising members, making our party Labour Party. In many local parties, more representative and all of the party’s there are now contested elections for internal structures. However, many unglamorous administrative voluntary of the Review’s key recommendations roles which previously nobody had were rejected by the National Executive wanted to do. There are competing (which even after three years lacks a slates of candidates at every level from reliable pro-Corbyn majority) and/or local to national and competing agendas subject to further reviews. This includes for regional and national conferences. nearly all of those on policymaking. The National Policy Forum remains hen the left gains control of local unchanged but in a small concession to Wparties, we can give our own members the contemporary criteria for meanings to the Rule Book, but we are Conference motions has been dropped still constrained by it. Policymaking and more issues will be debated. We will illustrates this. We inherited a system see what members can do with these created under New Labour in which and other changes in the coming years. the policy motions that members submitted to National Conference had The trade unions to be ‚contemporary‘, meaning they related to events occurring in a short n contrast to the PLP and staff, trade window between early August and Iunionists gave pivotal support to early September each year. Further, the Corbyn Project. They backed left contemporary motions on only eight candidates in winnable seats for the 2015 topics could be debated each year. General Election giving Corbyn some of This left most policymaking in the his original MP nominations (Nunns hands of the National Policy Forum, 2016). The labour movement’s shift left an opaque and inaccessible body, and along with grassroots pressure led to severely restricted members‘ input. nine unions including the two largest endorsing Corbyn for leader. The leader o address such democratic deficits of the Communication Workers Union Tand look at ‘how our hugely said: ‘There is a virus within the Labour expanded membership becomes a mass party, and Jeremy Corbyn is the antidote’. movement which can transform society’, Other leaders were less forthright, but Labour launched a Democracy Review in they added credibility, votes, money, 2017. Although parliamentary selections staff, office space, even fire engines for were deemed too controversial to be rallies. Most union leaders backed him included, it was far reaching covering again in 2016 and are highly critical of

Page 5 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) The Corbyn Project: a View from the UK Grassroots

PLP rebels. The Fire Brigades Union has a picket line in your constituency re-affiliated to Labour and other trade it is your responsibility to join it”’. unions support Corbyn from the outside. his shift mirrors one at the n 2016, a rare junior doctors strike Tgrassroots. At my first local party Ihad broad public support. Labour’s meeting after rejoining Labour in Health spokesperson Heidi Alexander September 2015, I was one of several triangulated saying that Labour had ‘new’ members. We were repeatedly sympathy for the strike but would not told by longstanding members that they endorse it. She instructed Labour’s top were a successful local party focused on team not to join picket lines. Corbyn campaigning, aka going door to door ally and Shadow Chancellor John to identify Labour voters with the aim McDonnell ignored this, standing of winning elections. There is a tension with strikers as did Momentum at the heart of Labour’s current internal activists. Alexander was following struggle between seeing electoral politics mainstream Labour MPs’ practice of as the only relevant locus of action and distancing themselves from the unions seeing our goal as being to create a social

Corbyn Vote Labour rally © Jenny Goodfellow (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0) that founded and finance the party. movement that can both win elections Gradually this has shifted and in 2018, and sustain a transformative legislative the Economist’s political correspondent programme. Unions are central to tweeted: ‘John McDonnell says a memo the latter vision. As left members has gone round Labour MPs: “If there’s have taken on local roles, we have

Page 6 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Heather Mendick rejected a narrow idea of campaigning, unresolved cultural gap between the two backing strikes with solidarity that is also reflected in differences between action, publicity and fundraising. the larger more cautious established unions and the newer more radical owever, the influx of nearly half a ones organising precarious workers. Hmillion members, many wanting direct democratic input into Labour Conclusions policies and practices has created conflict with the party establishment he Corbyn Project has much in including the unions. In 2018, Christine Tcommon with other anti-austerity Shawcroft, then members’ representative electoral projects across Europe. In this on Labour’s National Executive and article, I focused on a distinctive feature, Momentum vice chair, posted on Facebook its actualisation via an insurgency in the before deleting it, that the major trade UK’s main social democratic party. Change unions “stick it to the rank and file is slow and huge energy is expended in members time after time after time. It’s internal battles. The existential tension also time to support disaffiliation of the in the Labour Party between top-down unions from the Labour party. The party gradualism led by parliamentarians belongs to us, the members”. It is likely and bottom-up radicalism led by social union representatives on the National movement activists has always favoured Executive voted down the more radical the former. We must change this. Democracy Review recommendations. At Michael Foot, a past Labour leader also the Party’s 2018 National Conference, on the left, said, ‘A left Labour MP is most votes were backed overwhelmingly only as good as the movement behind by member and union delegates alike, them’. This applies a hundredfold to a but there were some divisions. Union left Labour government. If a Corbyn-led delegates who have half the votes government is going to enact a socialist blocked debate on whether or not all programme it needs a large, active incumbent MPs should face a contested and democratic movement behind it. selection process prior to a General o win power we need to maintain Election, something 92 per cent of the Labour’s ‘broad church’, its wide delegates representing members wanted T electoral alliance, while moving the party on the agenda. So while links between left on both policy and practice and Labour and the trade unions are stronger building outwards into communities than ever with the Corbyn Project’s to create a participatory political commitment to the labour movement culture across society. Interviewed and to workers’ rights, there is an in 2015 soon after first winning the

Page 7 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) The Corbyn Project: a View from the UK Grassroots leadership, Jeremy Corbyn explained: Works Cited

I want a party structure and a union structure that allows your intelligence to BBC (2017) Labour - The Summer That come forward and be part of our policy- Changed Everything, Director: David making. … So the need is to reach, to Modell. widen our organisation to make us a community-based party. Chakrabortty, Aditya (2017) “A La- his has been slow to realise. Only bour council attacking its own people? Tin summer 2018 did Labour This is regeneration gone bad”, The finally appoint community organisers. Guardian https://www.theguardian. Even now their work is shaped by our com/commentisfree/2017/oct/25/la- electoral system as they are concentrated bour-council-regeneration-housing-cri- in the marginal constituencies that sis-high-court-judge, accessed 11 Sep- Labour must win to form a government. tember 2019

omentum originally set out to Corbyn, Jeremy, Wainwright, Hilary M‘organise in every town, city and Panitch, Leo (2015) “‘What we’ve and village to secure the election of a achieved so far’: an interview with Jer- progressive left Labour Party at every level, emy Corbyn”, red pepper, https://www. and to create a mass movement for real redpepper.org.uk/jeremy-corbyn-inter- transformative change’. This expansive view/, accessed 11 September 2019 vision was possible because Momentum was less constrained by electoral politics Hannah, Simon (2018) Party with So- than Labour. But Momentum has moved cialists in it: A History of the Labour Left. away from this ambition, narrowing its London: Pluto Press. reach to focus on organising nationally in Labour, creating social media content and Hannah, Simon (2017) “Momen- campaigning in marginal constituencies. tum and the Labour left - which way It is Labour that now offers the best hope forward?”, Labour Briefing, https:// of enacting its original vision of building labourbriefing.org/blog/2017/11/26/ a mass social movement. Labour has pvkfnifvrds5r4vzvwc8sxf1srzih- always been, as Simon Hannah puts q?rq=momentum, accessed 11 Septem- it, “a party with socialists in it’”. It ber 2019 remains an open question whether we can prove Ralph Miliband wrong Labour Party (2017) “The Labour Party and transform it into a socialist party. Democracy Review”, Labour, https:// labour.org.uk/about/democracy-re-

Page 8 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Heather Mendick view-2017/, accessed 11 September an.com/society/2016/jan/13/john-mc- 2019 donnell-junior-doctors-labour-agreement-not-endorse-strike, accessed 11 Mendick, Heather (2017) “Building September 2019 Corbyn’s Labour from the ground up: How ‘the left’ won in Hackney South”, Watt, Nicholas (2015) “Communi- red pepper, https://www.redpepper.org. cation Workers Union backs Corbyn uk/building-corbyns-labour-from-the- as antidote to Blairite ‘virus’”, The ground-up/, accessed 11 September Guardian, https://www.theguardian. 2019 com/politics/2015/jul/30/communication-workers-union-backs-cor- Miliband, Ralph (2009/1964) byn-as-antidote-to-blairite-virus, ac- Parliamentary Socialism. Brecon: The cessed 11 September 2019 Merlin Press.

Nunns, Alex (2016) The Candidate: Jeremy Corbyn’s improbable path to power. New York: OR Books.

Robinson, Duncan (2018) tweet, Twitter, https://twitter.com/duncanrob- inson/status/1047799182436851712?la ng=en, accessed 11 September 2019

Stewart, Heather and Syal, Rajeev (2018) “Momentum-backed NEC member: Labour should cut union links”, The Guardian, https://www. theguardian.com/politics/2018/mar/07/ momentum-backed-nec-member-christine-shawcroft-labour-should-cut-union-links, accessed 11 September 2019

Watt, Nicholas (2016) “John McDon- nell joined junior doctors despite La- bour agreement to not endorse strike”, The Guardian, https://www.theguardi-

Page 9 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) The State of the Irish Left: Half-Full and Half-Empty

David Landy (Dublin)

essoptimism is the best approach. the Greens and the Labour Party as minor PDuring the recession years the partners. They were in turn destroyed Irish left moved from a position of by the electorate after imposing near complete irrelevance into being a brutal austerity policies. Yet the Irish powerful force in Irish politics.1 Huge electorate, unlike other European victories were won on the economic countries didn’t turn to the far-right, and social front and electoral gains but towards left and republican groups.2 were made both locally and nationally. But now the highwater of these years of ow the recession is over, militancy is over, the question is how Nunemployment is negligible and substantial these gains were and whether people are no longer emigrating. Yet, the left-wing parties simply occupied most austerity measures remain and the comfortable subaltern place in Ireland’s government remains committed Irish politics temporarily vacated by to running down public services and the collapse of the old centre-left. to neoliberal governance. At the same time, Ireland (especially Dublin) is he recession changed everything, facing a devastating and unprecedented Tat least for a while. It hit Ireland housing crisis. The question for harder than almost any other European Ireland’s fractious left is whether it can country. The economy, based around respond to all this as well as combat the a housing bubble and financial early stages of far-right mobilisation. speculation, collapsed. Unemployment rose and emigration soared. During these years, Ireland was governed by centre right governments that included

Page 10 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) David Landy

The siren song of electoralism

wo sets of figures can be used to chart in Dublin working class areas, but are Tthe state of the left. The first is seats also back to 2009 figures. In addition, won in local elections (c950 in total) in there were scores of Left Independents 2009 during the height of the recession, elected in 2014, a fair few of whom have in 2014 during the high tide of militancy lost their seats. While the left also did and protest, and 2019 when the status well in parliamentary elections in 2016, quo seems secure. On the right of the it’s doubtful they’ll do so well next time left, the Labour Party was decimated in out. There are many reasons for this – 2014. Their traditional role has always amnesia over Green and Labour Party been to act as the subaltern partner in austerity politics combined with people’s right wing coalitions. This time around, concern with environmental issues which they were punished for their enthusiastic the Irish Left (perhaps unfairly) is not participation in austerity government. associated with. But most important, While they haven’t recovered, similar the left’s failure to deliver meaningful political groupings such as the small change at the local level where it was centrist Irish Green Party and the possible fed into declining militancy. Social Democrats (a breakaway from Thus there was poor turnout in working Labour who can be fully expected to class areas, the left simply didn’t give recombine with them when the numbers people enough reasons to vote for them. add up) have taken up the slack. nother reason to highlight these n the left, Sinn Fein stormed it in Aelectoral stats is because the left O2014 in the midst of anti-austerity is far more electoralist than it was campaigning and was then knocked two decades ago. Then, Ireland had a back. Equally, Ireland’s two competing strong platformist anarchist party, the and pretty much similar Trotskyist Workers Solidarity Movement. It is now parties established a presence, especially a shadow of its former self, having been

Page 11 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) The State of the Irish Left: Half-Full and Half-Empty largely consumed by the battles around to get local amenities and perform identity politics and with its members favours for constituents. In this style of suffering from burnout.3 Sinn Fein politics, it is important not to frighten has long abandoned its revolutionary the horses; if socialism is mentioned, it republican past and its strategy has is in sotto voice to one’s membership. been to become a catch-all nationalist party rather than a radical socialist one. Winning victories However, now it understands that this his is perhaps unfair. The left has also perceived lack of radicalism was one challenged these structures and won reason it performed so badly at the last T significant victories in the last decade. In elections and its trajectory may change. fact, the largest political mobilisation n like manner, Trotskyists still refer in the history of the Irish state was in Ito themselves as revolutionaries, 2014-15 over the issue of water charges. but winning and keeping local and It was an inspiring campaign that parliamentary seats (and the income demonstrated mass self-organisation from these seats) has become far more and solidarity, political nous and tactical central in their practices. Recently, innovation. Although earlier attempts in a perhaps unprecedented move for to challenge austerity measures were Trotskyist groups, the Socialist Workers unsuccessful, a militant mass movement Party in Ireland was swallowed up by sprang up over the government’s attempt its electoralist front, People before Profit. to introduce water charges in 2014. People had been squeezed enough by he result of this electoralism isn’t all austerity taxes, and also understood Tbaleful. On the plus side the left is that this was the first step in privatising more grounded, more embedded in local water. Or as the chants went: “Can’t Pay communities and real world concerns Won’t Pay”, “Water is a Human Right”.4 than ever before – at least in the cities (though as we can see from the stats, he active involvement of some not that embedded). Without doubt Ttrade unions – Unite and Mandate it’s healthy for Left parties to engage in particular – and the fact the campaign in something more substantial than avoided being captured by any one theoretical parsing or internal purity tests. political grouping were key in ensuring But there’s always a minus side, in this its success. It was a genuine grassroots case it’s the slide towards NIMBYism and and community-based movement, a clientelism pervasive in Irish politics. involving over half a dozen large scale That is, a style of politics which involves demonstrations of between 50-200,000 cosying up to government structures people over the course of 2014-15. More

Page 12 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) David Landy significant than these protests was the Twenty-five years before the 2015 depth of local campaigning against water referendum, homosexuality was illegal charges. People mobilised locally to in Ireland, yet in that referendum the prevent the installation of water meters electorate voted by an overwhelming especially in urban working class areas, majority in favour of same-sex marriage. blockading roads and stopping private security guards and meter installers from his victory wasn’t magicked into entering their neighbourhoods. This Tbeing simply because of changing was combined with electoral pressure social trends; it was the result of years of on government parties and a successful campaigning by left wing groups. This non-payment campaign in which depth of campaigning was even more most Irish people refused to pay their evident in the historic 2018 referendum water bills. This ended the attempts to legalise abortion. Abortion has been to charge for water or introduce fresh the battleground on which Irish culture austerity taxes – at least for now. wars have been fought for decades, an ongoing source of suffering and humiliation for women in Ireland. There have been no less than four referendum votes on the issue since 1983, when a constitutional ban on

© William Murphy (CC BY-SA 2.0) abortion was introduced by n the social front, the left won a two-thirds majority. The left played Otwo referendums, the first on a decisive role in reversing this vote; marriage equality, and the second The Abortion Rights Campaign was near-unbelievably, on abortion. These established out of the Dublin-based RAG transformative votes demonstrated (Revolutionary Anarcha-feminist Group) how Ireland has moved from being a and used an anarchist model of organising socially conservative Catholic country and coalition-building to establish a to a liberal Northern European one. nationwide grassroots campaign. The

Page 13 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) The State of the Irish Left: Half-Full and Half-Empty

2018 referendum victory - also by a two- the public sector. Official partnership thirds majority is a shining example of between government and unions – an what can happen when the left manages arrangement which precipitated the to organise, act strategically and convince decline of Irish trade unionism - ended a people of its principles until they are seen decade ago. However, the Irish Congress as being simple common-sense decency. of Trade Unions remains tied to a zombie Labour Party, having maintaining A weak presence in weak unions their loyalty even when the Labour Party was administering austerity. hile these campaigns have left Wan important collective memory t’s not all bad. Some unions, notably of winning victories, there has been no IMandate in the private sector, have permanent shift of power. Free-market shown an interest in the organising model liberals have benefitted from these of unions (on the basis of ‘organise or 5 victories, possibly more than the left. The die’). They were of crucial importance in underlying reason for this is the growing the fight against water charges, getting weakness of the organised working class. involved precisely because these charges would impact their mainly-low income second set of stats to chart the members. However, relations between state of the left: strike days and A even these unions and the left are often union membership. Union militancy fraught, partly because the Trotskyist and density have not simply declined; position of “One Solution. STRIKE!” they have collapsed over the past twenty hasn’t been helpful in forming trust. years. During the 2010s there were Nevertheless, there have been efforts to only 26,291 strike days per year. This form a political front – during the 2016 compares to over 100,000 per year in elections, the anti-water charges unions the 1990s, not exactly a decade known tried to establish a broad left electoral for industrial turbulence. Union density slate. While this wasn’t particularly has also collapsed: 46 per cent of the successful at the time due to the usual workforce in 1994, 32 per cent in 2010 mix of sectarianism, egos and bad timing, and only 24 per cent in 2018. This this may be repeated at the next election. is barely half the coverage of twenty- five years before, with the numbers The left, the far-right and the future inevitably worse in the private sector. he situation is far from dire. During he largest union, SIPTU has Tthe recession, the left offered a Tmaintained its adherence to a service credible challenge to austerity politics model, increasingly for older workers in and prevented any shift to the right. It

Page 14 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) David Landy saw off the attempt to privatise water and uch spectacles of success aside, made Ireland a more open and socially Sthe main reason the far-right was liberal country. Its presence in local not able to mobilise was because Sinn government may be diminished but it is Fein’s left-wing republicanism was the still relevant and grounded in concrete dominant strain in populist nationalism. local issues. Nor will the memories of Sinn Fein, to their immense credit still successful struggle be forgotten, either take a pro-immigrant line, but their by the government or the people. dominance over populist nationalism is waning, now they are increasingly ut has the Irish left been tamed? The seen as a semi-establishment party. Bleft has always suffered a justified credibility problem in working class hus for the first time in recent areas; the smash-and-grab-members Ttimes, the far-right have managed tactic beloved of Trotskyist groups isn’t to mobilise and organise. They have quickly forgotten. But added to this been fuelled by online anti-immigration tactical imbecility is the larger ideological conspiracies, funded by rich foreign question of whether left-wing groups donors, and are feeding off and into a have been assimilated by the electoral growing domestic racism. It’s important system they are so eagerly participating in. not to exaggerate their numbers: away from the computer screens their presence his is particularly problematic remains miniscule and electorally they’re Twhen it comes to combatting still a joke. But assuming they manage the far-right. The Irish left has been to find leaders marginally less creepy, very successful at preventing far-right paranoid and chaotic than their current organising. A cheering example of this offering, they may prove a threat. was the display of tactical coherence among wildly different groups when the ore central is the question of Islamophobic group PEGIDA tried to Mwhat the left can do to bring in organise a rally in Dublin in February a socialist, or at least a less neoliberal 2016. Thousands of mainstream anti- Ireland. This is especially hard now that racist demonstrators filled the centre the Brexit psychodrama has served to of town, preventing PEGIDA from legitimise most elements of the status assembling there. Outside this central quo in Ireland – both the current area, militant anti-fascists from anarchist, government and the position of the socialist and republican backgrounds EU. Currently the left is in abeyance, physically attacked PEGIDA with a lack of direction and diminished supporters spotted around town. That activity. An example: once the water was the end of PEGIDA in Ireland. charges were won, many activists threw

Page 15 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) The State of the Irish Left: Half-Full and Half-Empty

themselves into a housing campaign. Endnotes

However, this hasn’t gained much 1 I’m just talking here about the Republic traction or public support, partly because of Ireland (RoI), not about the North of Ireland. of the complexity of the problems and Politics, with few exceptions are radically different in the two jurisdictions. One hopeful exception was difficulties of achieving anything, partly the abortion referendum victory in the RoI fuelling because of the multiplicity of possible the campaign for abortion provision in the north, solutions offered. The campaign, where it’s still illegal. 6 while ongoing, remains small. 2 In Ireland, Republican is shorthand for militant nationalism, supporting a united Ireland, eft unity has been a constant and broadly points to a dissident, usually leftwing attitude. The splits in Irish republicanism are Lcatch-call solution to the lack of legendry, but by far the largest group is Sinn Fein. focus. Inevitably it was voiced after the disappointments of the last election. 3 The idpol wars have hit the Irish left with the same vicious ferocity as elsewhere; leading to However the centre-left far prefers to widespread disillusion over the quarrels between work with the right than with Sinn the dressed up idiocies of hipster Stalinism and the mean-girl one-upmanship of woke liberalism. Even Fein, let alone with those further to the the Trotskyist parties have been touched: it appears left,7 who are all electoral competitors that the Socialist Party may split from its parent with each other. There is precious little organisation, the CWI ostensibly over concessions to identity politics and electoralism, although in Left-Green common purpose, beyond a reality for even more trivial reasons. still undirected awareness of oncoming 4 “You can stick your water meter up your climate catastrophe. So left unity among arse” was another popular chant. The government whom? And more importantly, left tried to install water meters outside people’s homes activism in what direction? Cast into to charge them for their water. Stopping these meters from being installed was a major feature of a pragmatically oppositional stance the campaign. and competing more with each other than ever before, the Irish left once 5 For instance the neoliberal Fine Gael Party benefitted in the recent European elections again needs to answer this question. from the sheen of social progressiveness currently attached to it.

6 It’s not all bad news; the housing campaign has tried to move away from a servicing-clients model of organising. Also the participation of ethnic minorities in the campaign has been very positive, not as clients of left-wing parties but as an integral part of campaign groups.

7 As demonstrated in carve-ups in local authority councils around the country.

Page 16 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) The Abyss…and the Leap: Expanding Canada’s ‘Shrivelled’ Political Horizons

Lee-Anne Broadhead (Sydney, Nova Scotia)

e live in an age of multiple his preferred moniker of democratic Wand overlapping crises – socialist, the success of his candidacy in environmental deterioration, social so very nearly securing the Democratic exclusion, economic inequality, and nomination by drawing on the street political alienation – each sufficient to heat protests born of widespread provoke widespread resistance but now disenchantment with the dysfunctional combining to reveal the devastating and morally bankrupt economic system consequences of unbridled capitalism. revealed by the 2008 crash gave many a How those on the democratic socialist giddy sense of possibility. Similarly, the left – not the so-called ‘centre left’ of stunning success of the UK Momentum neoliberal-lite mainstream parties – movement in restoring the Labour Party respond to widespread disenchantment (under the improbable leadership of with the post-Crash ‘status quo’ is a Jeremy Corbyn) to its socialist senses, subject of intense debate, both creative suggests a new dynamic between street and divisive, in Canada as elsewhere in protest and electoral struggle. But the world. grave disappointments must also be acknowledged, primary among them re we at a moment of productive Syriza’s tragic failure to withstand intense Alinkage between popular resistance neoliberal pressures in Greece. and political reformation? Can we, this time, build a socialist reality from the n Canada the question of ‘what’s left?’ grassroots and prevent the absorption of Ihas been most acutely posed, if not radical critique by establishment elites? fully answered, in the time-honoured Although Bernie Sanders deserves the form of a manifesto – the Leap Manifesto label of a social democrat rather than (2015) – which centers its call for change

Page 17 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) The Abyss…and the Leap: Expanding Canada’s ‘Shrivelled’ Political Horizons on the need to confront the urgent crisis – “a crime against humanity’s environmental crisis facing us all by future” – can serve as the spark igniting linking it to working class politics, the such a transformation, as there is no menace of militarism and, importantly, other way to deal with the crisis than Indigenous rights in this Settler State. by redefining basic socio-economic and Remarkably enough this clarion call to state structures. In turn, the Manifesto’s confront the costs and consequences of repeated defence of the inherent rights the capitalist ethos governing (or, more and title of the Indigenous peoples of accurately, mismanaging) all aspects Canada shines an unavoidably harsh light of our lives nowhere features the word on both the resource-extracting capitalist ‘socialism’, though its core project – a project that Canada is, and the need to “transformation” to a new economy – ‘indigenize’ and decolonize Canadian clearly places the needs of society (and left-wing ‘alternatives’ traditionally the environment) above the appetites of rooted in extractive industrialism. capital.

rafted by representatives of a n place of an economy based on oil Ddiverse group of movements – Iand gas megaprojects the Manifesto labour, environmental, Indigenous advocates a ‘leap’ to 100 per cent rights and social justice – convened by renewable electricity sources within best-selling author/activist Naomi Klein 20 years. In place of “profit-gouging” and documentary film maker Avi Lewis, private companies, or even state-run the Leap Manifesto is grounded in a ones, it advocates “energy democracy”: belief that, for all its horror, the climate innovative ownership structures

Page 18 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Lee-Anne Broadhead designed along egalitarian, redistributive withdrawing support from leader Tom lines. Declaring that “public scarcity in Mulcair, a former Liberal Cabinet times of unprecedented private wealth member in Quebec and ‘mastermind’ is a manufactured crisis, designed to of the disastrously centrist campaign. extinguish our dreams before they have The more profound issue for discussion, a chance to be born”, it demands an though, was the direction the chastened end to: austerity; trade deals negotiated party would now take. Would it move in the interests of corporations; fossil back to the traditional centre left or fuel subsidies; and excessive military into more radical, uncharted territory? spending. The Manifesto also backs a Though not an official party faction, the guaranteed annual income, proposes ‘Leapers’ came to the 2016 convention the imposition of financial transaction in the hope of having the party adopt taxes, and advocates a massive “universal the Manifesto. Failing in that effort, a program” to build energy-efficient homes resolution passed which recognized and and retrofit old ones. These proposals supported it as “a high-level statement of are, crucially, coupled with the provision principles that speaks to the aspirations, of “training and other resources for history, and values of the party” and workers in carbon-intensive jobs, committed riding associations across ensuring they are fully able to take part the country to debating it. Although in the clean energy economy,” the details not adopted as policy ‘Leap’ had arrived of which should be worked out with the as a major source of both inspiration participation of the workers themselves. and dissension, fundamentally altering internal party dynamics and the he Leap Manifesto was launched at parameters of policy debate. Ta public event in September 2015 against the backdrop of a federal election ince that breakthrough the Leap in which the putatively left-wing New Sagenda has been fervently defended Democratic Party (NDP) shimmied so and as rigorously contested nationwide far to the right in the hopes of winning in NDP riding associations as well power that it was outflanked on the left as unions, activist groups, student- by the mainstream Liberal Party of Justin led organizations and faith-based Trudeau, happy to embrace budget organizations. The Canadian Labour deficits to increase public spending. The Congress (CLC) established Labour following year, the NDP – relegated for Leap, linkages were made with the from official opposition status to Sanders and Momentum campaigns, distant third behind the Liberals and and early in 2018 Manifesto supporters Conservatives – met in a sombre mood, organized Courage to Leap, an unofficial

Page 19 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) The Abyss…and the Leap: Expanding Canada’s ‘Shrivelled’ Political Horizons gathering held alongside the annual editorial in the weekly newsmagazine NDP Convention but where, as was Macleans defined the Manifesto as “the noted in media reports, barely 100 of answer to a question no one is asking,” the 500 activists in attendance were and asserted that in “a country born out actually delegates to the Convention. of compromise and accommodation, Clearly there is no consensus about extreme views of any sort are (thankfully) the wisdom of merging the movement seen as un-Canadian.” This complacently with the party, a party that now has a nationalist stance was also adopted by young, charismatic leader, Jagmeet NDP strategist-turned-pundit Robin Singh, who has thus far been careful to Sears (2016), who warned of a “suicidal neither reject nor accept the basic tenets leap to the left” by “loony leapers” of the Manifesto. Hard choices for both emulating “earlier Trotskyite and Marxist leadership and membership are at hand. entryists”. Sears was, though, hopeful this laughable “Birkenstock Left” would nsurprisingly, the Manifesto has soon be unceremoniously “returned to Ubeen pummelled from opposite their more traditional perch outside the directions. According to prominent mainstream party.” mainstream journalist Lawrence Martin (2016), it “advocates that all oil be left or those at the International in the ground and we bounce along FCommunist League (2016) the happily on moonbeams and other Manifesto is, in its refusal to “look to the rays”; another veteran columnist, Jeffrey proletariat as the motor force for human Simpson (2016), declared the “anti- progress” a “reactionary” document American” Leapers have “absolutely no resorting to “bourgeois economic idea of how to run a modern economy”, policy”. Deriding the Manifesto’s focus are “hostile to free markets except of on the global climate crisis, the ICL the organic-market variety on Saturday insists “modern infrastructure, including mornings”, and are “committed to pipelines as well as hydroelectric saving the environment at the expense of projects and the like, is essential to crucifying the economy.” For disgraced the function of an advanced industrial right-wing media mogul Conrad Black economy,” in other words an extractive (2015) the Leapers are merely the latest capitalism generating sufficient class last gasp of “the shattered Old Left” and contradictions to “win the working class constitute “the detritus of organized to the perspective of a socialist revolution labor,” accompanied this time by “heavily which will rip the mines, factories and buffeted eco-zealots” and “imperishable other means of production from the agitators for the native people”. An grip of the exploiters, paving the way

Page 20 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Lee-Anne Broadhead for a rationally planned, collectivized Leap Manifesto, arguing instead that economy.” Massive resource extraction the vague document fails to tackle the will not, apparently, have negative crucial issue of inequality and instead environmental consequences when focuses on resource extraction. Laxer owned by the government. Perhaps poses a number of questions: How do we this is how the Trudeau government build the new green economy? How do can claim to be the green government we create the new green industries that Canadians have been waiting for while will be at the heart of the economy? How at the same time spending C$4.5 billion do we ensure that large corporations no dollars to purchase the failed Kinder longer set the economic agenda and Morgan Trans Mountain Pipeline in order that the rich pay their share of taxes? to save a project widely condemned by Unfairly, in my view, he argues that environmental and Indigenous rights these questions “are given very short movements. shift in Leap” and derides what he sees

ut what of those voices who have as an argument in favour of creating Btried in the past to move the New jobs in “a host of caregiving sectors” Democratic Party toward a socialist vision? coupled with a dubious commitment to As one of the founders of the short- a shift to local agriculture. Sympathizing lived (1969-1974) but intellectually with those who suggest that Leap “is a influential Movement for an Independent document for elites and not the majority Socialist Canada – the so-called Waffle of Canadians”, Laxer concludes: “I don’t – James Laxer’s critique deserves special see the Leap as a manifesto of the left.” attention. Laxer (2016) fails to see the His ideological measuring stick is clearly socialism claimed by advocates of the that of his earlier attempt to utilize a

Page 21 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) The Abyss…and the Leap: Expanding Canada’s ‘Shrivelled’ Political Horizons

political party for radical ends. With recognized socialism as both a “process all due respect to Laxer it is important and a program”, and concluded that to note that we stand on very different the crucial goal was the “extensive ground today, ground that we must public control over investment and acknowledge – as the Leap Manifesto nationalization of the commanding does, but the Waffle movement did heights of the economy, such as the not – is the territory of Indigenous essential resources industries, finance people under existential threat from the and credit, and industries strategic to industrial policies of both left- and right- planning our economy.” The Waffle wing strategies determined to extend activists believed that, if radicalized industrial development and economic from within, the New Democratic Party, growth. could affect the “fundamental change” necessary to build this new society. he Waffle Manifesto of 1969 was laser- Tfocused on the lack of independence ith different definitions of ‘new’ of the Canadian economy which had Wand ‘fundamental’ this is also the become nothing more than a “resource hope of the Leapers and one ironic effect base and consumer market within the of their movement has been to spur American Empire”, an “economic colony numerous journalists (and interested of the United States”. Asking Canadians citizens) to revisit the ‘Waffle Moment’. to consider the nature of the American The fact the initial impulse was to compare Empire – its militarism, its racism Leap with its more explicitly (that is, and its corporate capitalism – Laxer more “orthodox”) socialist predecessor and his colleagues asked Canadians to backs Albo’s (1990) claim that the recognize that there can be no economic Waffle’s legacy “is surely cultural, in the independence in the absence of socialism, fullest sense of that word, influencing a society based on “democratic control intellectual debate and political visions of all institutions, which have a major long after its dissolution.” effect on men’s lives and where there is equal opportunity for creative non- he contrast between the two exploitative self-development… A TManifestos is stark indeed. Setting socialist transformation of society will aside the gender-specific nature of the return to man his sense of humanity, to Waffle Manifesto (surely retrograde even replace his sense of being a commodity.” by 1969 standards), its argument that The Waffle Manifesto insisted on socialism would help unite English democracy at all levels (neighbourhoods, and French Canada ignored the plight schools, workplaces, cooperatives), and rights of Indigenous peoples, the discrimination faced by many non-white

Page 22 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Lee-Anne Broadhead settlers, and environmental despoliation a giant, self-destructive machine. Laxer, on an already-epic scale. For the Leapers, stating the colonially obvious in noting the notion of nationalized control of the Canadian economy has been centred resource extraction as a solution to on “primary sector industries since economic inequality not only ignores Europeans first settled on Indigenous the ongoing assault on Indigenous land,” suggests the Leapers offer “little peoples but is a literally self-defeating common ground for dialogue,” lauding proposition: there are, to borrow the instead the efforts of Alberta’s pro- pithy phrase of those trade unionists pipeline, pro-Tar Sands NDP Premier intent on building a climate justice Rachel Notley to “push both a green and movement, “no jobs on a dead planet.” an egalitarian agenda.” To the Leap Left, (cited by Egan, 2015) though, there is nothing redeemable,

n sum, different assumptions about green or egalitarian, about evidently Ibasic threats (American ownership unsustainable, colonially presumptive vs. environmental collapse) necessarily ‘pipeline Progressivism’. In the words of lead in different directions. Left wing Crystal Lameman (2018), an Indigenous critics of the Leap Manifesto, however, woman from the Beaver Lake Cree Nation are wrong to argue it shows no concern in Alberta and one of the Manifesto’s for those many Canadians working drafters: “From where I stand, the Leap in resource extraction. Indeed, Leap’s Manifesto isn’t an attack on Albertans entire modus operendi is to transition or its workers. It’s a gift, offering us a to a new economy expressly benefiting pathway to a more human, healthy and those currently hired merely as cogs in liveable province, one that honours the

Page 23 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) The Abyss…and the Leap: Expanding Canada’s ‘Shrivelled’ Political Horizons treaty rights of indigenous peoples and here is no guarantee of success meets the needs of all its inhabitants.” Tor shortage of cautionary tales of division and defeat in Canada and t its worst, Canadian Marxism still elsewhere. In the case of the Leap Acontinues to peddle Eurocentric Manifesto, the list of organizational notions of evolutionary stages of endorsements is lengthy, impressive, history (thereby considering Indigenous and demonstrates the exciting linkages communities to be a less developed being made across myriad movements version of ‘us’), thus failing, as Deborah and campaigns. The question remains: is Simmons (2013) has argued, to “recognize the NDP the right vehicle to maintain the ways in which radical indigenous such momentum? The party has shifted resurgence can pose significant obstacles dramatically to the right since the days to capitalist expansion in renewing of the Waffle Movement – even ‘cleansing’ traditional modes of taking care of the its constitution, in Blairite fashion, of all land.” The Leap Manifesto makes no language construable as socialist – and such mistake: but how widely will its if it was not sufficiently radical to take cri de cœur – not just for the rejection seriously the demands of 1969, it is far of capitalism, but the thoroughgoing less ready to embrace radical change now. decolonization of socialism – be heeded? But the mention of Blair is deliberate, as his Orwellian project to make the Labour t is certainly the case that the recent Party ‘New’ – safe, that is, for capitalism profusion (and intersection) of protest I (and prone to war) – ended not just against the manifest, manifold injustice in electoral defeat but the recapture of of our time has opened new strategic the party by people (in the hundreds of possibilities for not just taking but thousands) who understand the capacity changing power. While the mainstream and point of the party to transform their media (and their status quo backers) society and lives. happily mock Occupy Wall Street, Idle No More, Black Lives Matter, Leap and clear-eyed realization of the pitfalls other movements for their supposed A is necessary, but cynicism is not naivety and ‘leaderlessness’, something warranted. It is true that Leap is short profound is going on, a decisive, creative, on specifics, but Manifestos rarely offer often irreverent rejection of ‘business-as- detailed blueprints. In it we see a profound usual,’ of the hollowness of tried-and- spirit of radicalism, recognizing the failed ‘solutions’ across the so-called necessity of constructing alliances with all political ‘spectrum’ . those engaged in the struggle for human – and natural – justice. This is, as Avi

Page 24 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Lee-Anne Broadhead

Lewis (in Apostolov, 2018) has argued, justice” socialist.ca [International “a time when everything is at play,” a Socialists], March 28. http://www. “moment” that demands our creative socialist.ca/node/3563 attention if we are to “connect the dots among the different crises and different Black, Conrad (2015) “Few will solutions and crises.” The task is made support Naomi Klein’s revolution, difficult not least, he argues, because thankfully sparing us from national “we have dealt with the shrivelling of suicide”, National Post, September 19. the political imagination in Canada for decades.” Can those who support the Egan, Carolyn (2015) “Report back Leap Manifesto offer the kind of unifying from Paris climate protests” socialist.ca, social, political and economic vision 23 December http://www.socialist.ca/ necessary to frame a counter-hegemonic node/2973 challenge sufficiently broad to encourage Lameman, Crystal (2018) “The Leap wide-spread acceptance of its “common Manifesto is a path to jobs and justice”, sense” articulation of the problems we Globe and Mail, May 16. collectively face? Changing our idea of what politics and power are and can Laxer, James (2016) “Why Leap isn’t a be is a necessary starting point and, to Manifesto for the People”, Maclean’s, that extent, the Leap Manifesto – with April 13. https://www.macleans.ca/ its dedication to a dramatically different politics/why-leap-isnt-a-manifesto-for- economy, based on a transformed Settler- the-people/ Indigenous relationship, egalitarian principles, a green economy, and social Maclean’s (2015) “Editorial: How justice for all – provides the momentum Naomi Klein became Canada’s only to start the journey. voice for angry socialism”, Maclean’s, September 28. https://www.macleans. ca/news/canada/how-naomi-klein- became-canadas-only-voice-for-angry- Works Cited socialism/ Albo, Gregory (1990) “Canada, Left- Martin, Lawrence (2016) “NDP’s Leap nationalism, and Younger Voices”, is the Waffle reborn”, Globe and Mail, Studies in Political Economy, 33: 161- April 12. 174. Movement for an Independent Socialist Apostolov, Dunja (2018) “Interview: Canada (1969) “The Waffle Manifesto: Avi Lewis and the leap for climate For an Independent Socialist Canada”,

Page 25 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) The Abyss…and the Leap: Expanding Canada’s ‘Shrivelled’ Political Horizons Text can be found at the Socialist History Project, www.socialisthistory.ca/ Docs/Waffle/WaffleManifesto.htm

The Leap Manifesto: A Call for Canada Based on Caring for the Earth and One Another (2015) leapmanifesto.org

Sears, Robin (2016) “Thomas Mulcair’s very Canadian execution”, Toronto Star, April 12.

Simmons, Deborah (2013) “Socialism from below and indigenous resurgence: Reclaiming Traditions” New Socialist, 16 June: 13-15. http://newsocialist. org/socialism-from-below-and- indigenous-resurgence-reclaiming- traditions/

Simpson, Jeffrey. (2016) “NDP faces another debilitating battle for its soul”, Globe and Mail, 6 May.

International Communist League (2016) “Leap Manifesto: Road to Nowhere” Spartacist Canada No. 189, Summer.

Page 26 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) The Abyss…and the Leap: Expanding Canada’s ‘Shrivelled’ Political Horizons

Lee-Anne Broadhead (Halifax)

Page 27 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) The Abyss…and the Leap: Expanding Canada’s ‘Shrivelled’ Political Horizons on the need to confront the urgent crisis – “a crime against humanity’s environmental crisis facing us all by future” – can serve as the spark igniting linking it to working class politics, the such a transformation, as there is no menace of militarism and, importantly, other way to deal with the crisis than Indigenous rights in this Settler State. by redefining basic socio-economic and Remarkably enough this clarion call to state structures. In turn, the Manifesto’s confront the costs and consequences of repeated defence of the inherent rights the capitalist ethos governing (or, more and title of the Indigenous peoples of accurately, mismanaging) all aspects Canada shines an unavoidably harsh light of our lives nowhere features the word on both the resource-extracting capitalist ‘socialism’, though its core project – a project that Canada is, and the need to “transformation” to a new economy – ‘indigenize’ and decolonize Canadian clearly places the needs of society (and left-wing ‘alternatives’ traditionally the environment) above the appetites of rooted in extractive industrialism. capital.

Page 28 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Lee-Anne Broadhead designed along egalitarian, redistributive withdrawing support from leader Tom lines. Declaring that “public scarcity in Mulcair, a former Liberal Cabinet times of unprecedented private wealth member in Quebec and ‘mastermind’ is a manufactured crisis, designed to of the disastrously centrist campaign. extinguish our dreams before they have The more profound issue for discussion, a chance to be born”, it demands an though, was the direction the chastened end to: austerity; trade deals negotiated party would now take. Would it move in the interests of corporations; fossil back to the traditional centre left or fuel subsidies; and excessive military into more radical, uncharted territory? spending. The Manifesto also backs a Though not an official party faction, the guaranteed annual income, proposes ‘Leapers’ came to the 2016 convention the imposition of financial transaction in the hope of having the party adopt taxes, and advocates a massive “universal the Manifesto. Failing in that effort, a program” to build energy-efficient homes resolution passed which recognized and and retrofit old ones. These proposals supported it as “a high-level statement of are, crucially, coupled with the provision principles that speaks to the aspirations, of “training and other resources for history, and values of the party” and workers in carbon-intensive jobs, committed riding associations across ensuring they are fully able to take part the country to debating it. Although in the clean energy economy,” the details not adopted as policy ‘Leap’ had arrived of which should be worked out with the as a major source of both inspiration participation of the workers themselves. and dissension, fundamentally altering internal party dynamics and the he Leap Manifesto was launched at parameters of policy debate. Ta public event in September 2015 against the backdrop of a federal election ince that breakthrough the Leap in which the putatively left-wing New Sagenda has been fervently defended Democratic Party (NDP) shimmied so and as rigorously contested nationwide far to the right in the hopes of winning in NDP riding associations as well power that it was outflanked on the left as unions, activist groups, student- by the mainstream Liberal Party of Justin led organizations and faith-based Trudeau, happy to embrace budget organizations. The Canadian Labour deficits to increase public spending. The Congress (CLC) established Labour following year, the NDP – relegated for Leap, linkages were made with the from official opposition status to Sanders and Momentum campaigns, distant third behind the Liberals and and early in 2018 Manifesto supporters Conservatives – met in a sombre mood, organized Courage to Leap, an unofficial

Page 29 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) The Abyss…and the Leap: Expanding Canada’s ‘Shrivelled’ Political Horizons gathering held alongside the annual editorial in the weekly newsmagazine NDP Convention but where, as was Macleans defined the Manifesto as “the noted in media reports, barely 100 of answer to a question no one is asking,” the 500 activists in attendance were and asserted that in “a country born out actually delegates to the Convention. of compromise and accommodation, Clearly there is no consensus about extreme views of any sort are (thankfully) the wisdom of merging the movement seen as un-Canadian.” This complacently with the party, a party that now has a nationalist stance was also adopted by young, charismatic leader, Jagmeet NDP strategist-turned-pundit Robin Singh, who has thus far been careful to Sears (2016), who warned of a “suicidal neither reject nor accept the basic tenets leap to the left” by “loony leapers” of the Manifesto. Hard choices for both emulating “earlier Trotskyite and Marxist leadership and membership are at hand. entryists”. Sears was, though, hopeful this laughable “Birkenstock Left” would nsurprisingly, the Manifesto has soon be unceremoniously “returned to Ubeen pummelled from opposite their more traditional perch outside the directions. According to prominent mainstream party.” mainstream journalist Lawrence Martin (2016), it “advocates that all oil be left or those at the International in the ground and we bounce along FCommunist League (2016) the happily on moonbeams and other Manifesto is, in its refusal to “look to the rays”; another veteran columnist, Jeffrey proletariat as the motor force for human Simpson (2016), declared the “anti- progress” a “reactionary” document American” Leapers have “absolutely no resorting to “bourgeois economic idea of how to run a modern economy”, policy”. Deriding the Manifesto’s focus are “hostile to free markets except of on the global climate crisis, the ICL the organic-market variety on Saturday insists “modern infrastructure, including mornings”, and are “committed to pipelines as well as hydroelectric saving the environment at the expense of projects and the like, is essential to crucifying the economy.” For disgraced the function of an advanced industrial right-wing media mogul Conrad Black economy,” in other words an extractive (2015) the Leapers are merely the latest capitalism generating sufficient class last gasp of “the shattered Old Left” and contradictions to “win the working class constitute “the detritus of organized to the perspective of a socialist revolution labor,” accompanied this time by “heavily which will rip the mines, factories and buffeted eco-zealots” and “imperishable other means of production from the agitators for the native people”. An grip of the exploiters, paving the way

Page 30 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Lee-Anne Broadhead for a rationally planned, collectivized Leap Manifesto, arguing instead that economy.” Massive resource extraction the vague document fails to tackle the will not, apparently, have negative crucial issue of inequality and instead environmental consequences when focuses on resource extraction. Laxer owned by the government. Perhaps poses a number of questions: How do we this is how the Trudeau government build the new green economy? How do can claim to be the green government we create the new green industries that Canadians have been waiting for while will be at the heart of the economy? How at the same time spending C$4.5 billion do we ensure that large corporations no dollars to purchase the failed Kinder longer set the economic agenda and Morgan Trans Mountain Pipeline in order that the rich pay their share of taxes? to save a project widely condemned by Unfairly, in my view, he argues that environmental and Indigenous rights these questions “are given very short movements. shift in Leap” and derides what he sees

Page 31 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) The Abyss…and the Leap: Expanding Canada’s ‘Shrivelled’ Political Horizons

Page 32 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Lee-Anne Broadhead settlers, and environmental despoliation a giant, self-destructive machine. Laxer, on an already-epic scale. For the Leapers, stating the colonially obvious in noting the notion of nationalized control of the Canadian economy has been centred resource extraction as a solution to on “primary sector industries since economic inequality not only ignores Europeans first settled on Indigenous the ongoing assault on Indigenous land,” suggests the Leapers offer “little peoples but is a literally self-defeating common ground for dialogue,” lauding proposition: there are, to borrow the instead the efforts of Alberta’s pro- pithy phrase of those trade unionists pipeline, pro-Tar Sands NDP Premier intent on building a climate justice Rachel Notley to “push both a green and movement, “no jobs on a dead planet.” an egalitarian agenda.” To the Leap Left, (cited by Egan, 2015) though, there is nothing redeemable,

Page 33 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) The Abyss…and the Leap: Expanding Canada’s ‘Shrivelled’ Political Horizons treaty rights of indigenous peoples and here is no guarantee of success meets the needs of all its inhabitants.” Tor shortage of cautionary tales of division and defeat in Canada and t its worst, Canadian Marxism still elsewhere. In the case of the Leap Acontinues to peddle Eurocentric Manifesto, the list of organizational notions of evolutionary stages of endorsements is lengthy, impressive, history (thereby considering Indigenous and demonstrates the exciting linkages communities to be a less developed being made across myriad movements version of ‘us’), thus failing, as Deborah and campaigns. The question remains: is Simmons (2013) has argued, to “recognize the NDP the right vehicle to maintain the ways in which radical indigenous such momentum? The party has shifted resurgence can pose significant obstacles dramatically to the right since the days to capitalist expansion in renewing of the Waffle Movement – even ‘cleansing’ traditional modes of taking care of the its constitution, in Blairite fashion, of all land.” The Leap Manifesto makes no language construable as socialist – and such mistake: but how widely will its if it was not sufficiently radical to take cri de cœur – not just for the rejection seriously the demands of 1969, it is far of capitalism, but the thoroughgoing less ready to embrace radical change now. decolonization of socialism – be heeded? But the mention of Blair is deliberate, as his Orwellian project to make the Labour t is certainly the case that the recent Party ‘New’ – safe, that is, for capitalism profusion (and intersection) of protest I (and prone to war) – ended not just against the manifest, manifold injustice in electoral defeat but the recapture of of our time has opened new strategic the party by people (in the hundreds of possibilities for not just taking but thousands) who understand the capacity changing power. While the mainstream and point of the party to transform their media (and their status quo backers) society and lives. happily mock Occupy Wall Street, Idle No More, Black Lives Matter, Leap and clear-eyed realization of the pitfalls other movements for their supposed A is necessary, but cynicism is not naivety and ‘leaderlessness’, something warranted. It is true that Leap is short profound is going on, a decisive, creative, on specifics, but Manifestos rarely offer often irreverent rejection of ‘business-as- detailed blueprints. In it we see a profound usual,’ of the hollowness of tried-and- spirit of radicalism, recognizing the failed ‘solutions’ across the so-called necessity of constructing alliances with all political ‘spectrum’ . those engaged in the struggle for human – and natural – justice. This is, as Avi

Page 34 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Lee-Anne Broadhead

Page 35 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) The Abyss…and the Leap: Expanding Canada’s ‘Shrivelled’ Political Horizons Text can be found at the Socialist History Project, www.socialisthistory.ca/ Docs/Waffle/WaffleManifesto.htm

The Leap Manifesto: A Call for Canada Based on Caring for the Earth and One Another (2015) leapmanifesto.org

Sears, Robin (2016) “Thomas Mulcair’s very Canadian execution”, Toronto Star, April 12.

Simpson, Jeffrey. (2016) “NDP faces another debilitating battle for its soul”, Globe and Mail, 6 May.

International Communist League (2016) “Leap Manifesto: Road to Nowhere” Spartacist Canada No. 189, Summer.

Page 36 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) La France Insoumise: How New is the French New Left?

John Mullen (Rouen)

© Jeanne Valebrègue s the Yellow Vest movement in France populist grouping similar to others in Acontinued to hit the headlines week Italy or elsewhere, or fundamentally after week at the end of 2018 and the a revival of left-wing mass reformism beginning of 2019, one organisation in after a long hibernation? Much of particular praised it as the beginnings the debate about the organisation in of a new “citizens’ revolution”. This was France has been desperately superficial the France Insoumise.1 A radical Left and partisan, based on vague alleged movement (deliberately not a party), the personality defects of Mélenchon, so a FI was founded in 2016 and is led by cool-headed view is worth an attempt. Jean-Luc Mélenchon, who was previously (from 1976 to 2008) a left leader within Not so new? the Socialist Party. It received 7 million irst, let us note what is not new. votes at the 2017 presidential elections. This is a movement which aims Can it be considered a new political F at capturing government through phenomenon with a novel strategy, a

Page 36 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) John Mullen parliamentary elections and using that vicious interventions which laid waste to position to bring about decisive change left experiments in Chile in 1973? Does the in ecological, social, constitutional and FI government-in-waiting give us reason foreign policy domains. It is a movement to believe that the U-turns of Labour which considers parliamentary activity in Britain in the 1970s2, of Mitterrand alone to be insufficient: vigorously in France in the 1980s3, or of Tsipras a supporting the building of trade unions, few years ago in Greece, to name but a strike action, community campaigns to few, will not occur in a future FI France? save or improve public services and so on are an integral part of its priorities. It Proposals is a movement which considers alliances he movement’s programme, The with all those forces hostile to the Future in Common includes the dictatorship of profit to be necessary, but T following proposals, to name but a which desires to affirm itself as a distinct few points: nationalisation of energy actor in the progressive movement. companies, some banks and other ll of this might lead one to think services, the end of nuclear power and a Athat we are in the presence of the move to 100 per cent renewable energy, resurgence of an old Left, marginalised the establishment of a maximum salary, since the fall of the Eastern Bloc and a shorter working week, a million low- the establishment of the elite neoliberal rent houses, retirement at sixty, leaving consensus - a resurgence which is NATO, free school canteens and a free occurring in parallel with influential health service. On the European Union, anti-austerity organisations in other the plan is to renegotiate the treaties to Western countries, whether it be around allow for anti-austerity politics, and if Corbyn’s Labour Party in Britain, Bernie faced with a refusal, consider leaving the Sanders in the USA, the Left Bloc in EU. In many ways, then, this resembles Portugal, Podemos in Spain, or elsewhere. a social-democratic programme of 50 years ago. It has brought ‘planning’ rom this point of view, the rise of back into political discourse, after Fthe France Insoumise calls for the decades where pleasing ‘the market’ was discussion of old questions: in particular, generally presented as the only option. how far can government in the present It has also integrated the urgency of forms of democracy act against the dealing with climate deterioration. dictatorship of profit and get away with it, in the face of the classic weapons of he discourse of the FI often attacks pro-capitalist forces - from possession of T“financial capitalism” which, it the media and capital flight, to the more maintains, has excessive influence over

Page 37 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) La France Insoumise: How New is the French New Left? the rest of the economy and calls for “a economic crisis and the collapse of the severing of the links” between industry traditional Right and Left parties make and agriculture on the one hand, and political upheaval the new normal, and the financial world of speculation on the Macron himself became president after other. This is an old Communist Party obtaining only 24 per cent in the first view of the economy and depends on the round of the election. The “ready to idea that finance capital is separate from govern” tone, along with the insistence other sorts (whereas often industrial that the proposed programme has investors have a speculative financial been correctly budgeted by radical operation on the go at the same time). economists, underlines the fact that despite the term “citizens’ revolution” the project is to be carried out within the framework of capitalist institutions. This is logical, since the difference between a “citizens’ revolution” and a “workers’ revolution” (however far-off either might seem) is that workers produce the profit which allows the ruling class to exist, whereas citizens as citizens have far fewer powerful levers to oblige the powerful to agree to their demands. (This despite the creative tactics ofYellow Vest and other citizens’ movements.)

ne of the FI’s radical demands Advertising leaflet for public day of responds to the question of how debate and entertainment O the state can be controlled by the people: the programme calls for the replacement A government in waiting of the present ‘Fifth Republic’ with its excessive presidentialism and many other he slogan put forward at the FI defects, with a ‘Sixth Republic’ which summer school in August 2018 was T would be characterised by a much bigger “We are ready to govern” (just as Podemos share of popular democracy, including in Spain has declared its objective “to the possibility of calling referenda by capture and transform state power”). popular demand (now a key Yellow Vest With only 17 FI MPs and a vote of 19.5 priority), and of revoking the mandate per cent at the presidentials, this might of MPs between elections under certain seem ambitious, yet the continuing

Page 38 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) John Mullen circumstances. The new Republic’s New options precise rules would be drawn up by a constituent assembly. Indeed, if he were hat then can we put down as to be elected president, Mélenchon Wdefinitely new? FI aims to be “a has declared that he would organise movement, not a party”. This involves the constituent assembly and then avoiding traditional party structures resign, allowing the new constitution of delegated democracy and factional to redefine the role of president and struggle (this last has at times taken up assemblies in political life. This priority inordinate amounts of energy on the placed on constitutional reform has French far left, far beyond what might often been a strong strand in the French be deemed the necessities of democratic radical Left, and is generally popular, debate). This turn has led to the FI though how far the central dynamic of programme being written by a series 21st century neoliberal capitalism can of thematic networks and validated by be affected by such measures is unclear, a movement conference made up of and a certain scepticism is justified. delegates drawn by lottery from among the willing – a novel option. In addition, just he programme contains a like in such organisations as Momentum Tcommitment to fighting against in the UK, the FI YouTube channel racism and all other oppressions, and and grassroots use of social networks the 2018 summer school underlined the have been central to FI campaigning. need for more non-white candidates at elections. The commitment included he demand to “do politics in a 4 combating prejudices against Muslims. Tnew way” is, of course, a very old In practice however the FI are generally one. In the case of the FI, the emphasis no better at fighting islamophobia than seems to be particularly on not allowing most of the French radical left (that electoral alliances to drastically water is, they are pretty poor), and there are down demands for social change. several extreme secularists among leading Implicitly, the criticism is of the French activists. This situation however is in Communist Party, which has some flux. There are strong activists against radical demands in its programme, but Islamophobia in the FI who Mélenchon has often been accused of abandoning respects, and it was notable that he began most of them in order to maintain a public meeting in November 2018 by seats on regional or local councils in denouncing the anti-Muslim racism alliance with a Socialist Party which has of (ex-Prime minister) Manuel Valls. been moving rightwards for decades, leading to its present collapse (6 per cent of the first round vote in the 2017

Page 39 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) La France Insoumise: How New is the French New Left? presidentials, 3 per cent of the first round The leadership encourages popular vote in the following legislatives, surely mobilisations on local issues – “Know a record for an outgoing government). your Rights” caravans tour the poorer parts of some cities; a long-neglected Successes local school was (illegally) repainted by a local network supported by the FI; these he FI has some successes to its name. examples are relayed by the leadership In the 2017 presidential election, T and the social networks, though have not Mélenchon received 7 million votes, flourished as quickly as had been hoped. the largest number ever obtained by a The FI held a summer school and a youth radical Left candidate, even during the summer school as most French parties heyday of the French Communist Party. do. The youth summer school included His public meetings were and are huge, lectures by well-known Marxists as well spectacular, and marked by stunning as representatives of the non-Marxist oratory and impressive pedagogy about Left. Feminism, eco-socialism, self- the workings of capitalist society and the need for radical humanism. FI has been able to organise very large mass demonstrations against Macron. In opinion polls, the movement is consistently rated as the most effective opposition to right-wing president Emmanuel Macron. Its 17 members of parliament form a dynamic and diverse team, a people’s tribune both inside Advertising leaflet with the programme parliament (proposing more of the Youth Summer School amendments than any other group) organisation and Left republicanism were and outside, on a wide range of issues. the main highlights on the programme. any of the activities of local FI They also organised in November 2018 Msupporters’ groups are traditionally the “Rencontres nationales des quartiers left in character: organising support for populaires”, which translates literally the mass strikes last year, organising as “national meeting for the poorer debates on political issues chosen locally. parts of town”, and is understood in

Page 40 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) John Mullen

French politics as an attempt to listen to the USA). This vision often includes to and implicate the sections of the the idea that symbols going back to population who do not have a stable, the French Revolution, such as the reasonably paid job, in particular the Tricolour and the Marseillaise anthem, non-white sections of the working class. can mobilise a sense of a specifically French radical humanism. So, tricolours Organisation have sometimes been distributed at rallies, and both the Marseillaise and f the FI leadership has preferred to the International sung. Though these are form a movement rather than a party, I striking symbols, it is not clear that this it is also because it is a way of sidestepping patriotic element is key to the FI support. some questions of relationships with In addition, since the tricolour has also other parties (since one can, for example, flown for centuries over vicious French be a member of the Communist Party and colonial and imperialist endeavours, an active supporter of FI), and of partly the non-white working class in France avoiding a tradition of political horse- may not find it so attractive. The vision trading which has plagued the French of France playing a positive role in the Left for decades. Critics of the movement international arena leads Mélenchon method point out, with some reason, to hold some positions considerably to that a lack of structures for decision- the right of his counterparts in other making often leaves an inordinate countries. For example, he is not opposed amount of influence in the hands of to France having nuclear weapons in the national leadership. It has also been the present international situation. noted that it can reduce much-needed debate on difficult issues.Podemos seems he other “very French” aspect of FI is to have suffered considerable damage TLeft secularism and anticlericalism, through not having a clearly defined which can sometimes be a cover for position on the national question Islamophobia. This has seen the broad in Catalonia, to take one example. Left express indifference or even support French traditions faced with Islamophobic laws. Muslim public servants and high school students ne or two elements of the FI are banned from wearing headscarves, Oapproach are clearly rooted in Muslim mothers wearing them have often distinctive aspects of the French Left. been hounded out of any participation One is a sort of Left patriotism, a feeling in school trips, and the Niqab face veil that France has a progressive role to play was banned in the streets by a law in in world politics (often in opposition 2010. Attempts by mayors of various

Page 41 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) La France Insoumise: How New is the French New Left? towns to ban the wearing of full body personalities (and one FI MP). The FI swimsuits by Muslim women on the leadership saw the document as a masked beaches of their towns saw practically no attempt at attacking the FI, which it no outrage from the Left, and Mélenchon doubt was for some, and did not sign it. disappointingly condemned both the racist mayors and the people who sell full- Under attack body swimsuits (they do it for political s an electorally credible radical Left reasons, he claimed, without evidence).5 movement, the FI, like Corbyn Although Mélenchon has more often A in Britain, is under continuous attack. recently condemned discrimination The right-wing media like to paint against Muslims, the FI is no better Mélenchon as similar in appeal to the than most of the Left on the issue. fascist Marine Le Pen, or as a supporter recent row on the French Left of Putin. A series of unprecedented (and A concerning attitudes to immigration probably illegal) police raids on FI offices has been carried out at a high temperature, and leaders’ houses in autumn 2018 took without it being completely clear what away the organisation’s computers, but the political content is. FI leaders have mostly aimed at putting out an image of repeated that they are not simply in the FI as gangsters or as corrupt. Rather favour of opening the borders, though than defend free political organisation, they campaign for immediate legalisation one of the mainstream left-wing of all immigrant workers, and welcoming newspapers reacted by headlining on refugees in danger in the Mediterranean. speculations about Mélenchon’s love life! Mélenchon has declared that much he FI is also under attack from immigration is not freely chosen and sections of the Left, even if most working with countries of origin to stop T organisations declared their disapproval the problems which drive people to leave of the police raids. The Communist Party should be part of Left policy. This, in (which still has 12 MPs and 1600 local the context of the campaigns of Sahra councillors) is anxious about the danger Wagenknecht in Germany, has led to of being replaced as the institutional some currents suspecting that FI could reformist Left, as its alliances with the conceivably move in a similar direction austerity-wielding Socialist Party have to Aufstehen. One of the reactions in discredited it in many towns, and it has France was an open letter denouncing reacted with a series of sectarian diatribes those who suggest that the far right against FI. Its brand new general secretary, is asking the right questions about elected in November 2018, seems keen to immigration, signed by 150 radical Left continue allying with the Partis Socialiste.

Page 42 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) John Mullen

ections of the revolutionary Left (a investment strikes and so on) is little Scurrent far more visible in France discussed and can be considered, from than in many countries) have been given the point of view of the anti-capitalist, generous space in TV chat shows, since as the real “elephant in the room”. they will denounce Mélenchon. The attitude of this far Left contrasts sharply any commentators have labelled with that of the British far left’s attitude to Mthe FI as populist. It is true that Corbyn, generally one of critical support. leaders are interested in dialogue with 6 This sectarianism can be explained such thinkers as Chantal Mouffe, and mostly by the analysis defended by a part that the FI poses “uniting the people of French revolutionaries (that left-wing against the elite” as a central slogan, reformism is no longer possible in late rather than “unite the Left”. But capitalism and therefore that Mélenchon rejecting the “Unite the Left” approach is simply planning to betray), but also is mainly connected with rejecting by the fact that standing in elections and political party horse-trading and rotten getting a fair number of votes (over 1 compromises with austerity socialists. per cent in each of 50 constitutencies) Jean-Luc Mélenchon is a thousand times provides significant government closer politically to Jeremy Corbyn than funding for the French far left. he is to Beppe Grillo, the Italian leader now in government with the far right. ore measured Left critics underline Mthe dangers of a situation such any millions of people, squeezed as happened in Greece when a Left Mor crushed by the juggernaut of Syriza government, brought in with maximising profit, desperately hope mass popular and worker’s mobilisation, that some government will make a real decided to organise yet more austerity difference for the better in their lives, rather than stand up to international and can put excessive trust in Left capital. FI leaders tend to say “we will do leaders. Nothing is more understandable. what we promise, we are not like Tsipras”. Whether FI’s future will be to produce Nevertheless, this suggests that the Syriza an Alexis Tsipras, imposing ever more catastrophe was due to the individual austerity on the people, a Jacinda weakness of Tsipras or other leaders. The Arden, delivering far fewer reforms than question of the amount of pressure a hoped, or an effective challenge to the panicked ruling class could put on the dictatorship of profit, depends on multiple FI movement both before a hypothetical unknowns, but in the French political electoral success (with media campaigns landscape today, it represents a new kind etc) and after (with capital flight, of challenge to elite business as usual.

Page 43 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) La France Insoumise: How New is the French New Left?

2019 Endnotes

Yellow Vest 1 Many translations have been proposed: he nature of the France in Revolt, France Unbowed, Rebel France... Tmovement, which designates its enemies as elite politicians and 2 The stated intentions of the Labour gov- 7 ernment in the early 1970S to decisively move the multinational companies, rather than balance of power away from capital (intentions the employing class as such, means symbolised by Denis Healey’s 1973 promise to that organisations such as the FI, for draw “howls of anguish from the rich” were thoroughly abandoned, and 1977 and 1978 saw the which elections are central, are well- first big drop in workers’ real wages since the war. placed to benefit from the expressed 3 After an ambitious nationalisation and anger. The European elections, which social reform programme in 1981, the Mitterrand Mélenchon has announced to be “an government announced “a turn to rigour” which anti-Macron referendum” will constitute revealed itself to be another word for austerity. an interesting test. For these elections, 4 See Isaac Deutscher’s thoughts in 1967 on due in May 2019, the FI have joined a “Marxism and the New Left”, available online at https://www.marxists.org/archive/deutscher/1967/ grouping of six Left parties from around marxism-newleft.htm Europe (counting a total of 9 Euro MPs and 143 members of national parties). 5 See John Mullen “‘Beach secularism’ fuels racism in France” in: Red Flag, 28 August 2016. These parties left the established Party http://redflag.org.au/node/5453 of the European Left, since the latter 6 Mélénchon and Mouffe organised togeth- supported the Tsipras government in er a meeting/ public conversation, which can be Greece and its imposition of heavy EU- found online in French here https://www.youtube. inspired austerity after the crisis of 2015. com/watch?v=FtriFMxsOWw& It tended to show that the two were not really so close in politics.

7 Since its core is an alliance of low-paid workers, self-employed and small business owners.

Page 44 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) French Left-Libertarianism and Benoit Hamon’s Socialist Vision

Charles Masquelier (Exeter)

he Parti Socialiste (PS) lost the well as the movement (Generation.s) he TFrench presidential election of 2017 launched following his electoral defeat, with the lowest score (6.36 per cent of mark more than a mere (re-)turn to the votes) in the party’s history under the fifth Left. They are, too, elements of a revival republic. Its candidate, Benoit Hamon, of a left-libertarianism, whose expression had made the decision to propose a within the French party-political campaign manifesto firmly anchored on apparatus had so far been confined to the Left, putting an end to years (if not parties associated with political ecology decades) of proposals that were socialist in (Kitschelt, 1990; Gombin, 2003). name only, and prompting the departure of various prominent figures within the n order to fully appreciate the nature of party, such as Manuel Valls (ex-prime IHamon’s strand of socialism, then, it is minister) and Jean-Yves Le Drian (ex- essential to situate it within a (libertarian) foreign office minister). Despite winning socialist mode of thought, wherein the the party members’ vote at the primary, ideal of individual emancipation holds a many party officials did indeed regard place as important as the values of equality his turn to the Left as a problematic and solidarity. For, left-libertarianism move, recalling elements of the rift not only aims to liberate individuals between UK Labour Party members and from various conditions of domination that of the Parliamentary Labour Party engendered by capitalism, it is also regarding Jeremy Corbyn. But, although distrustful of forms of central planning Hamon sought to reach an agreement and sets out to strike a compromise with the charismatic left-wing leader of between collectivism and individualism. the increasingly popular movement La While it would be unreasonable to France Insoumise (FI), his programme, as suggest that Hamon’s political vision

Page 45 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) French Left-Libertarianism and Benoit Hamon’s Socialist Vision

French left-libertarianism in perspective

rench left-libertarian thinking Fcould be traced back to the work of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (2007), whose defence of workers’ self-management significantly influenced later proponents of autogestion in the 1960s and 1970s. As the ‘father of autogestion’ (Guerin, 1978), he advocated a radical re-organisation of economic life capable of striking a balance between individual emancipation and collective responsibility expected to pave the way for the co-existence of freedom, equality and solidarity. Partly drawn up in opposition to Louis Blanc’s 1848 call for a state responsible for financing and supervising the creation of cooperatives, Benoît Hamon at a public open-air meeting at the Place de République Proudhon’s de-centralised federalism © Marion Germa (CC BY-SA 4.0) effectively sought to safeguard workers’ freedom against the encroachments of constitutes a fully-fledged libertarian an omnicompetent and omnipresent socialism, a discussion of his interest form of centralised command. The in worker cooperatives, his political central site of emancipation for this ecology and a core measure he advocates, form of autogestion, then, is the known in the English-speaking world as democratically organised workplace. the universal basic income (UBI), reveal a fairly pronounced affinity with left- ut, left-libertarian thinking in libertarian thinking. In this piece I aim BFrance would, especially from the to discuss this affinity, while situating 1960s onwards, eventually become Hamon’s socialism within a particular internally diversified. Two main strands tradition of French left-libertarianism. could be observed: one, the economistic This is followed by reflections on strand, influenced by the work of the 2017 electoral defeat and some Proudhon, and another, the culturalist of the lessons to be learned from it. strand, influenced by the work of Henri Lefèbvre (1988; 2002). The latter was an influential figure of the May 1968

Page 46 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Charles Masquelier protests in France, who anticipated of ‘ecological rationality,’ in virtue of a central role for the workplace in the their role in minimising the operations operationalisation of autogestion, but of an ‘economic rationality’ that imposes understood the concept as one capturing repressive imperatives of productivity on a more general change. According to society at large. By increasing the scope of him, the concept ought to be regarded choices made independently of the ‘quest as a principle of life, guiding practices for maximum economic productivity’ within and beyond the workplace (Gorz, 2012: 32), those measures are (Lefèbvre, 1988). Under such a reading, thought to be particularly appropriate then, autogestion is best understood as a for facilitating the emergence of a free principle according to which individuals and ecologically sustainable mode of choose to live, i.e. as a cultural principle. life. In this sense, his eco-socialism, It follows that a socialist alternative which could also be regarded as a post- based on this version of autogestion, work left-libertarianism, marks a decisive entails the emergence of new economic, break away from the Proudhonian political and cultural modes of life economistic strand discussed above. articulated around self-management. n fact, despite the existence of other hile André Gorz followed a Ieconomistic left-libertarianisms Wsimilar line of reasoning, his such as Daniel Guerin’s ‘libertarian diagnosis that ‘individuals no longer communism,’ it was Gorz’s own strand identify with their work’ (Gorz, 2012: that eventually succeeded in making 88) led him to propose a revision of left- inroads into party politics. This could be libertarianism. Like Lefèbvre, he insisted explained by three key factors. Firstly, the on realising the ‘possibilities of self- presence of counter-cultural movements determined activity’ (Gorz, 2012: 42) in contesting the rather dirigiste character all spheres of life, but for Gorz, this would of the French political-economic order be achieved through the implementation in the 1960s provided a fruitful basis of concrete measures, such as the for the revival of a left-libertarianism reduction of working time (Gorz, 2012) that located emancipation beyond the and, as advocated later in his life, the workplace. Secondly, the increasing introduction of a UBI (2012b). His own preponderance of environmentalist strand of libertarianism also includes concerns within public and political a pronounced concern for ecological discourse gave actors of May 1968, matters. In fact, the above measures are disillusioned with party politics, such as thought to be central for re-organising Daniel Cohn-Bendit and Brice Lalonde, society around the ‘less is better’ logic opportunities for cultivating their

Page 47 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) French Left-Libertarianism and Benoit Hamon’s Socialist Vision political engagement outside traditional proposes a range of measures ranging party structures. Finally, the advocacy from investment in public services and of an economistic understanding of urban renewal, the expansion of the autogestion, alongside socialist forms of cooperative sector, the UBI, the reduction planning by a French socialist party keen of working time, anti-discriminatory to unite forces with the Parti Communiste controls, forms of green taxation and the Francais (PCF), contributed to making constitutional protection of public goods political ecology the most auspicious such as water and air (Hamon, 2017). political terrain for left-libertarian concerns à la Gorz. It was not until the iven the presence of a range of 2017 presidential election campaign of Gmeasures relying on taxation, Benoit Hamon that left-libertarianism regulation and public expenditure, it began to enter party politics through is possible to observe an inclination the socialist door. But what kind of left- towards collectivism, typical of social libertarianism can be observable here? democratic models. However, Hamon made his preference for de-centralised Hamon and left-libertarianism and participatory forms of democratic governance plain to see. In fact, now freed een to re-align the PS with a from the constraints of the PS political Kgenuine but modernised form of machine, Hamon wrote in the charter socialism, the socialist candidate drew of his movement entitled Generation.s: the contours of his political programme on the basis of a clearly defined diagnosis In the economic and social field, we align ourselves with the kind of socialist of contemporary French society and its struggle and promise, according to future developments. Central to it are which no emancipation can be possible the following observations, most relevant without democracy in the workshop. to the discussion of left-libertarianism Democracy is not an oasis limited to the intermittent right to vote for one’s offered in this article: increasing poverty representatives.1 (Generation.s, 2017) and socio-economic inequalities, various forms of precarity and domination ith such an explicit support articulated around racial, gender Wfor industrial democracy and a and sexuality lines, the increasing clear ideological alignment with forms automation of work and manifold socio- of socialism grounding emancipation economic consequences of the digital in the democratic organisation of the revolution and, last but not least, the workplace, Hamon makes his debt to left- ecological consequences of pre-existing libertarianism explicit. But, while this economic practices and lifestyles. In passage seems to suggest an alignment order to address those issues, Hamon with economistic left-libertarianism,

Page 48 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Charles Masquelier other measures he defended during the Generation.s promotes for addressing presidential campaign and continues to environmental problems. In fact, the promote within his movement, indicate a call for large-scale social change through closer alignment with the post-work and a re-organisation of social, economic, eco-socialist left-libertarianism of Gorz. political and cultural life appears more pronounced in his movement manifesto n fact, Hamon’s debt to Gorz has, than his campaign manifesto. Freed Itoo, been made rather explicit on from the PS party machine’s constraints, several occasions. A few months before Hamon is now in a better position the presidential election, for example, to express his political radicalism.

Benoît Hamon, painted portrait © Thierry Ehrmann (CC BY 2.0) he published an article on the UBI in a ut, Hamon’s debt to Gorz goes special issue of Politis marking the tenth Bbeyond the occasional references to anniversary of Gorz’s death (Hamon, his work. It is indeed possible to observe 2017b). More recently, his movement’s a more fundamental influence by Gorz draft manifesto, to be debated on 30th on the kind of social change and the June 2018, directly referenced Gorz’s own measures to attain it promoted by call for ‘communal means of production Hamon and his movement. In the draft for communal needs’ (Generation.s, manifesto, for example, the movement 2018) under a section devoted to political calls for a ‘profound rethinking of work ecology and the kind of economic changes and its role in our lives,’ while claiming

Page 49 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) French Left-Libertarianism and Benoit Hamon’s Socialist Vision to ‘engage in a cultural struggle against to increase their freedom to choose the consumerism and individualism, kind of job that will satisfy them, while responsible for the fragmentation of also obtaining the means for seeking societies’ (Generation.s, 2018). The emancipation outside work. Given the overall aim of such orientations consists two aforementioned core functions, then, in paving the way for an ecologically the new social contract underpinned by sustainable society in which individuals the UBI is one founded on ‘principles of can finally achieve a ‘real and complete autonomy, solidarity and redistribution’ emancipation’ (Generation.s, 2018) (Generation.s, 2018) and, as Gorz himself both within but, also and crucially, would put it, partly aims to liberate outside work. It is as facilitator of this individuals from economic rationality. change and as basis of a ‘new social contract’ that Hamon envisions the amon’s proposal to operationalise, UBI to perform its key functions. Hat once, what Horvat (1980) regarded as the core values of self- s indicated above, Hamon, like government, namely freedom, equality AGorz, proposed to introduce an and solidarity, anticipates an essential unconditional basic income for all role for the state. Left-libertarian forms citizens. Construed as a ‘pillar of social of thinking, however, warn us against security of the 21st century,’ the UBI the potential excesses of a state-centred has a socio-economic function, insofar socialist alternative. How could Hamon as it is expected to alleviate precarity and overcome the tension between such poverty (Generation.s, 2018). As such, it a strong emphasis on a ‘providential is expected to facilitate the emergence of state,’ alongside overtly libertarian a more egalitarian society. But Hamon ideals? Unlike his left-wing rival Jean identified another function for this Luc Mélenchon, Hamon aims to measure: as ‘instrument of emancipation strike a balance between individualism and progress’ (Generation.s, 2018). and collectivism. According to the While its existence is made possible latter, collectivism aims to facilitate through institutionalised collective rather than subjugate individual responsibility, i.e. the state, it is also aimed emancipation. One does indeed find at facilitating the emancipation of each in both his campaign and movement individual. Alongside the ‘reduction of manifesto, a pronounced tendency to working time,’ the UBI will alleviate the use such terms as ‘facilitate,’ ‘encourage’ pressures exerted by market imperatives and ‘incentivise’ while referring to and, in turn, empower individuals to functions of the state (Hamon, 2017; choose how they want to live, that is, Generation.s, 2018). Combined with

Page 50 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Charles Masquelier his proposals to decentralise governance the final section of this piece, I reflect and enhance industrial democracy, those on some possible reasons for such an discursive components do point towards outcome, as well as on the prospects a concern for minimising potential for a left-libertarian future in France. state encroachments on freedom. Lessons from the 2017 election and ontrasted with the proposals of FI, the future of left-libertarianism in Cthe singularity of Hamon’s stance France becomes even clearer. In its campaign manifesto, for example, one finds an lthough Mélenchon and Hamon eco-socialist vision formulated with a Adiscussed possible avenues for much more punitive tone than Hamon’s. uniting their campaign efforts during The state is expected to ‘prohibit’, ‘tax’ the presidential election, no agreement and ‘punish’ when deemed necessary could be reached. Had they been able (Mélenchon, 2017). The state, here, to agree on a collective way forward, appears to constitute an end in itself. For, however, the outcome of the election despite favouring a ‘people’s uprising,’ could have been significantly different, calling for a ‘constituent assembly’ with a score likely to supersede Marcon’s and insisting on the horizontalism of 24.01 per cent of votes and Marine Le movement-led political action, the Pen’s 21.30 per cent. The Left in France, anticipated role for the state recalls then, continues to be a political force to be the Jacobinist tendency to centralise reckoned with. However, given Hamon’s power. The state, as institutionalised election score and the predominantly universalism, can and will act in the name Jacobinist outlook of most of left- of the ‘peuple’ (the ‘people’). Rather than wing parties in France, including the a state-as-facilitator, Mélenchon tends to Nouveau Parti Anti-Capitaliste, Force promote forms of intervention tilting the Ouvriere and the PCF, one is justified in balance of collectivism and individualism doubting that the future of the French towards the former. For, no distinction Left is libertarian. Below I explain why appears to be made between individual such doubts are not entirely justified. emancipation and the actions of the state, he claim that Hamon’s low undertaken in the name of the people. Tscore is attributable to a far too élenchon and his movement pronounced move to the left could be Mdid nevertheless end the 2017 heard among deserting PS officials prior presidential campaign with a score to, and following, the party’s historical (19.58 per cent of the votes) more defeat. However, despite a manifesto than twice higher than Hamon’s. In firmly anchored on the Left, FI obtained

Page 51 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) French Left-Libertarianism and Benoit Hamon’s Socialist Vision almost as high a score as Francois movement ideologically against the PS – Fillon (20.01 per cent of votes), the as the ‘real’ or ‘genuine’ Left – Hamon’s candidate for the mainstream right-wing defeat partly stems from an attempt party Les Republicains. Because a very to achieve the same goal from within large section of the French electorate a party, whose genuinely left-wing continues to value genuinely left-wing credentials have become questionable. politics, the claim that Hamon’s turn to the left is responsible for such a n the footsteps of Mélenchon remarkable defeat appears unreasonable. Iand Emmanuel Macron, Hamon eventually chose to create a movement in would instead argue that, in order to which he can freely express, cultivate and I understand the historically low score of communicate his radicalism with like- a Hamon-led PS, one ought to take into minded political activists. With a green account the constraints emanating from party – Europe Ecologie les Verts – often the party’s own ideological trajectory and found vascillating between the centre political history, on which Mélenchon and the Left of the political spectrum, himself based his ideological positioning and more recently choosing to unite forces and political strategy. Since the 1983 with Hamon during the presidential monetarist turn of the PS under the election, the leader of Generation.s has, leadership of Francois Mitterand, the today, become the main bearer of party has struggled to reconnect with libertarian ideals firmly anchored on its core electoral base, paving the way the Left. Despite a clear and consistent for the electoral successes of not only advocacy of a ‘providential state’ Mélenchon, but also of a Front National watching over society, Hamon insists which seized the opportunity to revise that its interventions ought to limit its rhetoric in order to attract left- themselves to guiding the cultural and wing voters (Amable, 2017). Although economic transformations appropriate Hamon sought to re-unite the PS with for an egalitarian ecological transition the electorate in question, his affiliation and individual emancipation. He is to a party responsible for implementing today confronted with a choice: either to some of the most neoliberal measures seek a closer ideological alignment with in France (Baccaro and Howell, 2011; Mélenchon’s statist strand of socialism Amable, 2017) prevented him from or assert the distinctively left-libertarian gaining sufficient credibility among elements of his own movement. Should disaffected voters. If Mélenchon’s he choose the latter, political success will electoral success can be explained by partly rest on his capacity to offer a self- successfully positioning his party and confident and credible left-libertarian

Page 52 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Charles Masquelier alternative to the dominant Jacobinism Science Politique . of the French Left, along with a left- Available at https://dumas.ccsd.cnrs.fr/ libertarian critique of Macronist politics dumas-00789692 [Accessed 2nd July capable of opposing the distinctively 2018] (neo)liberal individualisation of risk, responsibility and freedom with the Gorz, A. (2012) Capitalism, Socialism, message that individual emancipation Ecology. London: Verso can co-exist with collective responsibility. Gorz, A. (2012b) Pour un revenu References inconditionnel suffisant, Mouvement Francais pour un revenu de base. Amable, B. (2017) Structural Crisis Available at: https://www.revenudebase. and Institutional Change in Modern info/2012/11/14/andre-gorz-revenu- Capitalism: French Capitalism in inconditionnel/ Transition. Oxford: Oxford University Press Guerin, D. (1978) Proudhon Oui et Non. Paris: Gallimard Baccaro, L. and Howell, C. (2011) ‘A common neoliberal strategy: The Guerin, D. (2017) For a Libertarian transformation of Industrial relations in Communism, edited by D. Berry. France.’ Politics & Society, Vol. 39(4): Oakland: PM Press 521-563 Hamon, B. (2017) ‘Mon project pour Generation.s (2017) ‘Charte de faire battre le coeur de la France.’ Foundation Generation.s.’ Available at: Programme Election Presidentielle https://www.generation-s.fr/comite/ 2017. Available at: https://www. mouvement-generation-s/article/charte- benoithamon2017.fr/le-projet/. de-fondation-generation-s [Accessed [Accessed 2nd July 2018] 2nd July 2018] Hamon, B. (2017b) ‘Pour un revenue Generation.s (2018) ‘Le Manifeste universel.’ Politis, no. 56, September- de Generation.s.’ Available at: October.: https://www.politis.fr/ https://www.generation-s.fr/comite/ articles/2017/09/hors-serie-quel- mouvement-generation-s/article/le- avenir-pour-le-travail-autour-dandre- manifeste-de-generation-s. [Accessed gorz-37499/ [Accessed 2nd July 2018] 2nd July 2018] Horvat, B. (1980) ‘Ethical foundations Gombin, J. (2003) L’influence of self-government.’ Economic and libertaire chez les verts francais. Industrial Democracy, Vol. 1(1): 1-19

Page 53 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) French Left-Libertarianism and Benoit Hamon’s Socialist Vision

Kitschelt H. (1990). ‘La gauche Endnotes libertaire et les écologistes français.’ 1 All passages extracted from the Revue Française de Science Politique, 40e Generation.s website are my own English année, n°3: 339-365 translation of the original French.

Lefebvre, H. (1988) ‘Towards a leftist cultural politics: Remarks occasioned by the centenary of Marx’s death,’ in C. Nelsson and S. Grossberg (eds) Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture. Hampshire: Macmillan Education

Lefebvre, H. (2002) Critique of Everyday Life, Volume 2: Foundations for a Sociology of the Everyday. London: Verso

Mélenchon, J.L. (2017) ‘La force du people.’ Programme Election Presidentielle 2017. Available at: http://www.cnccep.fr/les-candidats/ melenchon.pdf [Accessed 2nd July 2018]

Proudhon, P.J. (2007) What is Property? New York: Cosimo

Page 54 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Portuguese Left Tests the Limits of European Social Democracy

Eunice Goes (London)

cross Europe, social-democrats look against the all-mighty Roman Empire. Ato Portugal with a mix of hope and Like Astérix, the Portuguese government envy. The reasons are simple. Since 2015 has been able to defy the expectations the Portuguese Socialist Party (PS) has led of more powerful actors at home and a minority government which relies on in Brussels. When the ‘quasi-coalition the support of the Portuguese Communist government’ (Fernandes, 2016) led by Party (and its satellite partner, the the socialists was formed in November of Greens) and of the radical left party 2015 few commentators and European Left Bloc, and which has managed to leaders believed it would survive more achieve several miracles, namely to ‘turn than six months. In Portuguese right-wing the page on austerity’, to reduce the circles, this government was derogatorily public deficit to historic levels and to described as a ‘Contraption’ which would convince the European Union (EU) to collapse at the first sudden right turn. support its economic approach. If that was not already short of miraculous in a t turns out that the ‘Contraption’ Europe where social-democratic parties Idefied these expectations. In less than are in retreat (Hix and Benedetto, four years, it approved four budgets and 2017), the PS is also well-positioned has won important economic battles to lead the next government following with the EU. So far, so Astérix. But a this year’s parliamentary elections. closer look suggests that the story of the ‘Contraption’ is less heroic though not t first glance, the story of Portugal’s less interesting because of that. Evidence Aanti-austerity success resembles the suggests that austerity was only contained, adventures of Astérix, the tiny but gutsy and not reversed. Above all, the ability Gaul hero who always managed to win of the socialist minority government

Page 55 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Portuguese Left Tests the Limits of European Social Democracy to completely reverse austerity and implement a social democratic agenda remains heavily constrained by membership of the European Monetary Union (EMU).

espite these Dconstraints, the socialist minority government has not given up hope on António Costa social democracy. © RTP (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0) Its commitment to show how the realisation that austerity social democratic values is the main driver could not be fully reversed led the socialist behind the Prime Minister’s recently minority government to become one of announced proposals to reform the the most ardent defenders of Eurozone Eurozone which he has been promoting reform. The article will conclude with an in different European forums. If those analysis of Costa’s proposals for Eurozone proposals are endorsed across Europe reform and what do they mean for the the Portuguese socialists may have, as renewal of European social democracy. suggested by the former architect of Third Way politics, Peter Mandelson, A Contraption That Works discovered a ‘fourth way’ for social democracy in Europe (Meireles, 2018). he PS’s return to power was far On the other hand, if those proposals are Tfrom straightforward. Following ignored, Portugal’s governance experience inconclusive legislative elections in of the plural left may merely show the October of 2015, the leader of the PS limits of European social democracy. António Costa snatched victory from the jaws of defeat by inviting the parties of the he following pages will map this left to support his government (the four Tpotential ‘Fourth Way’ to social parties hold a majority in Parliament). democracy by first contextualising the After 35 days of negotiations, the emergence of the ‘Contraption’ and PCP-Greens and the Left Bloc agreed to assessing its term in office. Next, it will support a minority socialist government

Page 56 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Eunice Goes provided it delivered the list of 70 about doctrine and more focused on policies that had been agreed in three the effects of austerity (Freire 2017). separate written documents. These agreements were comprehensive in hirdly, the inconclusive electoral scope, but they fell short of a coalition Tresults meant that the Left was government. In theory, the socialist tantalisingly close to power; to miss leads a minority government supported this opportunity would mean another by the parties of the radical left, but, four years in opposition watching the in practice, the relationships between right consolidate its austerity agenda. the parties have become so highly The combination of these factors were institutionalised (Fernandes, et al, 2018) sufficiently powerful to persuade the that the government can be defined as three parties to set aside their profound quasi-coalitional (Fernandes, 2016). and long-standing disagreements about NATO, membership of EMU number of factors made this or the restructuring of the public A historic agreement possible. Firstly, debt, and to agree on a bread- the severity of the austerity measures and-butter anti-austerity agenda. demanded in 2011 by the Memorandum of Understanding agreed with the EU rom an electoral perspective, the and the International Monetary Fund and Fresults of this experiment have been implemented with gusto by the centre- encouraging. The Portuguese experiment right government led to a rapprochement shows that dialogues between the between the four parties of the left. In different families of the left can bring the period of the 2011-15, the thus far electoral benefits to all. The PS is on historical rival parties of the left – PS, course to win a comfortable plurality at PCP-Greens and Left Bloc – were often this year’s elections, and both the PCP united in their opposition to the austerity and the Left Bloc have so far escaped agenda of the centre-right government. the black widow’s curse that normally affects the parties of the radical left that econdly, the new ideological join coalition governments. If anything, Sorientations of the different political the ‘Contraption’ has enabled these parties facilitated this agreement. parties to make the most of the quasi- While the PS shifted to the left under coalitional arrangement: they can claim the leadership of Costa, the radical left responsibility when things go right and parties adopted more pragmatic stances. blame the socialists when things go wrong. It was certainly the case of the Left Bloc, who under the stewardship of Catarina Martins became less interested in debates

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Placating Brussels who also had relevant expertise and a patine of Establishment credibility. he news that a socialist minority That reasoning led to the appointment Tgovernment supported by the of Mário Centeno, a Harvard-trained radical left had been formed in Portugal economist who had served on a board in November of 2015 were not welcomed of the European Commission (EC), as in Europe. The promises to turn the page Finance Minister. This appointment on austerity made by Costa during the proved to be crucial for the success of electoral campaign were seen as heretic by Portugal’s strategy. Centeno had the Brussels and several Northern European expertise to deliver budgets that met governments. The German Chancellor Brussels’ approval but he also had Angela Merkel let it be known that the the credibility and the diplomatic prospect of an anti-austerity government nous to resist pressure from the in Lisbon was ‘very negative’ (Tooze, Eurogroup or from Berlin when needed. 2018: 537). For all intents and purposes Portugal was still a ‘naughty’ country espite the careful preparations, the that should do, to use the expression Ddealings with Brussels were not used by the former German Finance always easy. For instance, the socialist Minister Wolfgang Schäuble, ‘what government’s first budget, presented it had been told to do’ by the EU. in Brussels in January of 2016, and which included proposals to raise the aving watched from the sidelines minimum wage and reverse the cuts to Hhow the EU institutions and pensions, was fiercely attacked by the the Eurogroup (the informal but EC on the grounds that it was fiscally powerful group of Finance Ministers unsound. In the end, Costa was forced of the Eurozone) had outmaneuvered to cave in to Brussels demands and and humiliated the Syriza-led Greek added to his budget extra taxes on government, Costa knew he could not financial transactions, fuel and tobacco. be confrontational in his dealings with Brussels. In particular, he knew he n the spring of 2016 a new crisis had to convince the EU institutions Iemerged. The EC threatened to issue and the German government that his fines against Portugal because its deficit economic agenda would not undermine reached 4.4% of GDP. Once again, the the governance rules of the Eurozone. government fiercely resisted the EC ruling. The Minister of the Economy o help him in this task he appointed Caldeira Cabral told the media that it was Tto key cabinet positions individuals counterproductive for the EU to sanction who knew Brussels inside-out but Portugal for ‘applying the exact formula

Page 58 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Eunice Goes it was told to by the EC’ (Politico, 2016). Containing Austerity

n the end Portugal was saved by the ut Costa’s and Centeno’s success in Ipolitical calculations of Berlin. At BBrussels turned out to be the sign the time, Wolfgang Schäuble, wanted that austerity was not over yet. Surely, to help the then struggling Spanish the most severe austerity measures had centre-right government led by Mariano been reversed. Since 2016, the socialist Rajoy who also faced the threat of fines minority government rose the minimum for failing to meet the Eurozone public wage to 600 euros, widened the scope deficit targets. As the EC could not be of the minimum income guarantee seen to give preferential treatment to one scheme, reversed the cuts on pensions, member-state over another, it decided to reintroduced the 35-hour week for not to issue fines against both countries. public sector workers, and introduced tax cuts to low-income earners. n the meantime, Portugal’s economic The government also stopped some Ioutlook improved significantly. In privatisations, introduced legislation the spring of 2017, official data showed that sought to protect the self-employed, that Portugal’s public deficit was set at and introduced popular policies like 2.1 per cent of the GDP, the lowest in free textbooks for schoolchildren. 40 years; economic growth reached 2.7 per cent (at the time the highest owever, these measures did not in the Eurozone) and unemployment Hreverse all the austerity measures had fallen to below 7 per cent (it had that have been introduced in Portugal reached 16 per cent at the height of the since 2009. More worryingly, the reversal crisis). As a result of these good news of some austerity measures was done at Portugal withdrew from the Excessive the expense of much needed investment Deficit Procedure in the summer of 2017. in public services and infra-structure. According to official figures, in the he transformation of the Portuguese period 2015-2017 public investment Teconomy was so unexpected that in the healthcare system, education and Wolfgang Schäuble started to refer to other public services dropped from 2.2 the Portuguese Finance Minister as the per cent to 1.8 per cent of the GDP. ‘Cristiano Ronaldo’ of European finances. The restoration of Portugal’s credibility he reality is that, as it was argued by in the EU was concluded with the TCardoso, Costa’s government ‘merely appointment of Mário Centeno as chair worked to limit austerity’s worst effects of the Eurogroup in December of 2017. by manoeuvering within the Eurozone’s strict budgetary limitations’ (2018). In

Page 59 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Portuguese Left Tests the Limits of European Social Democracy short, Costa’s government prioritised policies. For that reason, the strongest the reversal of austerity measures that constraint to social democratic politics directly affected the pockets of the most is membership of the monetary union. vulnerable, over investments in public As Moschonas put it, the institutional services, in infra-structure and in the design of EMU effectively ‘limits social scientific fabric of the country. For these democratic freedom of manoeuvre’ reasons, the effects of the Portuguese (2014: 253; see also Sloam and Hertner, government’s economic policies have 2012: 36) as governments privilege been remedial rather than transformative. fiscal discipline over social justice.

he convergence Tcriteria established in the Maastricht Treaty signed in 1992 and the Stability and Growth Pact of 1997, limits government deficits to 3 per cent of the GDP and public debt levels to 60 per cent of the GDP. Complying with Portuguese anti-austerity graffiti these rules leaves very © anastaz1a (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0) little room for public osta is fully aware that under the investment or for the development of Ccurrent rules of the Eurozone it more equitable welfare provision. To is not possible to respond to popular make matters worse, since the Eurozone demands for more public investments in crisis, the changes to the governance rules the economy or for progressive measures of the euro have made social democratic that would deliver social-democratic politics even more difficult to achieve. outcomes. Membership of the EU imposes other constraints to other o save the Euro, the EU decided social democratic parties, especially in Tto tighten the ordoliberal screws the areas of state-aid and liberalisation of the EU. In 2012, the Fiscal Stability of public services, however most EU required member states to introduce member states have learnt to navigate in domestic legislation a fiscal rule these impediments to interventionist which requires budgets to be balanced or on surplus, a new rule which, as

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Matthijs and Blyth argued, challenges in a way that go with the grain of ‘the nature and legitimacy of national European integration. In other words, constitutions’ (2015: 259). The EU Costa’s proposals are incremental in has also strengthened the Excessive scope though they have the potential Deficit Procedure and gave the European to have a transformational impact. Commission more power to monitor the enforcement of the Eurozone rules to the t the heart of his proposals is the point that it can veto budgets that have Arecognition that in its current been approved by national parliaments. shape the monetary union is detrimental to European social democracy given he adoption of these measures, that the current rules reflect the Ttogether with a vast programme of ideology of the minimal state. They quantitative easing, was the price to pay also reflect Costa’s concern with the to ‘save’ the euro, however this rescue growing economic and social divergence operation was achieved at the cost of between the different economies of the growing social and economic divergence Eurozone. According to him, without between Eurozone member states. greater economic convergence in the EMU, poor and small countries like hese reforms had other collateral Portugal will be forever condemned to Tdamage. In the Eurozone most be peripheral and low-waged economies. social democratic parties have been condemned to the opposition for having hese concerns could have a led to caused so much social and economic Ta big-bang approach to Eurozone pain to their voters. However, the reform. However, Costa is a pragmatic main problem is one of intellectual leader who is acutely aware that neither imagination. Most social democratic Germany nor the Northern European parties still do not know how to make their countries that have recently formed commitment to European integration, the New Hanseatic League will support and in particular to the monetary union, changes to the Eurozone governance rules compatible with their ideological goals. (Schmidt, 2015: 108). Instead, he defends a layering approach to reform that builds Reforming the Eurozone on the existing governance structure as well as on the proposals recently made he proposals to reform the by both the president of the European Eurozone made by the Portuguese T Commission Jean-Claude Juncker, Prime Minister are an attempt to by the French President Emmanuel stop the intellectual paralysis of the Macron, and by the 2017 Monti Report. European social democratic left, but

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s such, his proposals require effective way of reforming the Eurozone, AEurozone member states to comply but it may prove to be the most politically with the convergence criteria set-up in feasible. Because they represent just an the Maastricht Treaty, with the rules incremental step that will add a new of the Stability and Growth Pact and layer of policies to the existing Eurozone of the Fiscal Treaty, and which require architecture they are more likely to be strict budgetary discipline by the accepted by Berlin and Brussels. But national governments. Thus, to promote these reforms have the potential to have economic and social convergence, he a transformational effect. As Streeck defends the development of a budget and Thelen (2010: 33) reminded us, for the Eurozone (funded by a European the neoliberalisation of Europe and Monetary Fund) tasked with the role North America occurred as a result of a of awarding investment funds to the drip feed of incremental measures. But member states that seek to develop high- Costa’s proposals can have the reverse productivity and high wage economies. effects. Over time, the European cash Acutely aware that no German injections can neutralise the effects government will ever sign blank cheques of ordoliberalism in the Eurozone. to less competitive European economies, Costa’s proposals avoid the language o promote his reform agenda, the of transfers and instead emphasise the TPortuguese prime minister has tried rights and obligations that normally to form alliances across Europe with like- bind the signatories of a contract. minded governments, but it hasn’t been easy. Most European social-democratic nder this scheme, the EU and each are in opposition. Nonetheless, he Umember state would negotiate a has coordinated the promotion of a National Programme of Reform (NPR) Eurozone convergence agenda with the whereby Eurozone funds would be French President Emmanuel Macron, awarded with the sole purpose of helping with the Greek Prime Minister, Alexis a member state to achieve its Country Tsipras, with the Spanish Prime Specific Recommendations. These would Minister Pedro Sánchez and in the consist of a list concrete targets that would regular meetings of the group of the be met within a specific timetable set out seven Southern European countries. in the jointly agreed NPR (Costa, 2017). owever, this small group of his form of layering, which can Hreformists can achieve very little, Tbe summarised in the formula especially because the Northern European ‘ordoliberalism at home and Keynesianism countries grouped in the recently formed at the European scale’, is not the most New Hanseatic League have already

Page 62 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Eunice Goes made clear that they disagree with the portugal-anti-austerity-myth/. proposals. However, there are signs that the mood is changing in Brussels. Costa, A. (2017), ‘Relancer La Following this year’s elections to the Convergence Dans la Union European Parliament, several voices in Européenne’, Speech in Brussels, the Commission started to talk about the 19.10.2017, https://www.portugal. need to focus on the social dimension of gov.pt/download-ficheiros/ficheiro. the EU. In addition, the highly political aspx?v=62c36cbd-1642-46b9-8a5b- way the European Commission and the 235a7cb09c30. European Council have policed how Fernandes, J. G.; Magalhães, P. member states comply with the rules C; Santana-Pereira, J. (2018) of the Eurozone has eroded solidarity ‘Portugal’s Leftist Government: From and trust amongst member states. Sick Man to Poster Boy?’, South hese factors combined have the European Society and Politics, DOI: Tpotential to unleash a new dynamic 10.1080/13608746.2018.1525914. in Europe that prioritises economic Fernandes, J. (2016) “The 2015 convergence, solidarity and social Portuguese General Election”, West justice. But until social democratic European Politics, 39:4, 890-900. parties rediscover their agency to unleash that new political dynamic Freire, A. (2017) Para Lá Da Gerigonça: in the EU, the future of European O Governo de Esquerdas em Portugal e social democracy will remain on hold. na Europa, Lisbon: Contraponto.

Freire, A (2016) ‘The Condition of Portuguese Democracy During the References Troika’s Intervention, 2011-15’, Ames, P. (2017) ‘European Left Wants Portuguese Journal of Social Science, Vol. Piece of Portugal’s Contraption’, 15 2 173-193. Politico, 24.02.2017. https://www. Hix, S; Benedetto, G. (2017) ‘The Rise politico.eu/article/antonio-costa-ps- and Fall of Social Democracy 1918- socialists-european-left-wants-piece-of- 2017’, Paper presented at APSA, 31 portugal-contraption/, 11.1.2018 August – 3 September 2017, https:// Cardoso, C. (2018) ‘Portugal and the www.dropbox.com/s/tt02b1sh55v3u0x/ Anti-Austerity Myth’, Brown Political Benedetto-Hix_Rise%20and%20 Review, 11 October 2018, http://www. Fall%20of%20Social%20Democracy- brownpoliticalreview.org/2018/10/ APSA2017.pdf?dl=0.

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Matthijs, M; Blyth, M. (2015) Advanced Political Economies’ in W. ‘Conclusion: The Future of the Streeck and K. Thelen (editors) Beyond Euro: Possible Futures, Risks and Continuity: Institutional Change in Uncertainties’ in Matthias Matthijs and Advanced Political Economies, Oxford: Mark Blyth (editors) The Future of the Oxford University Press. Euro, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Reuters (2016), ‘Wary of Moschonas, G. (2014) ‘Reforming Euroscepticism, EU Waives Portugal Europe, Renewing Social Democracy? and Spain Budget Fines’, 27.07.2016, The PES, the debt crisis and the Euro- https://uk.reuters.com/article/us-eu- parties’, in David J. Bailey, Jean-Michel deficits/wary-of-euroscepticism-eu- de Waele, Fabien Escalona, Mathieu waives-spain-portugal-budget-fines- Vieira (editors) European Social idUKKCN107218. Democracy During the Global Economic Crashed: How a Decade Crisis: Renovation or Resignation?, Tooze, A (2018) of Financial Crises Changed the World Manchester: Manchester University , Press. London: Viking.

Politico (2016) ‘You Cannot Ignore Our Sacrifices: Portugal Tells Commission’, Politico, 16.06.2016, https://www.politico.eu/article/ sanctions-portugal-austerity-economy- minister-caldeira-cabral-budget-deficit- eurozone-growth-eurogroup-ecofin-eu- commission/.

Sloam, J; Hertner, I. (2012) ‘The Europeanization of Social Democracy: Politics Without Policy and Policy Without Politics’, in Henning Meyer and Jonathan Rutherford (editors) The Future of European Social Democracy: Building the Good Society, Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan,

Streeck, W.; Thelen, K (2010) ‘Introduction: Institutional Change in

Page 64 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) What Is Left of the (Italian) Left?

Roberto Pedretti (Milan)

oday the left finds itself in the landscape, similar to a tidal wave that has Tdangerous but extraordinary submerged almost all the political forces condition of being called to reinvent and of the 20th century, in particular the left, rethink its role, to open, and experiment both in its multifarious forms, from the with, new spaces of possibilities. As Slavoj most reformist to the most radical one.5 Zizek writes in the long introduction The outcome of the last general elections to a selection of Lenin‘s writings, this in Italy (4 March 2018) produced a means working through past historical political landscape that confirms a events – in particular failures – to re/ process that – apart from a few exceptions produce the coordinates of the left’s – seems to be global and systemic. project of emancipation.1 This should recover from the past and adapt to he crisis of the Italian and European 6 the present the historical purpose of Tleft is partly the outcome of the the left with the aim of breaking with intellectual and political difficulty of forms of subaltern thinking that have confronting the historical changes and hindered the redefinition of the political social transformations of the last decades. space in the context of the global It has produced a subordinate position economic and social transformations. towards the hegemony of the neoliberal consensus, which has prevented the left n his last book “La lunga eclissi. from evaluating the social and cultural IPassato e presente del dramma della effects this consensus has on its traditional sinistra”,2 Achille Occhetto - the last constituency and the emerging new PCI3 secretary and first secretary of social subjects. According to Paolo Flores PDS4, a national party born after the fall d‘Arcais, the hegemony of neoliberal of the Berlin wall in 1989 - writes that thought and practices has been realised we are facing an unrecognisable political to some extent because the left betrayed

Page 65 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) What Is Left of the (Italian) Left? its mandate by accepting as inevitable the last 50 years, defines as the rise of the economic-financial paradigm imposed self-declared common man in power. by the forces of capitalism. Thus, the European left has become complicit in a ccording to Tronti, in the first years system that tolerated reformist political Aafter the end of the Second World activism only as long as it was willing War, the democratic political system, to stay within a well-defined ideological based on great mass parties like the PCI horizon with the goal of co-opting the (Italian Communist Party) and the DC left’s constituencies.7 If we interpret the (Christian Democracy), was able to get 9 crisis of the left within this framework, it rid of the Uomo Qualunque movement must be read as the product of a process within a short time thanks to the ability of social and economic transformation to represent, despite strong ideological starting in the 1970s. As stated by the differences, the needs of the subaltern philosopher Massimo Cacciari, we are classes and to shape the processes of a 10 facing an epochal transition, which general modernisation of Italian society. requires re-thinking and re-reading key It was only after the fall of fascism and words such as left, democracy, people, the adoption of the new institutional and values.8 Calling things by their real system based on the 1948 Constitution, name and remodelling their meaning that a pluralist approach was adopted; is the indispensable precondition for this provided forms of decentralised articulating a new project for the left. participation through the formation of democratic political institutions at Back to the Future the regional, provincial, and municipal level, based on a stable party system and ince the birth of fascism, Italy a strictly proportional electoral system.11 Shas often been labelled a political test case, a laboratory anticipating fter the great workers‘ struggles political tendencies and transformations Acycle of the 1960s and 1970s, the elsewhere. In this perspective, we have emancipatory and modernising function to consider the birth of Forza Italia of the left seemed to decline due to its and ‘Berlusconism’ at the beginning of inability to understand the profound the 1990s, a successful political project processes of social reorganisation rhetorically based on redeeming the brought on by the transformation of power of the self-made man and taunting capitalism As Hardt and Negri underline, professional politicians. Today this in the last fifty years the primary site of anomaly reappears in the form of what production has shifted from the factory the philosopher Mario Tronti, a leading to society. Automation, information protagonist of the political debate of the technology and financialisation conjured

Page 66 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Roberto Pedretti to create new social relations and new by the crisis of the Fordist mode of subjectivities.12 The political cultures production, the gradual financialisation inspired by the communist and socialist of capital and the globalisation of the tradition – as well as the popular Catholic markets. This transformation changed one – played a diminishing role as centres the social structure of the country of ideological aggregation and identity and led to a gradual weakening of building, giving way to accentuated the cultural and social fabric on forms of individualism linked to the which the left had built its success. new forms of consumption and the transformation of the labour market.13 he inability to fully understand Tthe structural changes was evident ntil then, the strongest communist in strategic choices made by the main Uparty of the western world had party of the left, the PCI: between 1973 been the main driving force of the social and 1979 it passed from the so-called and civil transformation of the country, ‘historical compromise’ (an agreement a force which ruled in several regions of government with the DC) to the of the nation and most of the main proposal of a ‘democratic alternative’ metropolitan areas, imposing a specific (re-proposing an alliance with the form of cultural and ideological hegemony socialist area). Moreover, the attempt that distinguished it profoundly from its to imagine a ‘third way’, a nebulous brotherly parties. The Communist Party proposal that aimed to overcome both and its allies usually gained around 40 the European model of social democracy to 45 per cent of the votes and managed and Soviet socialism, was an additional to build a consensus that transcended supplement to this political deadlock.14 class boundaries and integrated vast Some historical events are still sectors of the middle classes and the indicative of this difficulty in grasping entrepreneurial class. The electoral peak the depth of these structural changes. of the Italian left coincided with the general elections of June 1976, when the n the midst of a long and fierce labour whole of the Italian left gathered about Idispute in FIAT, the success of the so- 46 to 47 per cent of the votes with the called ‘march of the forty thousand’, a Communist Party at about 35 per cent. public protest organised by white-collar workers and managerial cadres of the t is one of the paradoxes of history automotive industry in Turin in October Ithat the difficulties of the Italian 1980, symbolically marked the end of left began at that very moment. The an era and the beginning of a process of left failed to understand the structural marginalisation of the workers unions. economic transformation driven At the time, few observers understood

Page 67 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) What Is Left of the (Italian) Left? the historical range of this defeat and cultural transformations determined the fact that it was the harbinger of largely by the new models of labour the profound restructuring process of market organisation were imposing their industrial and trade union relations effects on the part of society traditionally as well as the start of restructuring linked to the left. The appearance and programmes of the production apparatus spread of new models of industrial that would eventually lead to the end production and organisation of work, of the traditional Fordist factory.15 defined as ‘molecular capitalism’, ‘family capitalism’ or the ‘people of the VAT ID few years later, in 1985, a numbers’17, led to the emergence of new A referendum initiated by the PCI social subjectivities that the left failed and the CGIL, the largest workers to understand and then to intercept.18 union, against cutting the so-called ‘scala mobile’ (a state controlled he incubation of the crisis mechanism to automatically update the Tof the left exploded in all its salaries to the inflation rate), was clearly virulence in 2008 and caused what defeated, which further signalled both Tronti defines as the mutation of the the fracture within the left on this and left political élite, a mutation that other issues related to economic and is retrospectively understood and industrial policies and the unexpected explained by Massimo D‘Alema19 in a change of feeling in a large part of long critical reflection. He claims that public opinion on industrial relations 16 [...] the liberal-socialist vision has proved and development. The decline of the to be largely illusory and that reformism Italian left and its main protagonist, the has been crushed between the weight PCI, was also symbolically represented of the global economy and the markets in the dramatic death in 1984 of and the limited possibility of action of political institutions that have remained the party’s secretary general, Enrico largely national.20 Berlinguer. Suffering from a stroke at a rally in Padua during the election gain Tronti‘s reflection recalls campaign for the European Parliament, Ahow the failure to grasp he died a few days later. More than one the oppressive and predatory million activists attended his public character of financial and neoliberal funeral in Rome, an event of historical capitalism made it impossible to find significance that seemed to close an era […] the [...] way that went beyond the and perhaps brought together for the great history of the labour movement, last time what had been the communist without repeating it and without people. Radical social, political and forgetting it: assuming the inheritance to invest it in a new, always alternative

Page 68 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Roberto Pedretti

enterprise. [...] It was legitimate to think only possibility of political action.22 of a temporary middle way between capitalism and socialism but not only to The Roots of the Defeat manage the first one, rather ruling it, to use it for other purposes that gradually ince the mid-nineties the figures should overcome it.21 Sfor the electoral losses of both the n this sense the fall of the Berlin Wall European and Italian left seem indicative Inot only represented the traumatic of a relentless decline in every election. closure of the communist experience, Throughout the previous period, most it has also meant the acceleration of Western European left-wing parties the end of the social-democratic and in all their ideological articulations reformist experiment, of the thirty- (from centre-left reformism to far-left year period of the welfare state project radicalism) settled steadily at least around (at least in most of Western Europe).

rom that moment on, from the PCI’s Ftraumatic congress of dissolution of 1991, that led to a split with the party’s far-left wing and the name change to PDS, the Italian anomaly began to give birth to movements and political parties constructed around nationalist, xenophobic and populist contents. In this context, the Italian left pursued a strategy that prioritised governability with the illusion of being able to somehow control these developments. In essence, the Italian left limited itself to following the processes of globalisation and financialisation of the economy Distribution of the vote to the PCI in the from a position of complicity and 1987 political elections failed to develop a political and cultural © Thern (CC BY-SA 3.0) alternative. The underestimation of 40 per cent of the votes, in some cases even the contradictions and social costs exceeding this figure by 6 to 7 points.23 imposed by economic-financial In the Italian case, this peak was reached globalisation produced a response both in the general elections of 1976 when insufficient and suicidal in pursuing a the sum of the left-wing parties, with the technocratic management model as the overwhelming prevalence of the PCI,

Page 69 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) What Is Left of the (Italian) Left? reached about 46 per cent of the votes disappointing 7.3 million.24 According and then settled steadily at around 40 per to analysis of the electoral flows of the cent until the beginning of the Nineties. 2018 elections, the voters abandoning the PD were mainly channelled towards ince the first general elections of the 5-Star Movement and to a lesser S1948 the Italian Communist Party extent to the League or abstained, while has always scored above 20 per cent, only a residual part moved towards the reaching its highest level of votes in the other leftist parties.25 These surveys 1976 general elections (34.4 per cent). show that a conspicuous part of the After the dramatic turn determined by traditionally left-wing Italian electorate the events of 1989/91, the new political chose to support those movements and subject born from the ashes of the PCI parties labelled as „populist“ as a way (in all its declinations and acronyms, to punish the left-wing parties for their that is: PDS, DS and PD) never inability or unwillingness to address the succeeded in repeating these results electorate’s social needs and discomfort. and indeed showed a trend towards a In this respect, it is evident that we are steady decrease in the percentage of facing a problem of representation of votes it gathered at the ballot boxes. both the traditional working classes and Despite the noteworthy exception of the those social groups (temporary workers, 2014 European elections, when the PD the underemployed, youngsters and received 40 per cent of the votes (but in unemployed intellectuals), that are the the context of a very low turnout), the products of the transformation of the heir of the Communist Party mustered social relations according to the needs of only 18.8 per cent of the votes in the the globalised markets. TheDemocratic 2018 general elections – a decrease of Party lost approximately 50 per cent around 8 per cent compared to those of of its share of votes between 2008 and 2013. Further, the crisis of the Italian left 2018, decreasing from a maximum of is confirmed by the disappointing results 12 million to a minimum of 6 million of other smaller radical left-wing parties votes. As a consequence, the Democratic such as Potere al Popolo (Power to the Party and the other left-wing subjects People), LEU Liberi e Uguali (Free and risk confining themselves to those Equal), SEL Sinistra e Libertà (Left and cosmopolitan middle- and upper-class Freedom), RC Rifondazione Comunista metropolitan urban enclaves which (Party of the Communist Refoundation). showed greater dynamism and resilience From approximately 32.3 million in response to the economic crisis.26 valid votes, the sum of those cast for Again the analysis of electoral flows the Italian left-wing parties reached a underline this transformation, pointing

Page 70 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Roberto Pedretti out how the propensity to vote for the left which has failed to offer a credible increases in accordance with the growth narrative in order to grasp the anxieties of personal income.27 The difficulty of and concerns many citizens share. intercepting and representing those social groups suffering from deep social The Wings of Hope – What Is to Be insecurity is a consequence of the lack of Done? commitment to the traditional themes he contemporary conjuncture, of the left such as unemployment, job characterised by the powerful shortages, minimum wages, or welfare. T resurfacing of aggressive reactionary For these groups, the political approach thinking and spreading of isolationist of the M5S appears more credible and and nationalist politics, opens spaces less prone to the technocratic recipes and of resistance and opposition toward the politics of sacrifice that are perceived the proliferation of such new forms of as unfair and imposed by a distant cultural and ideological conservatism. European bureaucracy. In addition, the impact of the issues of globalisation n a long editorial, published in the daily and immigration, which appear key Inewspaper la Repubblica, the former factors in mobilising the Italian public editor and writer, Ezio Mauro, observes opinion and feeding public discourses, the failure to understand and interpret has been underestimated by the left, the metamorphosis and transformation

Page 71 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) What Is Left of the (Italian) Left? of the social body as the main reason the spread of what Fabio Vighi defines as leading to the catastrophe of the March [t]he metastatic growth of populism 2018 general elections. He writes: [...], a metastasis functional to the maintenance of the domination of The lack of a strong commitment to capital in its financial form which, change and of a visionary political through the various forms of ‘populism’, project hinders the transformation of the depoliticises the social struggles by political and cultural identity of the left. creating and nurturing the invention of The left appears unable to find the words an external enemy, be it the immigrant, to speak to a dispersed and disappointed multiculturalism, technocracies.30 people who are waiting for a political project and a leadership ready to propose an alternative to the ferocious, ccording to Vighi’s radical selfish and amateurish image of Italy the Ainterpretation, the crisis of the government in charge proposes every left can be solved only by rearticulating 28 day with its actions and decisions. the proper political dimension to the wide spectrum of social struggles, howing similar disenchanted and which are symptomatic of the inherent worried feelings, Achille Occhetto S contradictions of the current form reflects upon the narrow horizons in of capitalism. This means the radical which this debate is confined, indicating transformation of the left’s mentality the short temporal perspective as one to achieve a break with the relationship of its limitations. He underlines that of subordination to neoliberalism and we should insist on a radical reflection the policies of austerity and sacrifices, beginning with the collapse of the great and to accept the challenge posed by narratives of the 20th century and their populism and the ‘populist’ political failure if we want to identify the reasons platforms. It means addressing issues for the disillusionment and distancing that once again should become part of of a part of society that manifests itself the identity of the left, such as basic in confused and disoriented ways. income (or whatever you might call it), Occhetto insists on the need to recover labour rights, defence and improvement the abandoned and disappointed people of civil and social rights, and a renewed and to accept the challenge to build a new relationship with the European Union. idea of political involvement inviting, and Ernesto Laclau‘s thesis that all political experimenting with, different forms of discourse has a populist dimension activism, militancy and participation.29 implies that the left has to abandon a The lack of vision of the left, a narrow vision of populism and cease to political subject stubbornly obsessed consider populism as a symptom of a with good governance principles and disease to be morally condemned rather bureaucratic technicalities, has allowed

Page 72 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Roberto Pedretti than a political subject with its own the closure of each antagonistic political dimension to be fought on the space and all possibility of social political level. The ‘trap of populism’, in transformation, instead of imagining an which the left seems imprisoned, makes ‘other’ beyond the logic of capitalism. it difficult to bring back politics in its Together with the ability to imagine antagonistic dimension, reconstructing possible futures, heating the hearts and a politics of representation of the minds of its people, above all the left interests of collectivities as well as a has lost its memory, symbols and myths. different meaning of the word ‘people’. Among other things, it means rejecting riticism of the grand ideological the illusory creation of the people as a Cnarratives of the 20th century has phantasmal figure opposed to an ‘other’ fuelled the perception that left and right equally ghostly and elusive (the élite, have disappeared. In reality this is the finance, bureaucratic technocracies, result of an ideological operation leading immigrants), and a radically diverse to acceptance of the neoliberal code as the definition of people, one constructed only legitimate source of construction inside the concrete social relations and of the present. There is no doubt that affiliations. In this regard, the philosopher the crisis of the left also derives from and communist Mario Tronti states, this catastrophic cultural subordination referring to the history of the mass that paved the way to the hegemony of parties of the second half of the 20th the right-wing ideology in forms which century, that “[s]ince there were people, gave new meanings to old narratives and there was no populism. If anything, successfully reintroduced in the popular today we have populism because there the debate on nation, sovereignty, are no people.”31 This disappearance national identity and belonging. Today, coincides with the abandonment of the term ‘left’ has lost its vocation to the traditional concept of social classes convey the idea of a possible beyond, a and the lack of understanding of the vision of a world with more equal and emergence of new subjectivities whose just social and political structures. It is social composition has dramatically worth remembering the dramatic rupture changed and escaped the usual patterns that occurred between the left and the of interpretation. These subjectivities are world of labour in a phase of profound the product of the new form the capitalist and radical transformation. Maurizio relations assumed outside the traditional Landini, the Secretary-General of the 32 factory system. This mistake has been CGIL (the largest Italian trade union exacerbated by embracing the neoliberal representing over 6 million members), and individualist ideology, determining recognises in the rupture the effects of the

Page 73 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) What Is Left of the (Italian) Left? political and cultural isolation of the left of the balance of forces in favour of a and underlines the necessity to respond – conservative and reactionary hegemony thinking of new forms of representation undermining the “[...] progressive desires – to the need for participation that for a more human, just and equitable emerges from the forms of labour created world”35 we are asked to articulate by neoliberal capitalism, producing different maps of knowledge in order new subjectivities among people who to oppose the present conjuncture. The are often deprived of guarantees and word ‘left’ sounds hollow and feeble: rights.33 The political void opened by while the right imposes its political the lack of a radical transformative agenda based on a set of strong issues, project has been filled by political the left appears voiceless and unable forces that have imposed narratives to give new form to its values and which reject mediation and delegitimise tradition. If we want to understand what the function of intermediate bodies, has happened in the last decades, and offering instead forms of authoritarian renew the tools to transform the present management supported by the search and stop the spread of the right, it is for a direct relationship with the masses, necessary to begin with a semantic shift, recreating that irrational relationship ceasing to call ‘left’ what is not ‘left’. It which paved the way to fascism. means to invent a new vocabulary in order to fill this cultural and ideological f, following Nicholas DeGenova‘s void and to reopen the space of utopian Iargument, populism pretends to be the possibilities, that is to construct and give true expression and voice of the people form to the possibility of radical change. as opposed to an imagined other, then the left is called to counter such a project of redefining social antagonism because it tries to hide the real forms and sources of inequalities and injustice constitutive Bibliography of the social order.34 An ambitious left- wing political programme would start Benvenuto, Giorgio and Maglie, with the reconstruction of a collective Antonio, Il divorzio di San Valentino. horizon based on new forms of agency, Così la scala mobile divise l‘Italia, 2016, participation and organisation of public Bibliotheka Edizioni, Roma. life. In one of his most recent essays, Lawrence Grossberg suggests that in Cacciari, Massimo, Nell‘indifferenza al these hard times, characterised by anger, male finisce l‘Europa, muore la politica, fear and desperation and by the shifting in L‘Espresso, http://espresso.repubblica. it/plus/articoli/2018/06/22/news/nell-

Page 74 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Roberto Pedretti indifferenza-al-male-finisce-l-europa- Mauro, Ezio, La sinistra tentata dal muore-la-politica-1.324102 balcone, in la Repubblica, 19/12/2018.

D‘Alema, Massimo, La critica Occhetto, Achille, La lunga eclissi. (autocritica) di D‘Alema, in Passato e presente del dramma della L‘Huffington Post, https://www. sinistra, 2018 Sellerio Editore, Palermo. huffingtonpost.it/2018/10/20/la-critica- autocritica-di-dalema_a_23566643/ Revelli, Marco, Lavorare in FIAT. Da Valletta ad Agnelli a Romiti. Operai, D‘Alema Massimo, All’origine della sindacati, robot, 1989, Garzanti, Torino. crisi della sinistra, scelte che vengono da lontano, in Italianieuropei, Ginsborg, Paul, L‘Italia del tempo 2/2018. https://italianieuropei.it/it/ presente, 1998, Einaudi, Torino. italianieuropei-2-2018/item/4004- Landini, Maurizio, cit. in, La mia editoriale-2/2018.html CGIL ritornerà alle origini, interview De Genova, Nicholas, Rebordering “the by Munafò, Mauro, in L‘Espresso, People”: Notes on Theorizing Populism, 10/3/2019. in South Atlantic Quarterly, vol.117, Tronti, Mario, Il popolo perduto. Per una April, 2018. critica della sinistra, 2019, Nutrimenti, Flores d‘Arcais, Paolo, La sinistra Roma. che si è fatta destra, in Micromega Vighi, Fabio, Populist Symptoms and http://temi.repubblica.it/micromega- the Curse of the Capitalist Fetish, in online/ragionamenti-fuori-luogo- Third Text, 2019, http://doi.org/10.108 %e2%80%93-2-la-sinistra-che-si-e- 0/09528822.2018.1558652 fatta-destra/printpage=undefined Zizek, Slavoj, Lenin oggi, 2017, Ponte Grossberg, Lawrence, Pessimism of delle Grazie, Milano. the Will, Optimism of the Intellect: Endings and Beginnings, in Cultural Studies, vol.32, vol.18, 2018, Issue 6. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/1 0.1080/09502386.2018.1517268

Hardt, Michael and, Negri, Antonio, Assembly, 2017, Oxford University Press, New York.

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Endnotes opportunity for the development of a real democracy in Italy see Gramsci, Antonio, Il 1 Zizek, Slavoj, Lenin oggi, 2017, Ponte delle Risorgimento, 1996, editori Riuniti, Roma Grazie, Milano, pp. 7-15. 12 Hardt, Michael, and Negri, Antonio, 2 Occhetto, Achille, La lunga eclissi. Passato Assembly, 2017, Oxford University Press, New e presente del dramma della sinistra, 2018, Sellerio York, pp. 111-115. Editore, Palermo. 13 Ginsborg, Paul, L’Italia del tempo presente, 3 PCI (Parito Comunista Italiano – Italian 1998, Einaudi, Torino, pp. 197-201. Communist Party) 1921-1991. 14 Ginsborg, Paul, cit., pp. 293-297. 4 PDS (Partito Democratico della Sinistra – Democratic Party of the Left) 1991-1998. 15 Revelli, Marco, Lavorare in FIAT. Da Valletta ad Agnelli a Romiti. Operai, sindacati, robot, 5 Occhetto, Achille, cit., pp.13-15 1989, Garzanti, Torino.

6 Although problematic, the term “left” 16 Benvenuto, Giorgio and Maglie, Antonio, will be used as a metonym including all those Il divorzio di San Valentino. Così la scala mobile subjects (parties, movements, etc.) occupying a divise l’Italia, 2016, Bibliotheka Edizioni, Roma. vast and unstable ideological spectrum, from the reformist right-wing social democrats to the far-left 17 The last 30 years witnessed a huge increase communist traditions. Moreover, it will be used as in the number of the work force made up of a way to describe a cultural tradition rooted in a professionals and self-employed. These workers myriad of historical experiences. partly substitute the traditional forms of workforce and escape the national collective agreements. This 7 Flores d’Arcais, Paolo, http://temi. results in the growth of job insecurity and the loss repubblica.it/micromega-online/ragionamenti- of labour and welfare rights. fuori-luogo-%e2%80%93-2-la-sinistra-che-si- e-fatta-destra/printpage=undefined. Last access 18 Bonomi, Aldo, Il capitalismo molecolare, 25/2/2019. 1997, Einaudi, Torino.

8 Cacciari, Massimo, http://espresso. 19 An outstanding protagonist of the post-war repubblica.it/plus/articoli/2018/06/22/news/nell- history of the left, he was part of the leadership indifferenza-al-male-finisce-l-europa-muore-la- of the PCI and the PDS. He was the first post- politica-1.324102 Last access 26/2/2019. communist to serve in the office of Italian Prime Minister in 1998. 9 The Fronte dell’Uomo Qualunque (Front of the Common Man) was founded by the 20 D’Alema, Massimo, La critica (autocritica) journalist and writer Guglielmo Giannini in 1946. di D’Alema, in L’Huffington Post, https:// It won a big success in the 1946 election before www.huffingtonpost.it/2018/10/20/la-critica- it disappeared after two years. The Front sentt autocritica-di-dalema_a_23566643/. Last access 30 representatives to the Assemblea Costituente 13/03/2019 (my translation) (Constituent Assembly), the first democratic political body elected after the end of fascism. 21 Tronti, Mario, cit., pp. 82-83. (my translation) 10 Tronti, Mario, Il popolo perduto. Per una critica della sinistra, 2019, Nutrimenti, Roma, p. 22 See D’Alema Massimo, All’origine della 12. crisi della sinistra, scelte che vengono da lontano, in Italianieuropei, 2/2018. https://italianieuropei. 11 On the Risorgimento as a missed it/it/italianieuropei-2-2018/item/4004-

Page 76 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Roberto Pedretti editoriale-2/2018.html. Last access 18/3/2019. 35 Grossberg, Lawrence, Pessimism of the Will, Optimism of the Intellect: Endings and 23 See http://www.parlgov.org/explore/ita/ Beginnings, p. 863. election/. Last access 18/3/2019

24 See: http://www.cattaneo.org/wp-content/ uploads/2018/03/Analisi-Istituto-Cattaneo- Elezioni-Politiche-2018-Chi-ha-vinto-chi-ha- perso-5-marzo-2018-2.pdf. Last access 18/3/2019

25 See: http://www.cattaneo.org/wp-content/ uploads/2018/03/Analisi-Istituto-Cattaneo- Elezioni-Politiche-2018-Flussi-elettorali-5- marzo-2018.pdf. Last access 18/3/2019

26 For these reasons the PD has been labelled “partito dei centri storici” (party of the urban historic centres) by researchers and the media. The most affluent, dynamic urban areas (homes of the metropolitan élite) of the country seem less preoccupied with the effect of the economic crisis, while showing more concerns over the issue of civil rights (gender policies, ius soli, gay marriage, etc.).

27 See: http://open.luiss.it/2018/09/17/la- crisi-della-sinistra-italiana-spiegata-con-10-grafici/. Last access 19/3/2019.

28 Mauro, Ezio, La sinistra tentata dal balcone, in la Repubblica, 19/12/2018, p.1 and p.35.

29 Occhetto, Achille, cit., pp. 207-210.

30 Vighi, Fabio, Populist Symptoms and the Curse of the Capitalist Fetish, in Third Text, 2019, http://doi.org/10.1080/09528822.2018.1558652

31 Tronti, Mario, cit., pag.98. (my translation)

32 CGIL (Confederazione Generale Italiana del Lavoro). The strongest left-wing Italian union.

33 Landini, Maurizio, cit. in, La mia CGIL ritornerà alle origini, interview by Munafò, Mauro, in L’Espresso, 10/3/2019, pp. 20-28.

34 De Genova, Nicholas, Rebordering “the People”: Notes on Theorizing Populism, in South Atlantic Quarterly, vol.117, April, 2018, pp.362- 365.

Page 77 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) What’s Left in Hellas? On the Transformation of Social Movements in Greece

Gregor Kritidis (Magdeburg) hile ancient Greece is seen he collapse of Eastern European Was the cradle of modern Tsocialist systems between 1989 democracy, contemporary Greece is and 1991 plunged the political left considered a backward political and in Greece into a serious crisis of economic problem case, a mixture of orientation, because since 1917 different Mediterranean inefficiency and Balkan- varieties of Leninism had served as main style nepotism. However, the opposite influence on the theory and practice claim is at least as adequate: it is in of the anticapitalist left. Additionally, fact increasing societal ‘modernisation’ the bloody restructuring of Yugoslavia (rather than degeneration) that has caused also in Greece a wave of nationalist produced social contradictions and mobilisation. The different strands of the political conflicts in a very acute form. political left and the social movements Since 2008, Greece has become a influenced by them found themselves laboratory of crisis, a paradigmatic on the defensive. For the first time after showcase of contemporary struggles a long period of PASOK (Panhellenic over social and political participation. Socialist Movement) dominance, ND To put it bluntly: in hardly any other (New Democracy), a right-liberal party, European country do authoritarian and was able to form a government and to democratic concepts for solving the start an aggressive neoliberal offensive current structural crisis of society clash against the social and democratic as heavily. In this situation, the different achievements of the Metapolitevsi – as strands of the political left and the social the political order established after the movements they decisively shaped can overthrow of the military junta is called. look back over a long tradition of political struggle against authoritarian and dictatorial forms of social domination.

Page 78 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Gregor Kritidis

ontroversy focused on two sectors Neither qualification nor professional Cof public service provision: the expertise but subordination and personal education system and local public relationships opened the doors to transport. Both became paradigmatic for economic success. Emigration to Western the class struggles of the 1990s and 2000s: Europe, North America or Australia the education system started advertising provided the way out of the Greek the neoliberal promise of economic misery but simultaneously stabilised and social success for individuals. the system of clientelism, which in The privatisation of the public sector modified form has lived on until today. was sold as the prospect of better and cheaper services for the citizens. or the first time in the recent past, Fthe rise of PASOK provided the he popularity of this programme prospect of social advance for the lower Trested on the role of the state in classes. Traditionally, the Greek state Greece. The development of welfare state integrates large parts of the working provision had remained extremely limited class through its role as public sector for most of the 20th century. It was only employer. Although public sector jobs after the election victory of PASOK in were never particularly well paid, they 1981 that the universal education and provided basic existential security. With health service systems were introduced. the rise of PASOK, traditional clientelism To some extent, the new government changed into party clientelism: PASOK liberalised employment and industrial membership or membership of the trade relations regulations. Before, social union affiliated to it (the PASKE) paved service provision had relied primarily on the way to a job in a state enterprise. clientelist relationships of dependency, Until the 2000s, PASKE in exchange in other words, on political despotism. guaranteed PASOK’s dominance in Those social groups not integrated into union confederations such as GSEE clientelist networks, shaped around (Confederation of the Workers of Greece, persons in leading political positions, Industrial Sector) and ADEDY (Supreme often found themselves at the receiving Leadership of the Organisations of Public end of state repression. Above all, this Sector Employees). In other words: a large applied to the political left which, part of unionised employees was either after defeat in the civil war (1946-49), indirectly or directly exposed to the was practically excluded from access government’s political influence. 2 To to the public sector.1 The majority of some extent this still also applied to the population experienced the state ND, at the time the liberal-conservative primarily as a policing and taxing power. opposition party. Loyalty to the nation

Page 79 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) What’s Left in Hellas? On the Transformation of Social Movements in Greece state of the political right and their public services began to look attractive representatives was substituted by to many in the early 1990s. However, loyalty to one of the major parties or the quite soon it became obvious that the organisations close to them. The labour consequences were extremely mixed. The movement’s split into unions that are reforms in the education system did not tied to political parties is characteristic so much create new routes of upward for this social power relationship. As mobility – a change that would have a consequence, the two communist considered the altered composition of parties – the orthodox KKE and the the Greek working class resulting from Eurocommunist KKE esoteriko – remained immigration. Quite to the contrary, the excluded from state power for decades. introduction of more rigorous exam procedures narrowed the bottleneck his clientelist socio-economic of upward mobility and increased Tpolitical system, however, was competition. For public sector employees, permanently challenged. When in the denationalisation, as privatisation is mid-1980s the minister of economics called in Greece, meant poorer working and later prime minister, Kostas conditions or the loss of a social position Simitis, implemented a programme that until then was relatively secure. of social cuts, a huge strike movement emerged, culminating in a break ence, in no other European within PASKE into an ‘official’ and an Hcountry did people fight against ‘unofficial’ wing. When the ‘unofficial’ the neoliberal agenda from early on strand together with communist left as radically as in Greece. Therefore, achieved a majority in the union the project of a thorough neoliberal confederation and was about to elect a restructuring of society lost most of its new leadership, this process was blocked dynamics, albeit without a fundamental by direct government intervention. reorientation among society’s elites. For Such government interference into social movement activists, however, the workers’ freedom of organisation is lessons of the fights of the early 1990s rather typical for the history of labour became central: social progress requires relations in Greece and has become autonomously organised struggle. the usual practice in times of crisis. hen PASOK regained power his experience left many people Win 1993, it returned a couple Tdisillusioned with the PASOK of companies to state ownership but leadership’s party-political clientelism – Kostas Simitis, who had been elected hence the prospect of the liberalisation of party leader after Andreas Papandreou’s public life and of the state’s retreat from death, continued, as prime minister,

Page 80 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Gregor Kritidis the neoliberal reforms, as did the the Eastern Bloc, Greece became an succeeding governments.3 These efforts immigration country. In an overall were motivated by the prospect of population of about 10 million people, access to the European Monetary Union, the number of immigrants rose to one promoted by the EU’s central powers, million, of whom half did not have a Germany and France, which committed legal status. State repression directed Greece to the Maastricht convergence against illegalised immigrants facilitated criteria of 2001. In two decisive fields the large-scale introduction of precarious the Greek state handed over decision jobs. Migrants found work above all making powers: namely fiscal and in the building sector, agriculture, and central bank policies. Wage and tax tourism. Only in the second half of the policies remained as the only tools to 1990s did it become possible for some adapt to those economic imbalances that immigrants to apply for a legal status. became worse over subsequent years. Nevertheless, immigrants continued to face a religious-ethnocentric state ince the two small parties following racism. Those who were caught crossing Scommunist traditions were incapable the border illegally especially became of opposing this agenda, initiative objects of the bureaucracy’s brutality and increasingly fell to political forces, which arbitrariness. On the other hand, EU hitherto had been marginal: to the extra- funding for infrastructural development parliamentary Marxist left and to several and farming contributed to economic anarchist groups. They worked with growth in Greece. However, it did not new forms of organisation and political solve the crisis of small-scale farming: action that did not prioritise the taking monopolisation in both the food over of state power. Due to continuing processing industries and food trade resistance by these social movements, made the agrarian crisis a permanent the state enterprises – among them topic in Greek domestic policy – since Hellas Telecom, refineries, the railways, 1995 farmers protested almost annually the electricity sector and Olympic with road blockades. Nevertheless, the Airways – could only be privatised food industry, an important sector in incrementally. Consequently, the first Greece, became stronger. Money from to be affected by deregulation were the structural fund was also used for non- or weakly unionised segments of extended investment into infrastructure, the private sector and especially young for example, for the motorway from people. The neoliberal policies rested Igoumenitsa on the Western coast to the on two central economic preconditions: Turkish border, for the Rio-Antirio Bridge on the one hand, after the collapse of linking the Western Peleponnes with the

Page 81 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) What’s Left in Hellas? On the Transformation of Social Movements in Greece mainland, the Attican Ringroad, Athens middle class families these homes, airport and the Athens metro. It is worth which devoured more and more of the mentioning that these ‘Megala Erga’ landscape, and it was migrants who took (oversized projects) were built, mostly, jobs as domestic helps in these homes. by big German and French corporations. Offsetting the costs of these projects, tructural corruption amongst the but also the exorbitant military budget Supper and middle classes in Greece – from which, once more, the German reached kleptocratic dimensions in and French weapons sector profited – the 2000s. The state had always been against EU funding, it is obvious that seen as a cash cow for individual and the growing Greek budgetary crisis of collective enrichment. With the right- the 2000s was the flipside of the export liberal government under Kostas surplus of the Central European states. Karamanlis, in power from 2004 to 2009, this enrichment took forms that Legitimisation and Crisis of the totally undermined the legitimacy Neoliberal Model of state policy. The pillaging of the social insurance system, organised in t is obvious that such an economic cooperation with international financial Igrowth model – even if one ignores actors, the appropriation of public its disastrous ecological consequences – goods, and collusion with the interests of cannot last very long. Nevertheless, it was foreign capital – in the case of Siemens possible to organise political majorities generously rewarded – destroyed any for this neoliberal programme several rational conception of state action and times while radical opposition against it provoked a general social revolt in 2008. remained marginal. An important reason for the prolonged hegemony of the A New Social Movement neoliberal block lies in the integration of the middle class and parts of the working ince the 1990s, especially in the class into this model of development. Suniversities an anarchist new social The middle class especially profited from movement developed, which deliberately economic growth. A symptom of this is distanced itself from those traditional the uncontrolled northward expansion Marxist organisational forms and action of the suburbs of Athens: the forest repertoires the labour movement had fires occurring almost annually were used over the previous 100 years. The and are side effects of this very growth reasons were obvious: on the one hand, strategy and symbols of its ecological the established trade unions failed to destructiveness.4 It was migrants who integrate both economically precarious, were employed to build for upper often highly qualified workers as well

Page 82 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Gregor Kritidis as migrants. On the other hand, as Eurocommunist roots) – exerted only already mentioned, with the collapse limited influence. Neglecting the of the Eastern Bloc, Marxism had traditional means of communication lost much of its power of persuasion. used by the labour movement, the More importantly, traditional forms of anarchist groups primarily employed industrial action turned out to be rather various electronic media. Indymedia ineffective in a service sector organised Athens as well as a number of websites along neoliberal lines. Being extremely set up during the December revolt heterogeneous, the anarchist movement were of critical importance for the thus became a magnet for young militants emergence of a counter-public. seeking new forms of resistance. Above all, two ideas were important: to practice hocked by the strength of the grassroots self-organisation without SDecember revolt, shortly after, in formal hierarchies and to pursue direct the wake of the financial and economic action, i.e. a form of social (class) crisis 2008/09, the political class struggle without institutional regulation. decided to take the bull by the horns and call for international support. he new strength of anarchist Under circumstances resembling a coup Tideas became obvious in the d’etat the Greek government signed a revolt of December 2008. While loan agreement with the states of the traditionally political parties and their Eurozone, the IMF and the ECB, which organisations had played a central according to Giorgos Kassimatis, an role in all sociopolitical struggles, this expert on constitutional law, abolished time no decisive influence of parties democracy and handed over sovereign could be observed. The occupations rights.5 Parliament’s decision making of universities, schools, and public powers were de facto abolished and the buildings occurred mostly without party representatives of the people transformed political involvement while the influence into an executive organ carrying out of the anarchist groups was apparent. the austerity policies prescribed by the Furthermore, movement-oriented loan agreement. Supervision of these organisations of the extra-parliamentary crisis policies became the task of the Marxist left, which had increasingly Troika, an institution controlled by appropriated grassroots democratic the creditors and lacking any form strategies themselves, also played a key of constitutional legitimacy. The role. The traditional leftwing parties – turn to authoritarian statism that is apart from the orthodox-communist observable everywhere, came in Greece KKE, especially SYRIZA (which had without any democratic disguise.

Page 83 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) What’s Left in Hellas? On the Transformation of Social Movements in Greece

nder this crisis regime, the owever, paradoxically, SYRIZA Uorganisational forms of the social Hsucceeded in channeling the social movements, which had first been tested energies again towards institutionalism. in 2008, proliferated. The occupation From 2011 to 2015, SYRIZA rose from of public spaces in early summer 2011, a party receiving four per cent of the inspired by the Arab Spring and the popular vote to the strongest force in Spanish Indignados, linked a Marxist- parliament. One explanation for this is oriented socioeconomic analysis of the party’s strong orientation towards, the crisis with ideas of grassroots and links with, the social movements organisation and collective direct in the 2000s, which for many people action. As in other countries, social testified to its trustworthiness. Another media became the crucial means for is that the parliamentary-political the formation of a counter-hegemonic route appeared to be the most realistic public. The movement’s growth and the option to get rid of the austerity state’s increasingly repressive actions programme: most realistic, because caused a crisis of legitimacy of all social the social movements had succeeded and political institutions as well as the in destabilising the party system, but rapid erosion of the party system. 6 not in radically challenging economic relations. While many cooperative forms

General mass of Indignados in Athens Syntagma, Greece (30 June 2011) Photo by Ggia (CC BY-SA 3.0)

Page 84 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Gregor Kritidis of mutual self-help emerged, for example the fact that, after taking office, the in the food, education and health sector, government did not debate fundamental the economy’s core areas remained by questions in public anymore, but decided and large untouched. It is telling that, on them by itself. The basic reason for apart from the former building materials the failure of the Athens Spring and the factory Vio.Me and a small woodworking capitulation of the Greek government company, there is no occupied plant in lies in this reintroduction of top-down workers’ control and, apart from the decision making structures, which Newspaper of Editors, only the strongly formed the flipside of the weakness fought-over public broadcasting service of the social and political movements was temporarily owned by its employees. which, to make things worse, could With the ‘Solidarity for All’ initiative, rely on only very limited international financed partly through MPs’ salaries, support.7 A further escalation of the SYRIZA tried to support the solidaristic confrontation with the capital groups economy. However, the integration of dominant in Greece and with the EU these initiatives and the social movements creditor states would have required the into the party’s internal decision-making broad mobilisation and organisation structures did not go very far. After of the population. The impulses and the 2012 elections, which brought a beginnings, that emerged in early summer governing majority within easy reach, the 2011 turned out to be too weak and party concentrated on the parliamentary inconsistent to transform the traditional option. Mobilising and organising paternalist mentalities on the left. grassroots supporters receded more to the background. This change of priorities he fixation on gaining parliamentary also applies to SYRIZA’s left wing, which Tmajorities within nation states neither before nor after the party took has turned out to be a cul-de-sac – not over government in 2015 developed any only in Greece. In the face of complex serious strategic interventions of its own social and economic crises, this model of towards such goals. Even the grassroots achieving social emancipation via taking initiatives themselves did not thoroughly state power has definitely run its course. criticise the narrowing of political As consequence of the defeats of the focus onto the parliamentary arena. All previous decade of crisis, we now have invested their hope in a general election to address the question of how to fight victory but hardly anyone discussed the socio-economic struggle in order possible governmental strategies. The to reach the complex goal of taking the concentration of power in a progressively means of production into social control. smaller circle of leaders is shown by The lesson to be learned is that the

Page 85 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) What’s Left in Hellas? On the Transformation of Social Movements in Greece transformation of the capitalist mode Endnotes of production needs more than just 1 Cf. Neni Panourigia: Dangerous Citizens: changed political majorities. In Greece the Greek Left and the Terror of the State. New York as elsewhere the thwarting of collective 2009. processes of learning and emancipation 2 This dependency is all but new: has contributed to a strengthening traditionally, the state intervened in industrial of ethno-nationalist forces. Hence, relations, occasionally with open terror. This did not fundamentally change under PASOK. See the question as to how to overcome Hubert Heinelt et al.: Modernisierungsblockaden in such blockages is currently of utmost Griechenland. Opladen 1996, pp. 138ff. importance. Until now, the social 3 Cf. Gregor Kritidis “Rise and Crisis of movements have not recovered from the Anarchist and Libertarian Movements in Greece” capitulation of summer 2015. However, in: Leendert van Hoogenhuijze et al. (eds.): The City is Ours. Squatting and Autonomous Action in the search for innovative orientations Europe. Oakland 2014. and practical openings is treated with a 4 Cf. Costis Hadjimichalis: Schuldenkrise und new urgency on the left, as is shown by Landraub in Griechenland. Münster 2014. the recent interest in, and debates about, theorists such as Cornelius Castoriadis .8 5 Giorgos Kassimatis: Das inhumane Kreditsystem über Griechenland. Münster 2018.

6 Cf. Gregor Kritidis: Griechenland – auf dem Weg in den Maßnahmestaat? Autoritäre Krisenpolitik und demokratischer Widerstand. Kritische Interventionen Bd. 13. Hannover 2014.

7 Cf. Gregor Kritidis: Nach Syriza: Wie weiter für die europäische Linke? http://www.theoriekritik. ch/?p=2543.

8 Cornelius Castoriadis (1922-97), Greek- French philosopher, co-founder of Socialisme ou Barbarie, reflected on ideas of libertarian socialism and emphasised dimensions such as autonomy, self-institution and creativity as basic elements of such a form of socialism.

Page 86 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) The Landscape After a Disaster and Even Two: On the Genealogy of the Polish Left

Leszek Koczanowicz (Wroczlaw)

2015: At the bottom elections showed how deeply the Polish Left was dispersed and disoriented. Of he Polish parliamentary elections course, the left-wing political parties Tin October 2015 marked the first and organizations had made a lot of time after the fall of communism in foolish tactical errors. The beginning 1989 that the Left proved unable to win of the catastrophe could be traced back seats in parliament. The results of the to the presidential elections earlier the same year. The leader of the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) Leszek Miller, himself a very experienced politician who had started his career in Communist Poland and had survived the most ferocious political storms, decided to put forward a very strange presidential candidate. His surprising pick was Dr. Magdalena Ogórek, a 36-year-old historian who had hardly any political experience and was not even Old (Leftist?) Boys Network a party member. Her political Marek Belka and Leszek Miller views were an enigma as she © Kocio (GNU Free Documentation License, Version 1.2) kept saying that she would

Page 87 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) The Landscape After a Disaster and Even Two: On the Genealogy of the Polish Left reveal her agenda in due time. It is the SLD, but for some small groups such little wonder that she got only 2.38 collaboration seemed to offer attractive per cent of the votes, which was the prospects as the party’s well-established worst result ever for the party. After the structures, wide network of contacts elections, she cut off all ties with the and considerable funds, all promised Left and embarked on a new career as at least some seats in parliament. a right-wing journalist in TV and press. Nevertheless, these groupings did not want to be identified too closely with ollowing the disaster of the the SLD, so they formed a coalition. Fpresidential elections, the Democratic According to the Polish law, while Left Alliance decided to assemble as many the electoral threshold for individual small left-wing parties and organizations parties is 5 per cent, it is as much as 8 as possible to augment the chances of per cent for coalitions. Eventually, the the left in the parliamentary elections. Unified Left coalition fell short of the It was never going to be an easy task. threshold, achieving only 7.55 per cent. Emerging from the Communist period, This result gave the right-wing party the Democratic Left Alliance had been a Law and Justice (PiS) an independent hegemon on the left nearly throughout majority in the Polish Parliament. the democratic transition. However, in 2015 the situation changed. New, f course, this catastrophic defeat emerging movements, such as the urban Owas not only caused by the activists, which focus on the local issues, tactical mistakes and ambitions of more often than not preferred keeping various leaders of the left-wing parties their distance from the “discredited” and movements. The main reason party. This was especially true about behind it was the ideological weakness Together, a new party founded in May of the Polish Left. The Left, at least its 2015. Initiated by well-educated young dominant party, has never been able to people who were disappointed with the present a consistent social programme economic policies of Poland’s liberal of mitigating the social consequences government, the party was supposed of the transformation which could tell to be a response to the inactivity of the it apart from the variety of the liberal official Left and to promote a radical movements. On the other hand, in order programme of changes not only in to fulfill the demands of its electorate it culture (which by that time had come had to pay lip service to the progressive to be a traditional field of left-wing agenda claiming their involvement into action), but also in labour relationships. working for the diminishing the social Together refused any cooperation with and cultural inequalities. This situation

Page 88 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Leszek Koczanowicz made the Left always, even in the strict separation of church and state, and heydays of its power, ideologically fragile. voiced a very positive attitude to accepting This failing has haunted the Left since migrants. Although eventually Together the beginnings of the transformation did not win any seats in Parliament, it and eventually caused its collapse. got 3 per cent of the vote, which was a great achievement for a new party and s such, the SLD could hardly come also the required minimum for obtaining Aacross as distinct from the ruling public funding. But it was exactly this liberal Civic Platform (PO). Additionally, margin of the vote that caused the defeat the right-wing PiS proposed a very of the Unified Left led by the SLD. comprehensive welfare programme of reducing poverty in Poland. The SLD was 1989-2003: The fall and the glory (at also on the defensive in cultural matters, a price, though) and, again, its programme, which was admittedly more radical than that of the he Round Table talks in 1989 and PO on questions such as abortion, same- Tthe partly free elections in June sex marriage, and the separation between 1989 marked the end of the Communist (the Catholic) church and state, was not regime in Poland. The Communist radical enough to attract voters from Party was officially dissolved in 1990, beyond the party’s traditional electorate. but it found its continuation in a new By the same token, the SLD was very organization, called the Social Democracy cautious on the issue of migrants, the of the Republic of Poland (SDRP). The hottest issue of the 2015 campaign. The leaders of the new party hailed from the PiS rejected any idea of taking migrants youngest generation of the old-regime and criticized the PO for complying apparatchiks who tried to save not so with European Commission directives. much the ideology of communism, in The SLD tried to find a “moderate” which they did not believe anyway, as way, which failed to satisfy anybody. the political influence and financial resources of the organisation. he turning point in the election Tcampaign came with the last n the same period, a plethora of various public debate of all the parties, which Ileft-wing organisations emerged was a success for Together’s Adrian as well. Some of them seemed quite Zandberg. He presented a well-balanced promising as they were heralded as a economic programme modeled on the continuation of pre-war, non-bolshevist Scandinavian welfare-state experience, socialism (e.g. the Polish Socialist Party), took a radical stance on cultural issues for but they proved rather ephemeral Polish standards, especially insisting on a and either disappeared or accepted

Page 89 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) The Landscape After a Disaster and Even Two: On the Genealogy of the Polish Left the hegemonic position of the SDRP, from the Catholic Church, but accepted creating a federation. The ideology of the the concordat with all its consequences, SDRP was rather ambiguous. Of course, including special economic privileges for the leaders endorsed the inevitable socio- the Church (e.g. preferential taxation), economic changes, but promised to religious instruction in schools, and so “soften” the burden of the transition and on. They also spoke with great caution reverse the most onerous consequences of on matters such as abortion (in 1993, what came to be called the shock therapy, Parliament adopted a restrictive anti- that is, a rapid privatisation of the Polish abortion law which allowed only three economy, which saw unemployment exceptions) and same-sex marriages. soar and standards of living plummet for most people almost overnight. apitalising on growing C disappointment with the economic n fact, the SDRP did not have to work results of the transition, the SDRP/ Ihard on its programme; it was enough SLD was able to win the parliamentary that it was simply there. Sociological elections twice: in 1993 and in 2001, research suggests that the main political and was a senior partner in the coalition rift in Poland in the 1990s materialised in which it formed with a peasant party a “post-communist divide” (Grabowska by the name of the Polish People’s Party 2004), i.e., a gulf between people who (PSL). Probably, the greatest political (somehow at least) identified with the achievement of the post-communist Left communist regime and people who was the victory in the presidential elections rejected the old system altogether. of its leader Aleksander Kwaśniewski As this divide had shaped the Polish over Lech Wałęsa, one of the historical political scene for over a decade, the founders of Solidarity. The triumph of voters almost automatically supported the former Communist Party apparatchik, either option. Therefore, the agenda of the youngest minister in Poland’s the SDPR and later the SLD (which last Communist cabinet, was highly was founded in 1999 as the federation symbolic. To some extent, it exonerated transformed into a unified party) was the Communist period and it seemed to a strange blend of a nostalgic defence indicate that reconciliation was possible. of the communist past, neoliberal economic policies, and a staunch pro- waśniewski’s success and the American stance combined with an Kpost-communist party’s political equally determined pro-EU attitude, expansion came as a shock for the former which was not contradictory back then. dissidents. Some of them emphasised The SDRP leadership kept their distance in the press that although the SDRP gained a majority, it had no moral

Page 90 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Leszek Koczanowicz legitimisation. However, the leaders of the historical divisions and animosities. the post-communist Left promptly tried to show that their position on a number evertheless, as the agendas and of political matters was very close to Nideologies of former dissidents that of the former dissidents, those at and post-communists came across as least who had turned into liberals in the largely overlapping, the two groups 1990s. During its two terms in power, gradually came to be identified with the Left implemented rather neoliberal each other. This identification had grave economic policies, to the point of consequences, for people started to considering even flat taxation. The look around for a non-neoliberal social Left ushered Poland into the European alternative. Since the Left was unwilling Union, became vigorously engaged in to offer such an alternative, voters NATO, supported the intervention in slowly started to embrace the right-wing Iraq, and sent Polish troops there. It is nationalist political orientation. They very likely that the Left-led government could not find such an alternative on the collaborated with the US on setting up left because the post-communist party secret CIA prisons on Polish soil. In the had nearly monopolised this sector of ideological sphere, the liberals and the the political stage. Of course, there were post-communist Left also had a lot in a handful of small and dispersed groups common. Both orientations tried to tame which sought to show that another Left the nationalist tendencies in Poland, and was possible, but they were irrelevant, both envisaged the future of Poland as at least in terms of popular support. closely associated with the West not only his bipolar division of the Polish through economic and military alliances, political scene produced the but also through the adoption of Western T situation which David Ost describes values. Both were also aware that because in his The Defeat of Solidarity (2005). of the specifically Polish ‘right slope’, Workers, who were dissatisfied with i.e., permanent ideological leaning to the effects of the transition and felt the right, this ‘Westernisation’ should be abandoned by the leadership of trade introduced very carefully and without unions and parties, started to back irritating the Catholic Church. But nationalistic, rightwing organisations. despite this affinity of attitudes and the In this way, the historical Solidarity was warm personal relationships that some taken over by the nationalists, and similar former dissidents developed with the political bodies gradually obtained more post-communist party leaders, the first and more significant support. According formal coalition of the two groupings was to Ost, this shift was triggered as established only in 2006, so strong were popular anger was channeled in the

Page 91 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) The Landscape After a Disaster and Even Two: On the Genealogy of the Polish Left ideological form of nationalism while to supplement each other, with the PO foreign elements, such as international more centre-right liberal and the PiS capitalists, former Communists, and rather farther to the right with some the like, were blamed for the desperate nationalistic leanings. Both parties shared situation in which many losers of a slogan of creating the Fourth Republic, the transition had found themselves. a shorthand for radically transforming the political system in place, which they he first warning sign was the accused of being thoroughly corrupted. Telection of 1997, when a newly hatched coalition of conservative he elections of 2001 also saw an and religious parties, called Solidarity Tunexpected rise of a populist party. Electoral Action, allied with the liberal TheSelf-Defence of the Republic of Poland, Freedom Union to form the government, usually called simply the Self-Defence pushing the SLD into opposition. (Samoobrona), was a populist mixture The government launched a batch of of socialist, nationalist, and religious radical reforms, which caused a wave of elements. The party got 10 per cent of the dissatisfaction and eventually hoisted vote and became the third largest political the SLD back into power in 2001. force in Poland. Though technically an But this episode showed that there opposition party, the Self-Defence very was a powerful upsurge of right-wing often supported the SLD in parliament. political sentiments to be reckoned with. radually more and more besieged 2003-2015: The second fall Gfrom both sides of the political stage, the SLD tried to continue its he general elections of 2001 were already tested political course of moderate Ta great success for the SLD, which liberalism and moving Poland closer to got 41 per cent of the vote. However, the EU, which culminated in signing as the election procedure prevented the the accession treaty on 1st May 2004. SLD from forming a cabinet on its own, However, the climate had changed, and the party again entered into a coalition it was hardly possible to stop the surging with the peasant party PSL. Yet, in the demands for fundamental political meantime, the political landscape and its reforms and a greater transparency of ideological background had undergone public life. These demands dovetailed deep changes. Most importantly, parties with a revisionist vision of the transition, had emerged from the debris of the which was increasingly perceived as a plot Solidarity Electoral Action, among them of the dissidents and the communists the Civic Platform (PO) and the Law rather than a real people’s revolt against and Justice (PiS). Initially, they seemed the communist regime. Therefore, the

Page 92 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Leszek Koczanowicz slogan of building the Fourth Republic election, winning merely 11 per cent of was juxtaposed with ever more insistent the vote – less than the Self-Defence (12 calls for completing the transition by per cent) and much less that the two the removing the people linked to the old right-wing parties: the PiS (27 per cent) regime from power and reinforcing the and the PO (24 per cent). Two other left- anti-liberal and anti-leftist character wing parties made an unsuccessful run in of the transformation. The Fourth the same election. They were the Social Republic thus was to be a return to the Democracy of Poland and the Democratic original programme of Solidarity which Party, both evolving from the SLD after was distorted at the Round Table Talks. the Rywin affair, with the latter being a coalition of former SLD members uch was the atmosphere when what and old anticommunist dissidents, Scame to be called the Rywin affair burst which was a much belated fulfilment out in 2002. Lew Rywin, a well-known of a “historical compromise” between film producer with strong connections the postcommunist left and the former in political circles, approached Adam dissidents united by their common Michnik, a famous former dissident aversion towards right-wing nationalism. and then editor-in-chief of Poland’s largest daily, Gazeta Wyborcza, to offer he following years were not a good a deal. He said that he acted on behalf Ttime for the Left either politically or of a “group in power” which was ready, in terms of the ideological struggle. After in exchange for an enormous bribe, the elections in 2005, Lech Kaczyński to manipulate the legislation so as to became the President of Poland and his enable the Gazeta Wyborcza to acquire twin brother Jarosław Kaczyński took the TV station Polsat (Zarycki 2009). the helm of a coalition government of In consequence, a special parliamentary the PiS, the Self-Defence and the extreme commission was established to investigate right-wing League of Polish Families. the case. The commission (and a parallel However, the snap election in 2007 court investigation) never determined changed the political situation again as conclusively whether Rywin was alone in the PO won decisively and formed the his offer or whether he really represented government with the PSL. The Self- a powerful group connected to the Defence and the League of Polish Families government, but the public examination remained outside Parliament. The Left revealed that there actually was a network took part in the election as a coalition of cronies which held power in Poland. of the SLD, the Social Democracy of Poland and the Democratic Party, under he compromised SLD suffered the label of the Left and Democrats Ta landslide defeat in the 2005 Page 93 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) The Landscape After a Disaster and Even Two: On the Genealogy of the Polish Left

(LiD). This marked another attempt at support of the shrinking electorate loyal creating a political body which would to it only because of its attitude to the unify the former dissidents and the post- communist past. The party did very communists. The coalition’s programme little to adapt its agenda to the changing combined social demands to improve circumstances and simply looked back people’s living standards and working to the past glory, hoping for its return. conditions with vaguely defined liberal demands of plurality and openness in he election of 2011 had a new political the public sphere. Again, the haphazard Tcontestant in the Palikot Movement and slapdash agenda blew up in the (Ruch Palikota), an organisation Left’s face. The liberal attitude was a founded by an eccentric philosopher signature feature of the PO while even turned millionaire who was an MP of bolder social reforms were proposed by the Civic Platform (PO) at the time. The the PiS. Therefore, it did not come as a programme of the Movement was rather surprise that the coalition got only 13 per vague. While it took a firm position on cent of the vote and was soon dissolved. certain issues, for example embracing a staunch anti-Catholic Church attitude ith that election, the eight years and supporting the LGBT minorities, Wof PO dominance on the Polish its economic agenda was a blend of political scene commenced. The party liberalism (even libertarianism) and had governed under the leadership of social democracy. Among the 40 MPs Donald Tusk, focusing on ‘hot water in the Palikot Movement introduced to the tap’, as a popular catchphrase had it, Parliament were Anna Grodzka, probably which meant that efficient administration the first transgender MP in Europe, and rather than ideological discussion was Robert Biedroń, Poland’s first openly gay the top priority. Although for eight man to be elected to Parliament, which years this strategy was quite effective, significantly influenced the perception it probably helped the PiS gradually to of LGBT people in Poland. The Palikot win the ideological hegemony under the Movement (re-named as Your Movement slogans of national pride and the recovery in 2013) was a colorful organisation, and of social solidarity (Koczanowicz 2016). its founder tended to promote his ideas in non-standard ways, e.g. in quasi-artistic he Left was rather passive in this performances. However, as it never had a Ttussle between modernisers and clear positive programme, it soon started conservatives. The SLD was mainly to be plagued by internal tensions and preoccupied with its intra-party splits, which gradually debilitated the problems, especially with conflicts organisation. Eventually, the remnants of within the leadership, and enjoyed the

Page 94 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Leszek Koczanowicz the Your Movement joined the Unified owever, this progress towards Left coalition and disappeared from the Hrecovery was somehow derailed political stage after its electoral defeat. by the general political situation in Poland. Having seized power, the PiS 2018: After the fall. Three possible launched a series of radical changes in scenarios of recovery political institutions, clearly devised to establish an authoritarian (or at least fter the downfall of 2015, it became illiberal) right-wing regime. Moreover, clear that in order to survive the A the PiS also methodically started to Left had to rethink its strategy. The

A demonstration by the party Together (Razem) with the visible party slogan “Another Politics is Possible” (Inna polityka jest możliwa) in front of the Chancellery of the Prime Minister © Lukasz2 (CC0 1.0)

consolidate the right-wing values years when the SLD enjoyed hegemony through changing school curricula, without giving a serious thought to its influencing artists to produce ‘patriotic’ programme were evidently a thing of works of art, and similar strategies. the past. The Together Party started to The idea of renewing the national develop an agenda combining economic community, which had supposedly demands with progressive cultural ideas. degenerated under Communism and The Left also acquired a new asset, the post-communist alliance of the Left namely, urban activism movements and the liberals, was coupled with the which were evolving from strictly local idea of economic solidarity. Accordingly, initiatives into a significant, albeit the PiS also implemented a package of dispersed, political force on the left. social programmes aimed at reducing

Page 95 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) The Landscape After a Disaster and Even Two: On the Genealogy of the Polish Left poverty in Poland. It also reversed the nother solution is to develop an widely criticised pension reform which Aoriginal programme of profound had raised retirement age from 60 for economic and cultural reforms and to take women and 65 for men to 67 for both the risk of being relatively easily defeated sexes. The common popularity of these by the PiS, but at the same time to have policies has confronted the Left and prospects of entering a possible coalition the whole of the opposition with the government as an equal partner. This dilemma of how to fight the PiS without perspective is endorsed by a faction of destroying the reforms it introduced. Together, especially those who feel drawn to Varoufakis’ Diem 25, and by a new n rough lines, there are three possible movement founded by Robert Biedroń. Isolutions to this puzzle, and each of After losing his seat in Parliament, them has some supporters on the left. The Biedroń was elected mayor of the mid- first solution is informed by the notion sized town Słupsk. During his tenure that democracy itself is at stake, and all Słupsk became the model for many social political forces have to work together and cultural enterprises, Biedroń himself to stop the PiS. From this perspective, garnering considerable popularity across the profound differences between the Poland. In 2018, he decided to found Left and the liberals, concerning the a political movement with a view to economy and some cultural ssues (e.g., participating in the European and abortion and same-sex marriages), are parliamentary elections in 2019. The secondary in the face of the threat the PiS movement’s programme is still work in poses to the democratic system. Another progress, but rumour has it that it features variant of this solution is to form a bloc some classic welfare-state ideas, bold of all left-wing organisations, regardless proposals concerning the state-church of differences between them, and to relationship, and liberalisation of the cooperate with an analogous liberal law on abortion and same-sex marriages. bloc in creating a new government. This solution seems now to be most popular he third solution was not conceived on the left side of the political spectrum. Tby any of the political forces on the It is accepted by both the SLD and Left, but it was outlined in a paper by the majority of Together, which until the left-wing journalist Rafał Woś. Woś recently repudiated any dealings with proposed that the Left should join the the SLD. Either variant assumes a rather PiS, endorsing its pro-social reforms, cautious economic agenda and a more and then work from inside to ‘civilise’ the decisive standpoint on cultural issues. party on issues of democracy. The paper caused indignation on the Left, and

Page 96 Hard Times 103 (1/2019) Leszek Koczanowicz the journalist was fired from the liberal weekly Polityka, but his idea can prove tempting to some left-wing groupings.

t is too early now either to determine Iwhich of these solutions (if any) the Left will adopt or to estimate its chances in the elections of 2019. For now, the Left seems to be rather dispersed politically and ideologically while its ventures are confused and inefficacious. This may reflect a general crisis of the Left in the world, but this is another story.

Works cited

Grabowska, M., Podział postkomunistyczny. Społeczne podstawy polityki w Polsce po 1989 [Postcommunist divide. Social foundations of politics in Poland after 1989], Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar 2004

Ost, D.,The Defeat of Solidarity. Anger and Politics in Postcommunist Europe, Cornell University Press 2005

Koczanowicz, L., The Polish Case. Community and Democracy under the PiS, New Left Review 102, November- December 2016 pp. 77-96

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