“Objects on the Margins”: How Things Make Persons and Worlds in Nineteenth-Century United
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Good Muslim, Bad Muslim: a Political Perspective on Culture and Terrorism
MAHMOOD MAMDANI Good Muslim, Bad Muslim: A Political Perspective on Culture and Terrorism ABSTRACT The link between Islam and terrorism became a central media concern following September 11, resulting in new rounds of "culture talk. This talk has turned religious experience into a political category, differentiating 'good Muslims" from "bad Mus- lims, rather than terrorists from civilians. The implication is undisguised: Whether in Afghanistan, Palestine, or Pakistan, Islam must be quarantined and the devil must be exorcized from it by a civil war between good Muslims and bad Muslims. This article suggests that we lift the quarantine and turn the cultural theory of politics on its head. Beyond the simple but radical suggestion that if there are good Muslims and bad Muslims, there must also be good Westerners and bad Westerners, I question the very tendency to read Islamist poli- tics as an effect of Islamic civilization—whether good or bad—and Western power as an effect of Western civilization. Both those poli- tics and that power are born of an encounter, and neither can be understood outside of the history of that encounter. Cultural explanations of political outcomes tend to avoid history and issues. Thinking of individuals from "traditional" cultures in authentic and original terms, culture talk dehistoricizes the construction of political identities. This article places the terror of September 11 in a his- torical and political context. Rather than a residue of a premodern culture in modern politics, terrorism is best understood as a modern construction. Even when it harnesses one or another aspect of tradition and culture, the result is a modern ensemble at the service of a modern project. -
Anthropology of Race 1
Anthropology of Race 1 Knowing Race John Hartigan What do we know about race today? Is it surprising that, after a hun- dred years of debate and inquiry by anthropologists, not only does the answer remain uncertain but also the very question is so fraught? In part, this reflects the deep investments modern societies have made in the notion of race. We can hardly know it objectively when it constitutes a pervasive aspect of our identities and social landscapes, determining advantage and disadvantage in a thoroughgoing manner. Yet, know it we do. Perhaps mis- takenly, haphazardly, or too informally, but knowledge claims about race permeate everyday life in the United States. As well, what we understand or assume about race changes as our practices of knowledge production also change. Until recently, a consensus was held among social scientists—predi- cated, in part, upon findings by geneticists in the 1970s about the struc- ture of human genetic variability—that “race is socially constructed.” In the early 2000s, following the successful sequencing of the human genome, counter-claims challenging the social construction consensus were formu- lated by geneticists who sought to support the role of genes in explaining race.1 This volume arises out of the fracturing of that consensus and the attendant recognition that asserting a constructionist stance is no longer a tenable or sufficient response to the surge of knowledge claims about race. Anthropology of Race confronts the problem of knowing race and the challenge of formulating an effective rejoinder both to new arguments and sarpress.sarweb.org COPYRIGHTED MATERIAL 3 John Hartigan data about race and to the intense desire to know something substantive about why and how it matters. -
Claude Simon: the Artist As Orion
Claude Simon: The Artist as Orion 1blind Orion hungry for the morn1 S.W. Sykes Thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Glasgow 1973 ProQuest Number: 11017972 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 11017972 Published by ProQuest LLC(2018). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My thanks are due to Dr Stanley Jones, of the French Department in the University of Glasgow, for the interest shown and advice given during the supervision of this thesis; to the Staff of Glasgow University Library; and to / A M. Jerome Lindon, who allowed me to study material kept in the offices of Editions de Minuit. TABLE OF CONTENTS SUMMARY INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I Prolegomena to Le Vent Early Writings 19^5-5^ CHAPTER II Chaos and the Semblance of Order Le Vent 1957 CHAPTER III The Presence of the Past: L 'Herbe 1958 CHAPTER IV The Assassination of Time: La Route des Flandres i960 CHAPTER V A Dream of Revolution:. Le Palace 1962 CHAPTER VI •A pattern of timeless moments': Histoire 1967 -
White by Law---Haney Lopez (Abridged Version)
White by Law The Legal Construction of Race Revised and Updated 10th Anniversary Edition Ian Haney Lόpez NEW YORK UNIVERSITY PRESS New York and London (2006) 1│White Lines In its first words on the subject of citizenship, Congress in 1790 restricted naturalization to “white persons.” Though the requirements for naturalization changed frequently thereafter, this racial prerequisite to citizenship endured for over a century and a half, remaining in force until 1952. From the earliest years of this country until just a generation ago, being a “white person” was a condition for acquiring citizenship. Whether one was “white” however, was often no easy question. As immigration reached record highs at the turn of this century, countless people found themselves arguing their racial identity in order to naturalize. From 1907, when the federal government began collecting data on naturalization, until 1920, over one million people gained citizenship under the racially restrictive naturalization laws. Many more sought to naturalize and were rejected. Naturalization rarely involved formal court proceedings and therefore usually generated few if any written records beyond the simple decision. However, a number of cases construing the “white person” prerequisite reached the highest state and federal judicial circles, and two were argued before the U.S. Supreme Court in the early 1920s. These cases produced illuminating published decisions that document the efforts of would-be citizens from around the world to establish their Whiteness at law. Applicants from Hawaii, China, Japan, Burma, and the Philippines, as well as all mixed- race applicants, failed in their arguments. Conversely, courts ruled that applicants from Mexico and Armenia were “white,” but vacillated over the Whiteness of petitioners from Syria, India, and Arabia. -
And the Hamitic Hypothesis
religions Article Ancient Egyptians in Black and White: ‘Exodus: Gods and Kings’ and the Hamitic Hypothesis Justin Michael Reed Department of Biblical Studies, Louisville Presbyterian Theological Seminary, Louisville, KY 40205, USA; [email protected] Abstract: In this essay, I consider how the racial politics of Ridley Scott’s whitewashing of ancient Egypt in Exodus: Gods and Kings intersects with the Hamitic Hypothesis, a racial theory that asserts Black people’s inherent inferiority to other races and that civilization is the unique possession of the White race. First, I outline the historical development of the Hamitic Hypothesis. Then, I highlight instances in which some of the most respected White intellectuals from the late-seventeenth through the mid-twentieth century deploy the hypothesis in assertions that the ancient Egyptians were a race of dark-skinned Caucasians. By focusing on this detail, I demonstrate that prominent White scholars’ arguments in favor of their racial kinship with ancient Egyptians were frequently burdened with the insecure admission that these ancient Egyptian Caucasians sometimes resembled Negroes in certain respects—most frequently noted being skin color. In the concluding section of this essay, I use Scott’s film to point out that the success of the Hamitic Hypothesis in its racial discourse has transformed a racial perception of the ancient Egyptian from a dark-skinned Caucasian into a White person with appearance akin to Northern European White people. Keywords: Ham; Hamite; Egyptian; Caucasian; race; Genesis 9; Ridley Scott; Charles Copher; Samuel George Morton; James Henry Breasted Citation: Reed, Justin Michael. 2021. Ancient Egyptians in Black and White: ‘Exodus: Gods and Kings’ and Religions the Hamitic Hypothesis. -
AC Vol 42 No 25
www.africa-confidential.com 21 December 2001 Vol 42 No 25 AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL RWANDA 2 RWANDA Donor diplomacy Finance Minister Donald Kaberuka Everything is risky wins high marks from donors for President Kagame prepares for national elections while his exiled his anti-poverty plan but there is military opponents regroup in Congo-Kinshasa still much carping about the Kigali government’s forays into Congo. ‘In our situation everything we do is risky...’ General Paul Kagame told Africa Confidential on 9 December in Kigali as he explained plans to open up the country’s politics ahead of national multi-party elections due in 2003. ‘We inherited a very complex situation, we cannot hope for soft solutions.’ GHANA 3 Kagame’s hard solution is to pack dozens of political and social reforms into two hectic years. His proclaimed reforms point to a national unity approach of the kind adopted by South Africa’s African No shine on gold National Congress and outgoing National Party in 1990: a power-sharing government liberalising President Kufuor’s election pledge Rwanda’s authoritarian politics and writing a new constitution in the run-up to free elections. It is no of a ‘golden age for business’ is coincidence that South Africa is the Kigali government’s strongest African supporter. now being tested. Dire public Reality on the ground is different. Political currents are now a mélange of the options suggested by finances give him little scope for improvements in health and the Ugandan political scientist Mahmood Mamdani.* 1. Israeli strategy: to create a separate political education. He is also being pushed community of Tutsi (some 14 per cent of Rwandans) beside another of Hutu. -
The Rwandan Genocide: Combating Stereotypes And
The Rwandan Genocide: Combating Stereotypes and Understanding the Origins Nicola Skakel Senior Honors Thesis Department of History April 9th 2018 Defense Committee: Dr. Susan K. Kent, Department of History, Primary Advisor Dr. Matthew Gerber, Department of History, Honors Council Representative Dr. Paul Shankman, Department of Anthropology, Advisor 1 Introduction On the 7th of April 1994, the small east African country of Rwanda erupted into one of the most deadly and intimate genocides the modern world had ever witnessed. Whilst the western world stood by and watched in just 100 days over 800,000 Rwandans out of a total population of 7 million, were systematically murdered in the most brutal and violent of ways. Those who were targeted made up the country’s minority ethnic group the Tutsis, and moderates from the majority group, the Hutus. For many, the legacy of Rwanda is a monstrous example of extreme pent up ethnic tensions that has its roots in European colonialism. In contrast, I will argue that the events not just of 1994 but also the unrest that proceeded it, arose from a highly complex culmination of long-standing historical tensions between ethnic groups that long pre-dated colonialism. In conjunction, a set of short-term triggers including foreign intervention, civil war, famine, state terrorism and ultimately the assassination of President Habyarimana also contributed to the outburst of genocide in 1994. Whilst it would be easy to place sole responsibility on European colonists for implementing a policy of divide and rule and therefore exacerbating ethnic tensions, it seems to me that genocide is never that cut and dried: it can never be explained by one factor. -
Remarks on Receipt of Honorary Doctorate at Addis Ababa University, 24 July 2010
Remarks on receipt of Honorary Doctorate at Addis Ababa University, 24 July 2010. Mahmood Mamdani Executive Director, Makerere Institute of Social Research, Makerere University, Kampala I first heard of Addis Ababa University in 1973, the year I got my first teaching job at the University of Dar es Salaam. Addis, like Dar, was a university in ferment during those years. They were times when we were sure of ourselves: we knew what we were up against, and we knew where we were going. We were against monarchy, against dictatorship, against neo-colonialism, against imperialism. And we were for socialism, sometimes for democracy, but always for socialism. Socialism had become a language in which we spoke to one another. For some, it was a badge, for others it was a brand name. We were the first generation of post-independence African intellectuals. We thought in historical terms. We knew that history was moving, more or less like a train, heading to a known destination, and none of us had any doubt that we were on that train. We were certain that the future would be better than the past, much better. If there would be violence, it would be revolutionary, the violence of the poor against the rich, the oppressor against the oppressed. Good revolutionary violence would do away with bad counter-revolutionary violence. Two decades later, we found ourselves in a world for which we were least prepared. Not only was it a world drenched in blood, but the battle lines were hardly inspiring. There was little revolutionary about the violence around us: instead of the poor rising up against the rich, we could see poor pitted against poor, and rich against rich. -
Download the Full Essay Here
Shades of sovereignty: racialized power, the United States and the world Paul A. Kramer The segregated diners along Maryland’s Route 40 were always somebody’s problem – mothers packing sandwiches for a daytrip to the nation’s capital, Jim Crow on their minds – but they were not always John F. Kennedy’s problem. That changed in the early 1960s, when African diplomats began arriving to the United States to present their credentials to the United Nations and the White House. Between the high-modernist universalism of the former and the neo-classical, republican universalism of the latter, at just about the place where ambassadors got hungry, lay a scattering of gaudy, ramshackle restaurants straddling an otherwise bleak stretch of highway. As the motoring diplomats discovered to their shock, the diners excluded black people in ways that turned out to be global: whatever their importance to US foreign policy, African economic 1 ministers and cultural attaches received no diplomatic immunity. The incoming Kennedy administration soon confronted an international scandal, as the officials filed formal complaints and US and overseas editors ran with the story. “Human faces, black-skinned and white, angry words and a humdrum reach of U. S. highway,” read an article in Life, “these are the raw stuff of a conflict that reached far out from America in to the world.” Kennedy, reluctant to engage the black freedom struggle except where it intersected with Cold War concerns, established an Office of the Special Protocol Service to mediate: its staff caught flak, spoke to newspapers, and sat down with Route 40’s restaurateurs, diner by diner, making the case that serving black people was in the United States’ global interests. -
The African University As “Global” University
Trinity College Trinity College Digital Repository Faculty Scholarship 7-2014 The African University as “Global” University Isaac Kamola Trinity College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.trincoll.edu/facpub Part of the Higher Education Commons SYMPOSIUM The African University as “Global” University Isaac Kamola, Trinity College igher education is undergoing a period of pro- Rather than fetishizing “the global university,” many African found transformation. Universities around academics are interested in what constitutes the “African uni- the world are reconceptualizing themselves versity.” Acknowledging the university’s role in economic devel- as “global” institutions, closely connected opment, there remains the recognition that many universities to—and competing with—one another. Many in Africa are also the physical embodiment of Western colonial Hargue that “the globalization of higher education” makes the governance, initially designed to displace and devalue indige- “free movement of people and ideas…the norm,” having “enor- nous knowledges and expertise. Ajayi et al., for example, wrote mously positive consequences for individuals, for universities, that the “debate about what constitutes the African Univer- and for nations” (Wildavsky 2010, 7). Others express growing sity” is central to the question of “how do we adapt the Uni- concern that universities are increasingly corroded by their versity to African culture so it can provide African develop- relationship to “academic capitalism,” producing commercial ment, not westernization” (Ajayi et al. 1996, 1–3). Many eff orts knowledge and pragmatic job training at the expense of the to think “the African university” examine the long lineage general good (Slaughter and Rhoades 2004). -
Imperialism and Fascism in Uganda
Imperialism and Fascism in Uganda Mahmood Mamdani Smior Ucturtr m Political Scimre, .lfaktrere L'niuni!v. Kampala, l./ganda HEI:\'EMA:\':'-i EDUCATIONAL BOOKS :-iAIROBI IBADAN LO:-IDON . ___.-- L-; Heinemann Educational Books Ltd 433 Contents 22 Bedford Square, London WCIB 3HH PMB 5205, lbadan · PO Box 45314, Nairobi J}j EDINBURGH MELBOURNE At.'CKLAND A/}3 List ofT abies HONG KONG SINGAPORE KUALA LUMPCR Acknm.. ·ledgcments NEW DELHI KINGSTO:"i PORT OF SPAIN ;913 Introduction © Mahmood Mamdani 1983 P:\RTONE: THE HISTORICAL BACKGROl'ND First published 1983 I Co/onia!imt and Anti-colonialism 5 . ( British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data The Economics ofCulonialism 6 Mamdani, Mahmood The Politics nfColoni.tlism 8 Imperialism and Fascism in Uganda. 2 Tramition to ..\'eo-colonialism 17 l. Uganda-Politics and government A :'\t•o-collmial Indqwndc!H.T 19 2. Uganda-History \"("o-colonialism in Practicr 23 I. Title .-\n Imperialist Coup 29 967.6'104 DT433.262 PART TWO: NEO-COLO'IIIAL FASCISM 33 ISBN 1}...435-96503-4 3 The .4min Regime The Period of Tramitition: "Thr Economic War" and the Role ol Opportunists 37 4 The Fascist State 42 Fascism and the Economic Crise-s 46 Fascism and Socirt\ 52 The Search for a So~ial Base 55 PART THREE: l\'EO-COLO'IIIAL FASCISM Al\'D IMPERIALISM 59 5 cl Period ofTransition: 1971-73 61 Thr Break with Britain 65 6 The AT71!.r and the So~·iet Connection: 1973-78 68 Strained Relations and !he Angolan Crisis 72 Thr So\"iet.J ustiftcation 75 7 The State Research Bureau and the CS-UK Conntction 78 The Bnti~h Connection -
Key Equity Terms & Concepts
KEY EQUITY TERMS & CONCEPTS: A Glossary for Shared Understanding SEPTEMBER 2019 WWW.CSSP.ORG INTRODUCTION Developing a shared language for thoughtful discussion about equity is critical for all of our work. This glossary of key terms includes many words and concepts that are foundational and relevant to CSSP's work. This is a living document. Just as our work has evolved over our history, so too does language and thinking on race, equity, and justice evolve over time. We will update this document as our thinking and thinking in the field changes, and will note any time that we have made changes. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This glossary was compiled by a workgroup of CSSP staff, led by Maya Pendleton. Members of the workgroup in alphabetical order: Ali Jawetz, Ann Nguyen, Charlyn Harper Brown, E Feinman, Emily Verburg, Juanita Gallion, Miguel Amaguana, and Taysha Milagros Clark. This report is in the public domain. Permission to reproduce is not necessary provided proper cita- tion of CSSP is made. Original publication, September 2019. SUGGESTED CITATION CSSP (2019). “Key Equity Terms and Concepts: A Glossary for Shared Understanding.” Washing- ton, DC: Center for the Study of Social Policy. Available at: https://cssp.org/resource/key-equi- ty-terms-concepts/. NOTE: Citation information for all terms and concepts can be found at the conclusion of this document. 2 Center for the Study of Social Policy TERM/ CONCEPT DEFINITION Ableism A set of beliefs or practices at the individual, community, or systemic level that devalue and discriminate against people with physical, intel- lectual, or psychiatric disabilities and often rests on the assumption that disabled people need to be ‘fixed’ in one form or the other.