Studying National Culture by Means of Quantitative Methods Ake Daun

Daun, Ake 1989: Studying National Culture by Means of Quantitative Methods. - Ethnologia Europaea XIX: 25-32 .

The use of qualitative method, e.g. field observation in na tural settings and informal in-depth interviews, has long been considered a hallmark of Ew·opean ethno logy - ju st as participant. observation has been named the primary method of social anthropology. This paper argues, however , that quantitative methods, including representative samples of whole populations and structured interview instruments, may be necessary for studies of national culture. This thesis is elaborated using cross-cultural data which have been gathered and analyzed in efforts to describe the national culture of Sweden.

Prof ., fil. dr Ake Daun , Institute of Ethnology at the Nordic Museum and Stock­ holm University, Lusthusporten 10, S-11521 Stockholm.

In the beginning of the 80s I embarked on a impressions of their visits to Sweden, by point­ study of Swedish mentality or culture and per­ ing out phenomena that were extraordinary in sonality - or national character, to use a pre­ their eyes and worth being noted. These kinds scientific term. In this paper I will describe how of qualitative data were also incorporated into it began, what methods were first used, and the picture that I tried to construct. how I gradually came to realize that studying Some of my colleagues in the field of human national culture also demands quantitative studies also became interested in the theme of methods - even for an ethnologist. At least Swedish national culture about the same time there seem to be difficulties associated with that I did: Jens Allwood, a linguist, wrote a national character research which require paper on Swedish communication patterns quantification. (1981), Ulf Hannerz, a social anthropologist, Having my educational background in eth­ wrote a paper on "Swedish culture" within a nology and social anthropology, I started in the broader project on complex societies (1983), traditional way: by collecting qualitative data. and Per Lundberg at Lund University, a young Interviews were carried out on foreign immi­ scholar in educational psychology, was a Swed­ grants in Sweden, in order to get their assist­ ish pioneer in studying cross-cultural commu­ ance in discovering peculiarities about Swedish nication. Others could be mentioned as well . culture and to overcome my own cultural Their excellent contribution to the general blindness. In what way do Swedish ways of knowledge on Swedish mentality were also thinking and behaving deviate from what is added to my own collection of ideas, hypothesis considered normal and natural in Yugoslavia, and data. Greece, Latin-America or Finland? A book entitled Swedes as others see them Interviews were also conducted on scholars (1981) written by an English author, Jean from other countries who had done research in Phillips-Martinsson, was the text that inspired Sweden . I studied reports written by foreigners me more than anything else. Ms. Phillips-Mar­ in Sweden within areas like housing sociology tinsson is a free-lance consultant in cross-cul­ and urban planning . A considerable number of tural communication within business and lives journalists and novelists have also given their and works in Sweden. Her book is a manual

25 written for Swedish businessmen who work Instead, the term "modal personality" which abroad . Her intention is to make them aware was introduced by the American anthropolo­ of their own culture and how certain cultural gist Cora DuBois is a more appropriate con­ elements may hinder their efforts to make cept. "Modal" or "most common" does not ne­ fruitful contacts and to sell Swedish products. cessarily mean that something includes the The book also contains some advice for foreign majority of a population, only that it is the readers about what they should consider for most frequent type. communicating with Swedes. The book by Ms. In order to measure frequencies one needs Phillips-Martinsson is qualitative in its ap­ systematic quantification. One must have rep­ proach, although its presentations of"Swedish­ resentative samples of populations and one ness" are based on unsystematic quantitative needs to use statistical procedures. Anthony data, i.e., a considerable number of interviews Wallace, using Rorschach tests in his study of with foreign bankers and businessmen. two Indian tribes (1952), was able to document I worked with "open eyes" like many other that 37 per cent of the Tuscarora Indians corre­ ethnologists: my preliminary hypothesis sponded to what he had defined as the modal guided me while I watched Swedish TV pro­ personality, whereas 5 per cent of the Ojibwa grams, when I read Swedish newspapers and Indians corresponded to the modal personality made observations in public places, stores and type of the Tuscarora. However, 28 per cent of on subway stations. A general theory that un­ the Ojibwas constituted the modal class in derlined this data collection was the one origi­ their own society. nally presented by Ruth Benedict- the config­ However, the small samples used in Wal­ uration of culture, the suggestion that there is lace's study and in culture and personality re­ a basic structure in every culture and that - search by several other authors were criticized principally - everything could be linked to that as well as the not so rigorous nature of Ror­ structure. This perspective also means that a schach testing. Psychologists such as Alex In­ cultural theme in a nation should appear in keles and Daniel Levinson are often cited with many diverse situations and different spheres: reference to their general demand for larger in modes of behavior, in folklore, in laws, in representative samples and more rigorous pro­ artistic styles, etc. As long as the actors are cedures in studying national character (ln­ Swedes, their particular Swedish ways of doing keles & Levinson 1954, 1969) . things should express the "configuration" of 2) One weakness of qualitative studies is Swedish culture. If, for example, avoidance of that they do not produce any knowledge about face-to-face conflicts is a part of Swedish cul­ the relative distribution of various phenomena, ture, this personality trait should appear in and another is the risk of subjective bias in the such diverse areas like public debates, places of interpretation of data. There is always a sub­ work, schools, day care centers, etc. jective factor in research on humans, but this factor can be minimized by using data-collec­ tion methods which will not allow the re­ Problems of studying national searcher himself to influence the empirical out­ culture come. 1) One problem in studying national culture in In all studies of one's own contemporary na­ a country like contemporary Sweden is the tional culture introspection will to some extent complexity of the society. What is Swedish in a function as a guide and a research instrument, country which is inhabited by so many differ­ both in looking for and dealing with data. In­ ent categories, a country which contains differ­ trospection may certainly be fruitful - not only ent social strata and numerous sub-cultures unavoidable - in national character studies, and sub-groups? Also, as a matter of fact, even but without a complement of quantitative in small scale societies it has been found that methods the scholar may be tempted to - un­ the concept of "basic personality structure" is consciously - construct a very personal picture. not adequate: there is simply no such thing! He may use data selectively to make them fit

26 his favorite theories. He may be seduced by his vidual questions in the CPMS inventory had own ideas. never before been published, mainly because 3) A third weakness of qualitative studies is the research interest among psychologists and that there are phenomena that can hardly be psychiatrists only concerns the variables. For discovered by traditional anthropological an ethnologist, however, the separate ques­ methods. How do you observe "guilt feelings"? tions are useful instruments in getting close to If you conduct interviews, what questions social reality. The following question could be should be asked to get data that is both valid mentioned as an example: "Are you very anx­ and reliable? ious to keep in touch with your friends even if To answer the question about guilt feelings: they have, for example, moved to another one may find areas of cultural "externaliza­ town?" This question immediately brings you tion" which could be theoretically associated to the theme of friendship in Finland compared with feelings of guilt, for example the firm re­ with Sweden. strictiveness of Sweden to alcohol politics. It appeared to be much more common among However, this theory will remain loose and Finns (78%) to be "very anxious to keep in speculative as long as it is not supported by touch with friends" compared with Swedes any psychological data. (56%). Although the reliability of both qual­ itative and quantitative data collections have their limitations, the quantitative results of Some examples of using quantitative these two CPMS studies are consistent with - data in studying national culture and thereby supported by - other data on CMPS personality inventory Finns and Swedes. According to Allardt (1975: CMPS is a personality inventory which was 198, see also Jaakkola & Karisto 1976), Finns constructed by two Swedish psychologists (Ce­ have significantly fewer friends than Swedes, sarec & Marke 1964). It has been used in nu­ which should motivate more Finns than merous psychological and psychiatric studies Swedes to keep in touch with those friends that in Sweden. CMPS contains 165 questions they have, "even if they have for example which the respondent is asked to answer with moved to another town". In Allard's study 27 either yes or no. Eleven variables (personality per cent of the Finnish respondents said that traits) are measured by means of 15 questions they did not "have good contact possibilities", each. The variables are all derived from Mur­ whereas only 8 per cent of the Swedes gave the ray's theory of psychogenetic needs (1938): same answer (Allard, p. 107). achievement, affiliation, aggression, defence of This single CPMS question, together with status, guilt feelings, dominance, exhibition, fourteen others, contributes to the description autonomy, nurturance, order, succorance. of "affiliation" among Swedes (as they ap­ In a recent study of Finnish and Swedish peared in the Stockholm county in the year personality (Daun, Mattlar & Alanen 1988), 1970; in 1988 a comparative study is being two collections of CMPS data were compared. conducted among ethnology students at the The Finnish study (with about 400 respon­ University of Stockholm). dents) was done in 1984-1986 in the Turku Another aspect of affiliation needs is given area and the Swedish study (with almost 1000 _ by the following question: "Can you endure respondents) was done in 1970 in the county of being separated from your friends for quite a Stockholm; in both cases, the study was based long time?" 70 per cent of the Swedes answered on a statistically representative sample of the yes, whereas only 41 per cent of the Finns population. The Finnish sample contained only answered affirmatively. The difference in the Finnish speaking subjects (no one belonged to answers reflects the fact that close friendship the Swedish-Finnish minority). The Swedish means more (i.e. for more people) in Finland sample contained only subjects born in Swe­ than in Sweden. Many more Finns than den. Swedes answered yes to the following question: Interestingly enough, answers to the indi- "Are you always anxious to get in close and

27 h personal contact with other people?" (50% constructed in Sweden? Every single CMPS Finns and 29% Swedes) . could probably be a theme for an extensive Considering these questions it should be ob­ cultural analysis. vious that the single questions offer a more Differences within a national culture could close, concrete and vivid picture of the person­ also be described by means of CMPS. As a ality structure of a population, i.e. compared matter of fact, there is a rather striking var­ with, for example, some index score of a per­ iation in the CMPS scales with reference to sonality trait (e.g. Hofstedes (1980) study of sex, age and social class (Nystrom 1982). Dif­ masculinity in 40 countries). ferences between a number of different sub­ Referring to the earlier mentioned concept of categories (theatre students, art students, psy­ modal personality, the use of a personality in­ chology students, drug addicts , and others) are ventory, like the CPMS , presents data on the shown in the CMPS manual (Cesarec & Marke relative frequency of a particular trait . The fig­ 1964). ures just given above demonstrate the rela­ "Guilt feelings", which was mentioned ear­ tivity of "national character traits"; we never lier as a psychological state which cannot be found 100 per cent- nor 0 per cent- of the two "observed ", can be documented by 15 CMPS Nordic populations answering yes to any of the questions. It was shown in our Finnish com­ 165 questions. Closest to zero (8% of the Finns, parison that guilt feelings are considerably 6% of the Swedes) were answers to the follow­ more common among Finns than among ing question: "Does it amuse you to ridicule Swedes. Forty-one per cent of the Finns an­ your antagonists?" swered yes to the following question: "Do you Apparently Swedes and Finns are closely re­ have recurrent feelings of bad conscience with­ lated in their attitude towards this variant of out knowing exactly the reason why", while conflict action, as well as in their use of hu­ only 26 per cent of the Swedes did so. mour as a weapon. The culture confinement of Referring to the three problems of studying this attitude clearly emerges in comparing a national culture mentioned in the section sample of Italian students (age 19-25) at the above, we may conclude that: University of Verona (Daun & Tansella-Zim­ mermann) with similar young people in Swe­ the use of personality inventory in studying den: 50 per cent of the Italian respondents an­ national culture enables us to describe fre­ swered yes while only 11 per cent of the Swed­ quencies of the relative distribution of per­ ish CMPS study subsample (age 18-25) sonality traits. It also opens up the possibil­ answered yes . ity of describing various sub-categories The variation in the per centage of positive within a national culture. The two CMPS answers to questions referring to the same per­ samples presented here should meet the de­ sonality variable (in most cases one gets 15 mands of representativeness and rigorous different per cent figures referring to the same procedures which were put forward by In­ CMPS variable), indicates something impor­ keles and Levinson. tant. Personality is a phenomenon which "acts" a personality inventory is an instrument differently in relation to the particular situa­ which does not allow the researcher's own tion. Furthermore, these situations cannot suc­ values or ideology to influence data gather­ cessfully be reduced to - or classified as - a ing. limited number of universal social situations. - the use of a personality inventory like CMPS The situations themselves are to a great extent is a method for empirically documenting filled with cultural content. Let us go back to mental states that cannot be discovered by two CMPS questions just mentioned: To be left conventional anthropological procedures. alone for a while, what joy does it give to Swedes? What poetic meaning is given to sol­ itude in Swedish minds? Also: what is funny in Sweden? How is a joking relationship typically

28 Communication Apprehension test (PRCA 20 quently try to overcome this communication andPRCA 24) barrier in one way or another. In Sweden there James McCroskey, professor of communication is no such norm, at least only with the excep­ studies at the University of West Virginia, tion of specific situations and perhaps parti­ USA, is one of the leading scholars in the field cularly in certain professions (e.g. among sales­ of communication apprehension, speech anx­ men and at conferences). Swedes are "gener­ iety, shyness and related phenomena . ous" towards shyness and even seem to In our efforts to get knowledge about "shy­ associate it with positive personality qualities: ness", a state which has been mentioned as being sensitive, reflective, modest. Conse­ typical for Swedes, we contacted Dr McCros­ quently, shy Swedes are generally permitted to key and collaborated on the nature of commu­ expose their communication apprehension, nication apprehension in Sweden and in the whereas Americans are not, or at least to a less USA. extent. McCroskey's questionnaires have been used The fact that Swedes are less extraverted in many parts of North America and also in than Americans also seems to explain their many other countries to uncover these traits. lower degree of willingness to communicate. Shyness has been one of the most important Fewer Americans are "looking inside" them­ areas of research in the USA for quite some selves compared with Swedes (shown by Lynn time while academic interest in Sweden on & Hampson 1975). shyness has been strikingly small, almost non­ We learn from this result that similarity in existent. communication apprehension between two na­ A Swedish version of McCroskey's PRCA 24 tional groups like Swedes and Americans questionnaire was distributed in 1986 and a would not be possible to discover by just look­ total of 239 students completed the instru­ ing at cultural behavior . On the contrary, ment. In 1985, three hundred and twenty-five overt behavior seems to indicate a significant ethnology students completed the PRCA 20 in­ difference between Americans and Swedes: strument which contains 20 questions about Americans seem to be much less shy. Only by situations which can give rise to communica­ using a survey technique the discrepancy be­ tion apprehension. The later survey in 1986 tween attitude and action can be discerned. was further widened. Together with the PRCA This example illustrates the problem found in 24 questionnaire three additional question­ point 3 above . naires were distributed: "Willingness to Com­ municate", "Self-Perceived Communication Competence" and "Introversion" (Daun, Bur­ The Youth of the World and Japan roughs & McCroskey 1988). In 1977-78 the Japanese government spon­ The main finding of the comparison between sored a comparative international survey of Americans and Swedes was that there is al­ youth in 11 countries which involved 2 000 in­ most no difference in communication appre­ terviews conducted in each country and were hension between the two nationalities. How­ representative of individuals between 18 and ever, there were significant differences in wil­ 24 years of age. lingness to communicate and in introversion: The answers to one of the questions from the Swedes were less willing to communicate Sweden and the USA will be presented here as and were more introverted than the Amer­ an illustration of how quantitative interview icans. data can document value differences between These facts seemed to explain the difference the two countries . These differences could only in actual behavior between the two groups. In be indicated by qualitative methods in a vague America there is a cultural norm stressing the and secondary empirical form (Rehn & Peter­ importance of verbal communication: one sen 1980) . should communicate with other people, includ­ ing strangers. Individuals who are shy conse-

29 A considerable number of questions were Question: "Do you think that your country has placed under the following headings: leisure, something to be proud of or not? (Choose as work, meaning and purpose of life, family and many as you like on the card)" Percentage and contemporary social issues. score. I will present the answers to one of the ques­ tions as an illustration. The question is: "How Sweden USA proud are you to be ____ (Nationality)? Six countries are presented below for compari­ History and cultural inheritance 15% (8) 68% (1) sons. Sports 44 (3) 56 (2) Swedes showed less national pride than all the Levels of education 41 (2) 61 (1) (twelve) others, except West Germany (and Social welfare 60 (1) 24 (5) Holland and Belgium) . Most pride was found in Science the Republic of Ireland. It should also be noted and technology 29 (5) 66 (1) that there was a considerable minority in Swe­ den for which the question of national pride The data show that the concept of "history and may be irrelevant. These respondents may not cultural inheritance" is relatively unimportant have given the issue any previous thought and for national pride among Swedish youth, may therefore find it difficult to offer any opin­ whereas "social welfare" has the greatest im­ ion whatsoever. portance for them. This distribution of cultural The question of the degree of national pride values can only be detected by quantitative in one's own country is probably a sensitive one survey methods , thereby exemplifying the loaded with subjective values. There are indi­ problem in point 1 above . vidual Swedes who would prefer national pride to be high, and there are others who hope that the "nationalistic element" among their fellow European Values System Study countrymen is a minor one, compared to the The European Values System Study is an in­ more desired "international strivings". In a ternational study of values in 13 European situation like this, it is particularly important countries which was conducted in the begin­ to use research methods which do not allow ning of the 80s. It is based on interviews with biases to influence the description. Conse­ representative population samples (18-64 quently, this example illustrates the import­ years of age) in each country (Harding & Phil­ ance of the-problem in point 3 above. lips 1986). The countries involved in the project are Denmark, Sweden, Finland, Norway, Great Britain, North Ireland, Republic of Ire­ Street names in Stockholm land, West Germany, Holland, Belgium, A study by Anders Lundin of the distribution France, Italy and Spain. More countries have of different names given to streets in Stock­ later been included in the study: USA, Japan, holm further illustrates the usefulness of Hungary and others. quantitative methods. This message may seem

West- Sweden Norway Eire France Italy Germany

Alternative answers Very proud 28 42 66 33 41 21 Quite proud 41 32 25 43 39 38 Not very proud 21 23 5 8 11 18 Not at all proud 4 2 1 9 6 11 Don't know 6 1 3 7 2 12

30 too simple in many fields outside ethnology I base this statement on a particular aca­ and anthropology, but given the emphasis of demic tradition which is also a part of a schol­ the qualitative approach in these subjects, it arly identity. At the same time, it is probably a would be necessary to make this point. matter of taste and perhaps also of a person­ The Lundin's study focuses on two periods, ality orientation among ethnologists and an­ from the 1880s to the 1890s and the 1970s. If thropologists. More importantly, it may be that one excludes all names which are based on knowledge about a particular culture and so­ something that exists or someone still alive at ciety which is built on qualitatively detailed the actual time (so-called spontanous names), material is a necessary prerequisite for an un­ the rest of the names can be classified into derstanding and an adequate interpretation three categories (so-called category names): (1) also of statistical series of data. Hard data in name associated with "history" (Scandinavian themselves sometimes tell the reader very lit­ mythology, battles, wars, kings and other per­ tle. sons closely related to Swedish history), (2) "persons" (e.g. famous Swedish authors), and (3) "nature and geographic regions" (e.g. plants and animals or counties in south Sweden). References The relative distribution of the three cate­ Allardt, Erik: Att Ha, Att Alska, Att Vara. Om val­ gories during these two periods strikingly illu­ fard i Norden. Lund: Argos . minates a shift in certain values (as is shown Allwood, Jens, 1981: Finns det svenska kommunika­ tionsmonster? In: Vad ar svensk kultur ? Papers in below). Further data from this study will be Anthropological Linguistics 9. University of Goth­ given elsewhere (Lundin 1989). enburg, pp. 6---50. An obvious change from the 1880s and Cesarec, Zvonimir & Sven Marke, 1964/1983: Mat­ 1890s to the 1970s is the much decreased popu­ ning av psykogena behov med frageformularstek­ larity in using history and people for giving nik. Manual till CMPS. Stockholm: Psykologi For­ laget AB. names to streets and the increased popularity Daun, Ake, Carl-Erik Mattlar & Erkki Alanen, of using nature and landscape as names. This 1988: Finsk och svensk personlighet. In: Ake finding refers to the problem in point 3 above. Daun & Billy Ehn (red.): Blandsverige . Carlssons Forlag. In English in Ethnologia Scandinavica Street names in Stockholm ("category names") dur­ 1989. ing two periods with reference to: Daun, Ake, Nancy F. Burroughs & James C. McCroskey, 1988: Correlates of Quietness : Swed­ 1880s N=76 1970s N=174 ish and American Perspectives. (Paper presented at the International Communication Association Conference, New Orleans, Louisiana, May 1988.) History 29,0 % (22) 1,5% (2) Daun, Ake & Christa Zimmermann-Tansella: Per­ Persons 39,5 (30) 2,5 (4) sonality and Culture in Italy and Sweden: a com­ Nature and parative study (Research report. Department of landscape 31,5 (24) 96,0 (167) Medical Psychology. University of Verona. Forth­ coming.) DuBois, Cora, (1944) 1961: The people of Alar. 2 vols. New York: Harper & Row. Hannerz, Ulf, 1983: Den svenska kulturen . (Projektet Quantitative versus qualitative methods Kulturteori for komplexa samhallen . Rapport nr 9, My purpose has been to briefly elaborate the Mars 1983 .) (Stencil.) usefulness of quantitative methods in studying Harding, Stephen & David Phillips, 1986: Contrast­ ing Values in Western Europe. Unity, Diversity and national culture. However, for ethnologists Change. London: Macmillan. and anthropologists, quantification has to be a Hofstede, Geert, 1980: Culture's Consequences . Be­ complement to qualitative methods, not an al­ verly Hills: SAGE Publications. ternative. Tables, figures and per centages Inkeles, Alex & Daniel Levinson, 1954: National character: the study of modal personality and so­ have to be used in addition to observations, ciocultural systems. In: Gardner Lindzey (ed.), The in-depth interviews, case studies, historical Handbook of Social Psychology, vol. 2. Reading, events, and other kinds of qualitative material. Mass.: Addison-Wesley).

31 - 1969: National character: the study of modal per­ Nystrom, Sune, 1982: Personality Variations in a sonality and sociocultural systems . In: Gardner Population: Psychological Needs. University of Lindzey & Elliot Aronson (eds.), The Handbook of Gothenburg. Sociomedical Unit. Department of Social Psychology, (2nd ed.), vol. 4. Reading, Environmental Hygiene. (Stencil.) Mass.: Addison-Wesley. Phillips-Martinsson, Jean, 1981: Swedes - as others Jaakkola, Magdalena and Antti Karisto, 1976: see them. Stockholm: Affiirsforlaget. Friendship networks in the Scandinavian Coun­ Rehn, Gosta & Helveg Petersen, 1980: Education tries. (Research Group for Comparative Sociology, and youth employment in Sweden and Denmark. A University of Helsinki. Research Reports No. 11, study prepared for the Carnegie Council on Policy 1976.) Studies in Higher Education. Lundin, Anders, 1989: Gatunamn i Stockholm. Wallace, Anthony, 1952: The modal personality (Seminarieuppsats. Institutet for folklivsforsk­ structure of the Tuscarora Indians as revealed by ning. Stockholms universitet. Forthcoming.) the Rorschach test. (Bureau of American Ethnol­ Lynn, R. & S. Hampson, 1975: National differences ogy Bulletin No. 150. Washington D.C.: Smith­ in extraversion and neuroticism. In: British Jour­ sonian Institution.) nal of Social and Clinical Psychology, 1975, 14, pp. Stahre, Nils-Gustaf m fl, 1983: Stockholms gatu­ 223-240. namn. Stockholm: Almquist & Wiksell. Murray, H. A., 1938: Explorations in Personality . New York: Oxford University Press .

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