Studying National Culture by Means of Quantitative Methods Ake Daun Daun, Ake 1989: Studying National Culture by Means of Quantitative Methods. - Ethnologia Europaea XIX: 25-32 . The use of qualitative method, e.g. field observation in na tural settings and informal in-depth interviews, has long been considered a hallmark of Ew·opean ethno logy - ju st as participant. observation has been named the primary method of social anthropology. This paper argues, however , that quantitative methods, including representative samples of whole populations and structured interview instruments, may be necessary for studies of national culture. This thesis is elaborated using cross-cultural data which have been gathered and analyzed in efforts to describe the national culture of Sweden. Prof ., fil. dr Ake Daun , Institute of Ethnology at the Nordic Museum and Stock­ holm University, Lusthusporten 10, S-11521 Stockholm. In the beginning of the 80s I embarked on a impressions of their visits to Sweden, by point­ study of Swedish mentality or culture and per­ ing out phenomena that were extraordinary in sonality - or national character, to use a pre­ their eyes and worth being noted. These kinds scientific term. In this paper I will describe how of qualitative data were also incorporated into it began, what methods were first used, and the picture that I tried to construct. how I gradually came to realize that studying Some of my colleagues in the field of human national culture also demands quantitative studies also became interested in the theme of methods - even for an ethnologist. At least Swedish national culture about the same time there seem to be difficulties associated with that I did: Jens Allwood, a linguist, wrote a national character research which require paper on Swedish communication patterns quantification. (1981), Ulf Hannerz, a social anthropologist, Having my educational background in eth­ wrote a paper on "Swedish culture" within a nology and social anthropology, I started in the broader project on complex societies (1983), traditional way: by collecting qualitative data. and Per Lundberg at Lund University, a young Interviews were carried out on foreign immi­ scholar in educational psychology, was a Swed­ grants in Sweden, in order to get their assist­ ish pioneer in studying cross-cultural commu­ ance in discovering peculiarities about Swedish nication. Others could be mentioned as well . culture and to overcome my own cultural Their excellent contribution to the general blindness. In what way do Swedish ways of knowledge on Swedish mentality were also thinking and behaving deviate from what is added to my own collection of ideas, hypothesis considered normal and natural in Yugoslavia, and data. Greece, Latin-America or Finland? A book entitled Swedes as others see them Interviews were also conducted on scholars (1981) written by an English author, Jean from other countries who had done research in Phillips-Martinsson, was the text that inspired Sweden . I studied reports written by foreigners me more than anything else. Ms. Phillips-Mar­ in Sweden within areas like housing sociology tinsson is a free-lance consultant in cross-cul­ and urban planning . A considerable number of tural communication within business and lives journalists and novelists have also given their and works in Sweden. Her book is a manual 25 written for Swedish businessmen who work Instead, the term "modal personality" which abroad . Her intention is to make them aware was introduced by the American anthropolo­ of their own culture and how certain cultural gist Cora DuBois is a more appropriate con­ elements may hinder their efforts to make cept. "Modal" or "most common" does not ne­ fruitful contacts and to sell Swedish products. cessarily mean that something includes the The book also contains some advice for foreign majority of a population, only that it is the readers about what they should consider for most frequent type. communicating with Swedes. The book by Ms. In order to measure frequencies one needs Phillips-Martinsson is qualitative in its ap­ systematic quantification. One must have rep­ proach, although its presentations of"Swedish­ resentative samples of populations and one ness" are based on unsystematic quantitative needs to use statistical procedures. Anthony data, i.e., a considerable number of interviews Wallace, using Rorschach tests in his study of with foreign bankers and businessmen. two Indian tribes (1952), was able to document I worked with "open eyes" like many other that 37 per cent of the Tuscarora Indians corre­ ethnologists: my preliminary hypothesis sponded to what he had defined as the modal guided me while I watched Swedish TV pro­ personality, whereas 5 per cent of the Ojibwa grams, when I read Swedish newspapers and Indians corresponded to the modal personality made observations in public places, stores and type of the Tuscarora. However, 28 per cent of on subway stations. A general theory that un­ the Ojibwas constituted the modal class in derlined this data collection was the one origi­ their own society. nally presented by Ruth Benedict- the config­ However, the small samples used in Wal­ uration of culture, the suggestion that there is lace's study and in culture and personality re­ a basic structure in every culture and that - search by several other authors were criticized principally - everything could be linked to that as well as the not so rigorous nature of Ror­ structure. This perspective also means that a schach testing. Psychologists such as Alex In­ cultural theme in a nation should appear in keles and Daniel Levinson are often cited with many diverse situations and different spheres: reference to their general demand for larger in modes of behavior, in folklore, in laws, in representative samples and more rigorous pro­ artistic styles, etc. As long as the actors are cedures in studying national character (ln­ Swedes, their particular Swedish ways of doing keles & Levinson 1954, 1969) . things should express the "configuration" of 2) One weakness of qualitative studies is Swedish culture. If, for example, avoidance of that they do not produce any knowledge about face-to-face conflicts is a part of Swedish cul­ the relative distribution of various phenomena, ture, this personality trait should appear in and another is the risk of subjective bias in the such diverse areas like public debates, places of interpretation of data. There is always a sub­ work, schools, day care centers, etc. jective factor in research on humans, but this factor can be minimized by using data-collec­ tion methods which will not allow the re­ Problems of studying national searcher himself to influence the empirical out­ culture come. 1) One problem in studying national culture in In all studies of one's own contemporary na­ a country like contemporary Sweden is the tional culture introspection will to some extent complexity of the society. What is Swedish in a function as a guide and a research instrument, country which is inhabited by so many differ­ both in looking for and dealing with data. In­ ent categories, a country which contains differ­ trospection may certainly be fruitful - not only ent social strata and numerous sub-cultures unavoidable - in national character studies, and sub-groups? Also, as a matter of fact, even but without a complement of quantitative in small scale societies it has been found that methods the scholar may be tempted to - un­ the concept of "basic personality structure" is consciously - construct a very personal picture. not adequate: there is simply no such thing! He may use data selectively to make them fit 26 his favorite theories. He may be seduced by his vidual questions in the CPMS inventory had own ideas. never before been published, mainly because 3) A third weakness of qualitative studies is the research interest among psychologists and that there are phenomena that can hardly be psychiatrists only concerns the variables. For discovered by traditional anthropological an ethnologist, however, the separate ques­ methods. How do you observe "guilt feelings"? tions are useful instruments in getting close to If you conduct interviews, what questions social reality. The following question could be should be asked to get data that is both valid mentioned as an example: "Are you very anx­ and reliable? ious to keep in touch with your friends even if To answer the question about guilt feelings: they have, for example, moved to another one may find areas of cultural "externaliza­ town?" This question immediately brings you tion" which could be theoretically associated to the theme of friendship in Finland compared with feelings of guilt, for example the firm re­ with Sweden. strictiveness of Sweden to alcohol politics. It appeared to be much more common among However, this theory will remain loose and Finns (78%) to be "very anxious to keep in speculative as long as it is not supported by touch with friends" compared with Swedes any psychological data. (56%). Although the reliability of both qual­ itative and quantitative data collections have their limitations, the quantitative results of Some examples of using quantitative these two CPMS studies are consistent with - data in studying national culture and thereby supported by - other data on CMPS personality inventory Finns and Swedes. According to Allardt (1975: CMPS is a personality inventory which was 198, see also Jaakkola & Karisto 1976), Finns constructed by two Swedish psychologists (Ce­ have significantly fewer friends than Swedes, sarec & Marke 1964). It has been used in nu­ which should motivate more Finns than merous psychological and psychiatric studies Swedes to keep in touch with those friends that in Sweden. CMPS contains 165 questions they have, "even if they have for example which the respondent is asked to answer with moved to another town". In Allard's study 27 either yes or no. Eleven variables (personality per cent of the Finnish respondents said that traits) are measured by means of 15 questions they did not "have good contact possibilities", each.