Epideictic Without the Praise: a Heuristic Analysis for Rhetoric of Blame
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Good Muslim, Bad Muslim: a Political Perspective on Culture and Terrorism
MAHMOOD MAMDANI Good Muslim, Bad Muslim: A Political Perspective on Culture and Terrorism ABSTRACT The link between Islam and terrorism became a central media concern following September 11, resulting in new rounds of "culture talk. This talk has turned religious experience into a political category, differentiating 'good Muslims" from "bad Mus- lims, rather than terrorists from civilians. The implication is undisguised: Whether in Afghanistan, Palestine, or Pakistan, Islam must be quarantined and the devil must be exorcized from it by a civil war between good Muslims and bad Muslims. This article suggests that we lift the quarantine and turn the cultural theory of politics on its head. Beyond the simple but radical suggestion that if there are good Muslims and bad Muslims, there must also be good Westerners and bad Westerners, I question the very tendency to read Islamist poli- tics as an effect of Islamic civilization—whether good or bad—and Western power as an effect of Western civilization. Both those poli- tics and that power are born of an encounter, and neither can be understood outside of the history of that encounter. Cultural explanations of political outcomes tend to avoid history and issues. Thinking of individuals from "traditional" cultures in authentic and original terms, culture talk dehistoricizes the construction of political identities. This article places the terror of September 11 in a his- torical and political context. Rather than a residue of a premodern culture in modern politics, terrorism is best understood as a modern construction. Even when it harnesses one or another aspect of tradition and culture, the result is a modern ensemble at the service of a modern project. -
AC Vol 42 No 25
www.africa-confidential.com 21 December 2001 Vol 42 No 25 AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL RWANDA 2 RWANDA Donor diplomacy Finance Minister Donald Kaberuka Everything is risky wins high marks from donors for President Kagame prepares for national elections while his exiled his anti-poverty plan but there is military opponents regroup in Congo-Kinshasa still much carping about the Kigali government’s forays into Congo. ‘In our situation everything we do is risky...’ General Paul Kagame told Africa Confidential on 9 December in Kigali as he explained plans to open up the country’s politics ahead of national multi-party elections due in 2003. ‘We inherited a very complex situation, we cannot hope for soft solutions.’ GHANA 3 Kagame’s hard solution is to pack dozens of political and social reforms into two hectic years. His proclaimed reforms point to a national unity approach of the kind adopted by South Africa’s African No shine on gold National Congress and outgoing National Party in 1990: a power-sharing government liberalising President Kufuor’s election pledge Rwanda’s authoritarian politics and writing a new constitution in the run-up to free elections. It is no of a ‘golden age for business’ is coincidence that South Africa is the Kigali government’s strongest African supporter. now being tested. Dire public Reality on the ground is different. Political currents are now a mélange of the options suggested by finances give him little scope for improvements in health and the Ugandan political scientist Mahmood Mamdani.* 1. Israeli strategy: to create a separate political education. He is also being pushed community of Tutsi (some 14 per cent of Rwandans) beside another of Hutu. -
The Rwandan Genocide: Combating Stereotypes And
The Rwandan Genocide: Combating Stereotypes and Understanding the Origins Nicola Skakel Senior Honors Thesis Department of History April 9th 2018 Defense Committee: Dr. Susan K. Kent, Department of History, Primary Advisor Dr. Matthew Gerber, Department of History, Honors Council Representative Dr. Paul Shankman, Department of Anthropology, Advisor 1 Introduction On the 7th of April 1994, the small east African country of Rwanda erupted into one of the most deadly and intimate genocides the modern world had ever witnessed. Whilst the western world stood by and watched in just 100 days over 800,000 Rwandans out of a total population of 7 million, were systematically murdered in the most brutal and violent of ways. Those who were targeted made up the country’s minority ethnic group the Tutsis, and moderates from the majority group, the Hutus. For many, the legacy of Rwanda is a monstrous example of extreme pent up ethnic tensions that has its roots in European colonialism. In contrast, I will argue that the events not just of 1994 but also the unrest that proceeded it, arose from a highly complex culmination of long-standing historical tensions between ethnic groups that long pre-dated colonialism. In conjunction, a set of short-term triggers including foreign intervention, civil war, famine, state terrorism and ultimately the assassination of President Habyarimana also contributed to the outburst of genocide in 1994. Whilst it would be easy to place sole responsibility on European colonists for implementing a policy of divide and rule and therefore exacerbating ethnic tensions, it seems to me that genocide is never that cut and dried: it can never be explained by one factor. -
Genocide in Darfur - No Business with Death“ Monday, 29Th October 2007, 10:00 - 11:30Am, Au Premier in Zurich
Blocking period: 29th October 2007, 10:00 am Media conference „Genocide in Darfur - No business with death“ Monday, 29th October 2007, 10:00 - 11:30am, Au Premier in Zurich Advert placed in Tagesanzeiger newspaper on 26th October 2007 Press release „Genocide in Darfur - No business with death“ Speech by Christoph Wiedmer, Director, Society for Threatened Peoples, Switzerland (STP) Speech by Andreas Missbach, „Banks and Financial Centre Switzerland“ Programme, Berne Declaration Speech by Scott Wisor, Senior Field Organizer for the Sudan Divestment Task Force, a project of the Genocide Intervention Network Background information: Detailed information on investments by Swiss financial institutions in oil companies operating in Sudan. Source: Bloomberg Financial Services Background information: Arguments for the Efficacy of Targeted Divestment from Sudan; Source: Genocide Intervention Network Background information: Summary of Engagement Points for Sudan; Source: Genocide Intervention Network Background information: „The Highest Offenders“, Source: Genocide Intervention Network Background information: graphic „The Problem“, Source: Save Darfur Coalition Background information: graphic „The Solution“, Source: Save Darfur Coalition „Who’s who“ Society for Threatened Peoples Switzerland / Wiesenstrasse 77 / CH-3014 Bern Phone: 031 311 90 08 / Fax: 031 311 90 65 / E-mail: [email protected] Internet: www.gfbv.ch / PC 30-27759-7 Press release, Zurich, 29 October 2007 (Translation) Genocide in Darfur – No business with death The genocide in Darfur relies mainly on the income of the Sudanese government from the oil industry. Involved are also Swiss financial institutions such as UBS or Credit Suisse which in total hold around 6 billion US dollars worth of investments in the controversial oil companies in Sudan. -
Remarks on Receipt of Honorary Doctorate at Addis Ababa University, 24 July 2010
Remarks on receipt of Honorary Doctorate at Addis Ababa University, 24 July 2010. Mahmood Mamdani Executive Director, Makerere Institute of Social Research, Makerere University, Kampala I first heard of Addis Ababa University in 1973, the year I got my first teaching job at the University of Dar es Salaam. Addis, like Dar, was a university in ferment during those years. They were times when we were sure of ourselves: we knew what we were up against, and we knew where we were going. We were against monarchy, against dictatorship, against neo-colonialism, against imperialism. And we were for socialism, sometimes for democracy, but always for socialism. Socialism had become a language in which we spoke to one another. For some, it was a badge, for others it was a brand name. We were the first generation of post-independence African intellectuals. We thought in historical terms. We knew that history was moving, more or less like a train, heading to a known destination, and none of us had any doubt that we were on that train. We were certain that the future would be better than the past, much better. If there would be violence, it would be revolutionary, the violence of the poor against the rich, the oppressor against the oppressed. Good revolutionary violence would do away with bad counter-revolutionary violence. Two decades later, we found ourselves in a world for which we were least prepared. Not only was it a world drenched in blood, but the battle lines were hardly inspiring. There was little revolutionary about the violence around us: instead of the poor rising up against the rich, we could see poor pitted against poor, and rich against rich. -
Download the Full Essay Here
Shades of sovereignty: racialized power, the United States and the world Paul A. Kramer The segregated diners along Maryland’s Route 40 were always somebody’s problem – mothers packing sandwiches for a daytrip to the nation’s capital, Jim Crow on their minds – but they were not always John F. Kennedy’s problem. That changed in the early 1960s, when African diplomats began arriving to the United States to present their credentials to the United Nations and the White House. Between the high-modernist universalism of the former and the neo-classical, republican universalism of the latter, at just about the place where ambassadors got hungry, lay a scattering of gaudy, ramshackle restaurants straddling an otherwise bleak stretch of highway. As the motoring diplomats discovered to their shock, the diners excluded black people in ways that turned out to be global: whatever their importance to US foreign policy, African economic 1 ministers and cultural attaches received no diplomatic immunity. The incoming Kennedy administration soon confronted an international scandal, as the officials filed formal complaints and US and overseas editors ran with the story. “Human faces, black-skinned and white, angry words and a humdrum reach of U. S. highway,” read an article in Life, “these are the raw stuff of a conflict that reached far out from America in to the world.” Kennedy, reluctant to engage the black freedom struggle except where it intersected with Cold War concerns, established an Office of the Special Protocol Service to mediate: its staff caught flak, spoke to newspapers, and sat down with Route 40’s restaurateurs, diner by diner, making the case that serving black people was in the United States’ global interests. -
The African University As “Global” University
Trinity College Trinity College Digital Repository Faculty Scholarship 7-2014 The African University as “Global” University Isaac Kamola Trinity College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.trincoll.edu/facpub Part of the Higher Education Commons SYMPOSIUM The African University as “Global” University Isaac Kamola, Trinity College igher education is undergoing a period of pro- Rather than fetishizing “the global university,” many African found transformation. Universities around academics are interested in what constitutes the “African uni- the world are reconceptualizing themselves versity.” Acknowledging the university’s role in economic devel- as “global” institutions, closely connected opment, there remains the recognition that many universities to—and competing with—one another. Many in Africa are also the physical embodiment of Western colonial Hargue that “the globalization of higher education” makes the governance, initially designed to displace and devalue indige- “free movement of people and ideas…the norm,” having “enor- nous knowledges and expertise. Ajayi et al., for example, wrote mously positive consequences for individuals, for universities, that the “debate about what constitutes the African Univer- and for nations” (Wildavsky 2010, 7). Others express growing sity” is central to the question of “how do we adapt the Uni- concern that universities are increasingly corroded by their versity to African culture so it can provide African develop- relationship to “academic capitalism,” producing commercial ment, not westernization” (Ajayi et al. 1996, 1–3). Many eff orts knowledge and pragmatic job training at the expense of the to think “the African university” examine the long lineage general good (Slaughter and Rhoades 2004). -
Imperialism and Fascism in Uganda
Imperialism and Fascism in Uganda Mahmood Mamdani Smior Ucturtr m Political Scimre, .lfaktrere L'niuni!v. Kampala, l./ganda HEI:\'EMA:\':'-i EDUCATIONAL BOOKS :-iAIROBI IBADAN LO:-IDON . ___.-- L-; Heinemann Educational Books Ltd 433 Contents 22 Bedford Square, London WCIB 3HH PMB 5205, lbadan · PO Box 45314, Nairobi J}j EDINBURGH MELBOURNE At.'CKLAND A/}3 List ofT abies HONG KONG SINGAPORE KUALA LUMPCR Acknm.. ·ledgcments NEW DELHI KINGSTO:"i PORT OF SPAIN ;913 Introduction © Mahmood Mamdani 1983 P:\RTONE: THE HISTORICAL BACKGROl'ND First published 1983 I Co/onia!imt and Anti-colonialism 5 . ( British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data The Economics ofCulonialism 6 Mamdani, Mahmood The Politics nfColoni.tlism 8 Imperialism and Fascism in Uganda. 2 Tramition to ..\'eo-colonialism 17 l. Uganda-Politics and government A :'\t•o-collmial Indqwndc!H.T 19 2. Uganda-History \"("o-colonialism in Practicr 23 I. Title .-\n Imperialist Coup 29 967.6'104 DT433.262 PART TWO: NEO-COLO'IIIAL FASCISM 33 ISBN 1}...435-96503-4 3 The .4min Regime The Period of Tramitition: "Thr Economic War" and the Role ol Opportunists 37 4 The Fascist State 42 Fascism and the Economic Crise-s 46 Fascism and Socirt\ 52 The Search for a So~ial Base 55 PART THREE: l\'EO-COLO'IIIAL FASCISM Al\'D IMPERIALISM 59 5 cl Period ofTransition: 1971-73 61 Thr Break with Britain 65 6 The AT71!.r and the So~·iet Connection: 1973-78 68 Strained Relations and !he Angolan Crisis 72 Thr So\"iet.J ustiftcation 75 7 The State Research Bureau and the CS-UK Conntction 78 The Bnti~h Connection -
Letter to UNGC Regarding Petrochina Membership
Mr. Georg Kell Executive Director of the Global Compact Office of the Secretary General United Nations New York, NY 10017 January 7, 2009 Dear Mr. Kell, On May 12, 2008, a broad base of civil society organizations collectively urged the United Nations Global Compact (UNGC) to use its leverage and the privilege and prestige of membership in the UNGC to engage with PetroChina Co Ltd. (PetroChina), a UNGC participant, on behalf of the people of Sudan. At that time, you forwarded the letter of concern to PetroChina. Since that time, Investors Against Genocide (IAG) and Centre for Research on Multinational Corporations (SOMO), have privately engaged with representatives of the UNGC in an effort to address the concern. On December 15, 2008, after more than seven months and with still no response from PetroChina, IAG and SOMO submitted a formal complaint against PetroChina to the UNGC of “systematic or egregious abuse” of the Global Compact‟s overall aims and principles. We strongly believe in the founding principles of the Global Compact, which calls for businesses to support and respect the protection of internationally proclaimed human rights and for businesses to ensure that they are not complicit in human rights abuses. The grave human rights abuses in Darfur, Sudan, demand the urgent and determined application of these principles. In spite of these principles, PetroChina, the listed arm of China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), Sudan's largest oil industry partner, is indisputably linked to the regime perpetuating the violent conflict in Darfur. Therefore, we ask the UN Global Compact to formally and urgently address this serious complaint against PetroChina under the UNGC‟s Integrity Measure for “Allegations of Systematic or Egregious Abuses.” In doing so, the UNGC will be taking a strong stand against abuse of its founding principles. -
Save Darfur Coalition and Genocide Intervention Network Are Now
Save Darfur Coalition and Genocide Intervention Network are now Testimony of the Hon. Thomas H. Andrews President of United to End Genocide Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission “Sudan: The Ongoing Humanitarian Crisis in South Kordofan and Continuing Human Rights Violations in Darfur” September 22, 2011 Thank you Chairman Wolf, Chairman McGovern and members of the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission for holding this hearing. I greatly appreciate the opportunity to testify before you today on the escalation of attacks against civilians in Sudan. So many members of this Commission have been long-time champions of peace and accountability in Sudan. Your leadership on Sudan is critical. I was in the region a little over two months ago visiting Rwanda, Kenya and South Sudan, and in Juba just weeks after violence broke out in South Kordofan. Everywhere I went I heard story after story of the horror that continues to be inflicted. Two refugees from Darfur told me about their harrowing experience of being awakened at dawn by the sound of hooves and gunfire as the Janjaweed raided their village. They fled to South Kordofan’s Nuba Mountains and described how the people there welcomed them. They expressed their alarm and horror that the same regime that had forced them to flee their homes in Darfur was now attacking the very people who provided them refuge. The common denominator in the devastating attacks on civilians in both Darfur and South Kordofan is Sudan’s President Omar al-Bashir. Let me be clear - Bashir is a genocidal monster who is already wanted by the International Criminal Court for directing atrocities in Darfur. -
Why Save Darfur Didn T Save Darfur
Why Save Darfur Didn’t Save Darfur: United to End Genocide is Making All the Same Mistakes By Prof. Gregory Stanton March 11, 2012 In 2003, Humanity United (HU) called a national conference of people its staff identified as potential activists for an anti-genocide movement. Notably missing were any members of the Republican party, most of the heads of member organizations of the International Campaign to End Genocide and any leaders of the International Association of Genocide Scholars. At the conference, Humanity United announced that Pierre and Pam Omidiyar, HU’s funders, intended to donate $100 million over the next seven years to support activism against genocide, human trafficking, and a few other causes. They also announced that unsolicited applications for grants would not be accepted. Most of the money they pledged has now been spent. In early 2003, after an attack by rebels on a Sudanese Air Force base in Al Fasher, the Sudanese government began a genocidal counter-insurgency war against the Fur, Massalit, Zaghawa and other black African groups in Darfur. Genocide Watch was the first organization to declare a Genocide Watch for the situation in June, 2003. In the summer of 2004, David Bernstein, Jerry Fowler, John Prendergast, Ruth Messinger, Gloria White-Hammond, and a few other activists founded the Save Darfur Coalition, and a number of organizations quickly joined it. (Genocide Watch was among the first to join in 2004, but was not even listed as a member on the Save Darfur website until 2008, and was excluded from all leadership meetings.) The Coalition staff were paid from funds donated by Humanity United and other fundraising via the Center for American Progress, the liberal think tank organization headed by John Podesta, and funded by George Soros. -
Advertising As Epideictic Rhetoric and Its Implications for Ethical Communication Cem Zeytinoglu
Duquesne University Duquesne Scholarship Collection Electronic Theses and Dissertations Fall 2007 Advertising as Epideictic Rhetoric and Its Implications for Ethical Communication Cem Zeytinoglu Follow this and additional works at: https://dsc.duq.edu/etd Recommended Citation Zeytinoglu, C. (2007). Advertising as Epideictic Rhetoric and Its Implications for Ethical Communication (Doctoral dissertation, Duquesne University). Retrieved from https://dsc.duq.edu/etd/1406 This Immediate Access is brought to you for free and open access by Duquesne Scholarship Collection. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Duquesne Scholarship Collection. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Advertising as Epideictic Rhetoric and Its Implications for Ethical Communication A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Communication and Rhetorical Studies McAnulty College and Graduate School of Liberal Arts Duquesne University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy By Cem Zeytinoglu September 2007 Copyright by Cem Zeytinoglu 2007 iii Advertising as Epideictic Rhetoric and Its Implications for Ethical Communication By Cem Zeytinoglu September 2007 _____________________________________________________ APPROVED Richard Thames, Ph.D. Dissertation Director Associate Professor of Communication and Rhetorical Studies _____________________________________________________ APPROVED Calvin L. Troup, Ph.D. Reader Department of Communication