DOCSLIB.ORG

Anarkiista Debato

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Anarkiista Debato ALLWARSAREAGAINSTUS WEARE AGAINST .BHB[JOFPG*"'/Pb ALLWARS JOTJEF SFQSFTTJPOJO CFMBSVT CSJUJTI BGFE QBSJTSJPUT UJFSSBZMJCFSUBE QFSNBOFOUXBS BOEIVNBOJUBSJBO JOUFSWFOUJPO BOENVDINPSF PRESENTATION You have in your hands the first number of the magazine of the International of Anarchist Federations. Lots of people around the world will be reading these same lines, in many different languages. Though each member federation translates and edits the magazine, they do so with the same content. In the following pages you will find information on the situation of a big part of the anarchist movement. When reading these lines, bear in mind that comrades write from their own language and experiences. From the threat of repression, as in Belarus, to the unstopable hope of starting something new, as in the german speaking group. You should also avoid assuming that federations correspond to countries. As anar- chists we do not recognise borders or states. The federations group together people who share either a common language (AFed, FAF, FdA...) or a similar culture (Ibe- rian FAI, CSAF...) and often go beyond national limitations. This magazine that you are reading now has been possible thanks to the effort of many around many countries. It is truly a communal effort, breaking down borders and boundaries. It fills us with hope of how much we can achieve thanks to interna- tional solidarity. For freedom and solidarity! Long life the International! CONTENTS 03. IAF 06. VII CONGRESS 08. CONGRESS DOCUMENTS 15. AFED, THOUGHT & STRUGGLE 23. CSAF, CZECH AND SLOVAK FED. 26. FAB, BELARUS FED. 32. FdA, GERMAN SPEAKERS FED. 33. FLA, ARGENTINIAN FED. 34. ORIGINS OF FLA 41. FAF, FRENCH SPEAKING FED. 44. DECROISSANCE, SKETCH FOR A DEBATE 48. RIOTS IN PARIS 50. FAI, IBERIAN ANARCHIST FED. International of Anarchist Federations Striving for a global anarchist movement in thought and action. The IAF fights for: - The abolition of all forms of authority whether economic, political, social, religious, cultural or sexual. - The construction of a free society, without classes, states or borders, founded on anarchist federalism and mutual aid. (from the Statement of Principles of the International Anarchist Federation founded in 1968 in Carrara, Italy). The above statement of principles sets out bringing anarchists from different countries clearly what the IAF hopes to achieve- an more in contact with each other. ambitious programme, but the only one that Internationalism was also the only way to can achieve the goals of freedom, peace and deal with the continual nationalist conflicts justice that humans have struggled for, in in Europe, culminating in the two world different ways, since the beginning of our wars. Though a test for many anarchists, an existence as a species. Though not calling internationalism that supported no State was themselves anarchists, people with anarchist a vision that they had to cling to. Anarchism aims and practices have always existed in also spread outside Europe as a result of the every part of the world. However, it is only waves of immigration in the late 19th and in the 19th century that organised, early 20th century. In the ‘New World’ theoretically-explicit anarchism emerged workers of every nationality had to band with the founding of the first International together in order to organise against horrific Federation of Anarchists in St. Imier in working and living conditions. The 1871. It was founded by both workers (many capitalists relied on the fact that there would from the watchmakers in St. Imier itself) and be language and cultural barriers between international anarchist activists such as different national groups as a way of Kropotkin who had had enough of the ensuring that they wouldn’t organise against authoritarian nature of the Marxist their treatment. An international approach international. It is significant that even was therefore crucial to the success of any though anarchists formed a relatively small workers’ organisation. The Spanish movement in each country, they Revolution also required international immediately sought to organise on an support, both during the struggle itself and international level. The IAF considers itself afterwards when many anarchists were the heirs of this tradition. killed, imprisoned or exiled. Early anarchism had an international aspect Today, the need for international solidarity for many reasons. With repression in and co-operation amongst anarchists is as different countries at different times, vital as ever. Ever aspect of our lives is anarchists often found themselves forced woven into a global system of economic, into exile. Though obviously not something political and cultural domination. This can they wanted, it did have the effect of lead to a feeling of helplessness as our anger www.iaf-ifa.org 3 cannot be vented directly against those newspapers and magazines as well as making decisions affecting our lives. The finance campaigns. Also, travelling to other people of Afghanistan and Iraq are thrown countries for political purposes can be as into turmoil as a result of the interference of great a burden on an unemployed British both the US military intervention and Saudi comrade as it can be on someone from Arabian- imported Islam. GM crops are Eastern Europe or Latin America. In imposed on reluctant farmers from Brazil to addition, power may appear to lie in the Poland. Islands in the Pacific are on the hands of those who attend the ‘global verge of disappearance because of the greed summits’, but in fact, this is really only the for energy elsewhere. People’s jobs and public face of power. Organising antisummit security depend on fickle international protests is also only the public face of money markets. And even remote tribal anarchism- all dependent on how the people are losing their very way of life as a bourgeois media want to portray us. That result of world demand for the resources on doesn’t mean that these protests aren’t their land. But we are not helpless. We need important; they provide anarchists with the to make international anarchism our opportunity of feeling something of our weapon. collective power on an international level. The most obvious form internationalism The power of the ruling class lies elsewhere- takes is international solidarity, protests at manifested in every aspect of our lives. We global summits and conferences that bring feel it when we keep our mouth shut rather together anarchists from many different than talking back to our boss, in the countries. The IAF has always been advertisements that bombard us to consume, dedicated to helping comrades from when we can’t get access to clean water countries who are less well-off financially, because it is someone’s private property and such as raising money for the Argentineans when we are forced to conform to an exam or supporting Russian and Eastern European system because it is the only way we can comrades in their efforts to attend ‘get ahead’. It is the daily resistance to this international meetings. Support can also be power that will lead to the building of a much more movement that concrete like can take on when the Organising international the ultimate Italians helped solidarity to carry forward the objective of to organise the overthrowing first meeting struggle! capitalism and of anarchists the State. And of both east and west. The IAF, through its this resistance necessarily takes place on a member federations has also been involved local level. So what is the role for anarchist in helping to organise international protests internationalism? in Evian, Brussels, Genoa, Paris, Scotland The IAF provides a means for comrades and Prague. Comrades also have travelled to from around the world to communicate. We support the anarchist May Day in Poland are confronting the same enemy everywhere and the meet with comrades in Russia. and learning about the struggles of others An international perspective, however, does can give us ideas for our own struggles. not mean that we spend all of our time Within Europe, the vast experience of supporting other people’s struggles or flying comrades from Italy, Spain and France can off to global meetings and protests. Firstly, help those who have a much shorter history there is a limit to how much financial of anarchist struggle such as those in Eastern support comrades from the richer countries Europe. However, the comrades in Eastern can give. The country as a whole may be Europe, not weighed down by tradition are well-off, but anarchist comrades are usually able to offer new perspectives and ideas for not. It is a struggle to find money to produce struggle. Good communication can also be www.iaf-ifa.org 4 revolutionary if it inspires. Just to know that us to develop our analysis of the situation people elsewhere are fighting back is facing us. We need to have a thorough important to those who may be experiencing understanding of the political, economic and a downturn in struggle. This knowledge can social realities so that we can organise more help people just keep going or it could effectively and anticipate the strategies of motivate people to launch a major fight back our enemy. The experience of Venezuelans themselves. The most important thing is to with Chavez, Brazil with Lula, Britain with hear of successes. Spreading these stories of Blair all help to reinforce the anarchist successful resistance is a major role of antagonism to reformism, a doctrine that international anarchist propaganda. The seems to think that a government can bring struggles of the Argentinean working class about social change. The Italian experience were welcomed enthusiastically by people in of ‘insurrectionalism’, where a few self- Europe. Hearing about workers just ignoring proclaimed saviours of the working class bosses, banks and politicians and just doing have contributed to repression of the things themselves confirmed the faith anarchist movement, should be useful for anarchists have always had in the power of those who are tempted to undertake such workers to self-organise.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Debating Divine
    DEBATING the DIVINE #43 Religion in 21st century American Democracy Edited by Sally Steenland THE FAITH AND PROGRESSIVE POLICY INITIATIVE A project of the Center for American Progress, the Faith and Progressive Policy Initiative works to identify and articulate the moral, ethical, and spiritual values underpinning policy issues, to shape a progressive stance in which these values are clear, and to increase public awareness and understanding of these values. Th e Initiative also works to safeguard the healthy separation of church and state that has allowed religion in our country to fl ourish. In all its eff orts, the Initiative works for a society and government that strengthen the common good and respect the basic dignity of all people. THE CENTER FOR THE AMERICAN PROGRESS Th e Center for the American Progress is a nonpartisan research and educational institute dedicated to promoting a strong, just and free America that ensures opportunity for all. We believe that Americans are bound together by a common commitment to these values and we aspire to ensure that our national policies refl ect these values. We work to fi ndprogressive and pragmatic solutions to signifi cant domestic and international problems and develop policy proposals that foster a government that is “of the people, by the people, and for the people.” Center for American Progress 1333 H Street NW, 10th Floor Washington, D.C. 20005 Tel: 202.682.1611 • Fax: 202.682.1867 www.americanprogress.org Copyright © 2008 Center for American Progress ISBN 978-0-615-21863-2 June 2008 DEBATING the DIVINE #43 Religion in 21st century American Democracy Edited by Sally Steenland Table of Contents INTRODUCTION Debating the Divine .
    [Show full text]
  • Inceorganisinganarchy2010.Pdf
    ORGANISING ANARCHY SPATIAL STRATEGY , PREFIGURATION , AND THE POLITICS OF EVERYDAY LIFE ANTHONY JAMES ELLIOT INCE THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF GEOGRAPHY QUEEN MARY , UNIVERSITY OF LONDON 2010 0 ABSTRACT This research is an analysis of efforts to develop a politics of everyday life through embedding anarchist and left-libertarian ideas and practices into community and workplace organisation. It investigates everyday life as a key terrain of political engagement, interrogating the everyday spatial strategies of two emerging forms of radical politics. The community dimension of the research focuses on two London-based social centre collectives, understood as community-based, anarchist-run political spaces. The Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), an international trade union that organises along radical left-libertarian principles, comprises the workplace element. The empirical research was conducted primarily through an activist-ethnographic methodology. Based in a politically-engaged framework, the research opens up debates surrounding the role of place-based class politics in a globalised world, and how such efforts can contribute to our understanding of social relations, place, networks, and political mobilisation and transformation. The research thus contributes to and provides new perspectives on understanding and enacting everyday spatial strategies. Utilising Marxist and anarchist thought, the research develops a distinctive theoretical framework that draws inspiration from both perspectives. Through an emphasis on how groups seek to implement particular radical principles, the research also explores the complex interactions between theory and practice in radical politics. I argue that it is in everyday spaces and practices where we find the most powerful sources for political transformation.
    [Show full text]
  • Reclaiming Syndicalism: from Spain to South Africa to Global Labour Today
    Global Issues Reclaiming Syndicalism: From Spain to South Africa to global labour today Lucien van der Walt, Rhodes University, Grahamstown, South Africa Union politics remain central to the new century. It remains central because of the ongoing importance of unions as mass movements, internationally, and because unions, like other popular movements, are confronted with the very real challenge of articulating an alternative, transformative vision. There is much to be learned from the historic and current tradition of anarcho- and revolutionary syndicalism. This is a tradition with a surprisingly substantial and impressive history, including in the former colonial world; a tradition that envisages anti-bureaucratic and bottom-up trade unions as key means of educating and mobilising workers, and of championing the economic, social and political struggles of the broad working class, independent of parliamentary politics and party tutelage; and that aims, ultimately, at transforming society through union-led workplace occupations that will institute self-management and participatory economic planning, abolishing markets, hierarchies and states. This contribution seeks, firstly, to contribute to the recovery of the historical memory of the working class by drawing attention to its multiple traditions and rich history; secondly, to make a contribution to current debates on the struggles, direction and options for the working class movement (including unions) in a period of flux in which the fixed patterns of the last forty years are slowly melting away; thirdly, it argues that many current union approaches – among them, business unionism, social movement unionism, and political unionism – have substantial failings and limitations; and finally, it points to the need for labour studies and industrial sociology to pay greater attention to labour traditions besides business unionism, social movement unionism, and political unionism.
    [Show full text]
  • The Concept of Solidarity in Anarchist Thought
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Loughborough University Institutional Repository The Concept of Solidarity in Anarchist Thought by John Nightingale A Doctoral Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of Doctor of Philosophy Loughborough University September 2015 © John Nightingale 2015 Abstract This thesis makes an original contribution to knowledge by presenting an analysis of anarchist conceptions of solidarity. Whilst recent academic literature has conceptualised solidarity from a range of perspectives, anarchist interpretations have largely been marginalised or ignored. This neglect is unjustified, for thinkers of the anarchist tradition have often emphasised solidarity as a key principle, and have offered original and instructive accounts of this important but contested political concept. In a global era which has seen the role of the nation state significantly reduced, anarchism, which consists in a fundamental critique and rejection of hierarchical state-like institutions, can provide a rich source of theory on the meaning and significance of solidarity. The work consists in detailed analyses of the concepts of solidarity of four prominent anarchist thinkers: Michael Bakunin, Peter Kropotkin, Murray Bookchin and Noam Chomsky. The analytic investigation is led by Michael Freeden’s methodology of ‘ideological morphology’, whereby ideologies are viewed as peculiar configurations of political concepts, which are themselves constituted by sub-conceptual idea- components. Working within this framework, the analysis seeks to ascertain the way in which each thinker attaches particular meanings to the concept of solidarity, and to locate solidarity within their wider ideological system. Subsequently, the thesis offers a representative profile of an ‘anarchist concept’ of solidarity, which is characterised by notions of universal inclusion, collective responsibility and the social production of individuality.
    [Show full text]
  • Anarchist Lives and Books Double Issue Free Commune and Billy
    Number 70•71 one pound or two dollars July 2012 Free Commune and Billy MacQueen We are beginning to think about scanning some of the prominent Tolstoyan Christian anarchist (he visited material we hold in the KSL archives. What we want to Tolstoy in Russia in 1895) and helped found the do though is put what we scan into some kind of context Croydon Brotherhood Church and, in 1896, the and not just leave it floating around aimlessly on the Purleigh Brotherhood Church. Both were based on the “world wide web”. Anyhow – here’s a paper that inter• principles of voluntary co•operation and non•violence. ests us, The Free Commune from Leeds. It appears to We can see, then, that there is a lot going on in have been published during 1898 and it re•invented this little four•page newspaper and a wide range of itself as The Free Commune: A Quarterly Magazine in ideas and anarchist practice are represented, including a January 1899. KSL holds No. 3 ofThe Free Commune scornful comment on the horrified reaction of “reform• and No. 1 of theThe Free Commune Magazine. (If you ers” to the assassination of the Empress Elisabeth of can send us other copies that would be a treat!!!) Austria by the Italian anarchist Luigi Lucheni .The Both of these titles were put together by William editors would like to see a similar reaction whenever a “Billy” MacQueen (1875•1908) and Alf Barton (1868• working woman is killed by “the profit•mongering 1933). MacQueen was based in Leeds, Barton in system.” The attitude of the editors to the killing of the Manchester.
    [Show full text]
  • 288381679.Pdf
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Loughborough University Institutional Repository This item was submitted to Loughborough University as a PhD thesis by the author and is made available in the Institutional Repository (https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/) under the following Creative Commons Licence conditions. For the full text of this licence, please go to: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.5/ Towards a Libertarian Communism: A Conceptual History of the Intersections between Anarchisms and Marxisms By Saku Pinta Loughborough University Submitted to the Department of Politics, History and International Relations in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) Approximate word count: 102 000 1. CERTIFICATE OF ORIGINALITY This is to certify that I am responsible for the work submitted in this thesis, that the original work is my own except as specified in acknowledgments or in footnotes, and that neither the thesis nor the original work contained therein has been submitted to this or any other institution for a degree. ……………………………………………. ( Signed ) ……………………………………………. ( Date) 2 2. Thesis Access Form Copy No …………...……………………. Location ………………………………………………….……………...… Author …………...………………………………………………………………………………………………..……. Title …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. Status of access OPEN / RESTRICTED / CONFIDENTIAL Moratorium Period :…………………………………years, ending…………../…………20………………………. Conditions of access approved by (CAPITALS):…………………………………………………………………… Supervisor (Signature)………………………………………………...…………………………………... Department of ……………………………………………………………………...………………………………… Author's Declaration : I agree the following conditions: Open access work shall be made available (in the University and externally) and reproduced as necessary at the discretion of the University Librarian or Head of Department. It may also be digitised by the British Library and made freely available on the Internet to registered users of the EThOS service subject to the EThOS supply agreements.
    [Show full text]
  • POVERTY and WELFARE in COLONIAL NIGERIA, 1900-1954 By
    POVERTY AND WELFARE IN COLONIAL NIGERIA, 1900-1954 by UYILAWA USUANLELE A thesis submitted to the Department of History in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Queen’s University Kingston, Ontario, Canada September 2010 Copyright © Uyilawa Usuanlele, 2010 ABSTRACT This study examines the interface of poverty and development of state welfare initiatives colonial Nigeria. It attempts to unravel the transformation and the nature and character of poverty afflicting majority of Nigerians since the period immediately preceding colonialism and under colonial rule. It looks at the causes and manifestations of poverty as well as the nature of social welfare in pre-colonial Nigerian societies in relation to the new forms of poverty that British Colonial policies visited on the society. Poverty in the colonial period is shown to have been caused by changes in power relations and accompanying administrative and economic reorganization of the society which facilitated the diversion of labour, resources and surplus produce from family and household use to the colonial state, firms and their agents. This new form of poverty was manifested in the loss of family and household self-sufficiency and the inability to meet personal survival needs and obligations, making the majority unable to participate fully in the affairs of their communities. This dissertation looks at how the British Colonial State tried to achieve its objective of exploitation and deal with the problem of poverty in its various manifestations using indigenous institutions and practices and other non- indigenous strategies in the face of growing African resistance and declining productivity. It argues that over-aching strategy of development represented by the Colonial Development and Welfare Act of 1940 and subsequent amendments and community development were designed to co-opt the emergent civil society into acquiescence with the social system and contain further resistance, and as such could not provide welfare nor alleviate the problem of poverty.
    [Show full text]
  • An Enlightenment Era Reappraisal of the First Amendment and Campus Hate Speech
    NO ROOM FOR ABRIDGMENT: AN ENLIGHTENMENT ERA REAPPRAISAL OF THE FIRST AMENDMENT AND CAMPUS HATE SPEECH A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of The School of Continuing Studies and of The Graduate School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Liberal Studies By Meredith Symonds, B.A., Honors in Letters and Science Georgetown University Washington, D.C. August 5, 2010 NO ROOM FOR ABRIDGMENT: AN ENLIGHTENMENT ERA REAPPRAISAL OF THE FIRST AMENDMENT AND CAMPUS HATE SPEECH Meredith Symonds, B.A., Honors in Letters and Science Mentor: Terrence Reynolds, Ph.D. ABSTRACT In the late eighteenth century, Enlightenment philosophy advocated seeking truth through unrestricted learning, and this education creates awareness of the delicate balance between autonomy and consideration for all of humanity. This era’s philosophy was put into practice by the formation of the American republic and respective Constitution and Bill of Rights, both of which empower and limit government as well as ensure civil liberties defined by the Enlightenment ideals of autonomy. The First Amendment, created in the Bill of Rights, establishes the freedom of speech, press, and religion; all of which are fundamental to unrestricted learning and self-government. While it seems that the intellectual leaders of the United States concurred with the political philosophy that established the republic, a mistrust of the masses caused Congress appease its fears by occasionally abridging the First Amendment in ways that censor the public, limit learning, and contradict Enlightenment philosophy. This thesis will examine how the history of the American republic enforces the interpretation of the First Amendment to protect hate speech on public college campuses.
    [Show full text]
  • Plate-Forme D'organisation Des Communistes Libertaires
    Bibliothèque Anarchiste Anti-copyright Plate-forme d’organisation des communistes libertaires Archinov, Nestor Makhno, Ida Mett, Valesvsky, Linsky Archinov, Nestor Makhno, Ida Mett, Valesvsky, Linsky Plate-forme d’organisation des communistes libertaires 1926 Consulté le 30 avril 2016 de http ://www.nestormakhno.info/french/platform/org_plat.htm Groupe « Dielo Trouda » (Cause Ouvrière). Plate-forme organisationnelle de l’union générale des anarchistes (projet). fr.theanarchistlibrary.org 1926 Table des matières Préface 5 Introduction historique 8 Post-scriptum à l’introduction historique 12 Introduction 16 Partie Générale 20 1. La lutte des classes, son rôle et son sens. 20 2. Nécessité d’une révolution sociale violente . 21 3. L’anarchisme et le communisme libertaire . 21 4. La négation de la démocratie . 23 5. La négation de l’autorité . 24 6. Le rôle des masses et le rôle des anarchistes dans la lutte sociale et dans la révolution sociale. 25 7. La période transitoire . 29 8. Anarchisme et syndicalisme . 30 Partie Constructive 33 1. Le problème du premier jour de la révolution sociale . 33 2. La production . 34 3. La consommation . 35 4. La terre . 36 5. La défense de la révolution . 38 Partie Organisationnelle 41 Les principes de l’organisation anarchiste . 41 1) L’unité théorique . 41 2) L’unité tactique ou méthode collective d’action . 41 3) La responsabilité collective. 42 3 4) Le fédéralisme . 42 4 Les droits et obligations et les tâches pratiques du Comité exécutif sont fixés par le Congrès de l’Union. L’Union générale des Anarchistes a un but déterminé et concret. Au nom du succès de la révolution sociale, elle doit avant tout reposer sur les éléments les plus révolutionnaires et les plus radicaux parmi les ouvriers et les paysans et les absorber.
    [Show full text]
  • We Won't Share the Pain!
    ZabalazaA Journal of Southern African Revolutionary Anarchism No. 10 April 2009 From Each according to ability, To each according to need! They don’t share the profits- We won’t share the pain! In this issue... Southern Africa «ZACF Editorial.............................................................................................................................................. Page 3 «Unite Against the Minority, Then Unite Against the Majority?....................................................................... Page 3 « The Jacob Zuma Cargo Cult and the “Implosion” of Alliance Politics.......................................................... Page 4 «A Bitter Taste to the Sugarcane.................................................................................................................. Page 10 «Four Tools for Community Control – Part I: “Mutual Aid”............................................................................ Page 11 «Zimbabwe’s Party-Political Stitch-Up - How the Zanu-PF/MDC Deal Ignored Civil Society....................... Page 14 Africa «The Anarchist Movement in North Africa: 1877 - 1951............................................................................... Page 18 «Socialists and Gaullists Haunted by the Ghosts of Genocide.................................................................... Page 22 international «Jalan Journal: A New Asian Anarchist Voice is Born.................................................................................. Page 22 «30th Congress of the National Confederation
    [Show full text]
  • Building a Revolutionary Movement: Why Anarchist-Communist
    Zabalaza Books’ AgitProp Series #7 Building a Revolutionary Movement: Why Anarchist- Communist Organisation [BCBMB[B CPPLT by Adam Weaver of the www.zabalazabooks.net Furious Five Revolutionary Collective. “Knowledge is the key to be free!” “Knowledge is the key to be free!” Footnotes: 1. As quoted by Arif Dirlik, Anarchism and the Chinese Revolution (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 2 2. Citing just a few examples of China, Vietnam and Cuba: John King Fairbank, The Great Chinese Revolution (San Francisco: Harper Perenial, 1987), 208, 212 William Over the past few years Anarchist- “It became hard to recall that in 1905-14, J. Duiker, Ho Chi Minh, A Life (NY, Hyperion: 2000), 89 Frank Fernandez Cuban Communist organisations have been bud- the Marxist left (sic) had in most countries Anarchism (Tuscon, AZ: See Sharp Press, 2001), 55 ding across the globe from South Africa to been on the fringe of the revolutionary 3. The Global Influence of Platformism Today (Johannesburg, South Africa: Zabalaza South America to North America. Yet few movement, the main body of Marxists had Books, 2003), pg. 24 (Interview with Italian Federazione dei Comunisti Anarchici for people, even within anarchist and revolu- been identified with a de facto non-revolu- Organisational Dualism), tionary circles, have a good grasp of the tionary social democracy, while the bulk beliefs, motivations and purposes behind of the revolutionary left was anarcho-syn- 4. ibid, pg. 50 (Interview with Brazilian Federação Anarquista Gaúcha for especifismo) this movement. Often times with an dicalist, or at least much closer to the www.nefac.net or www.zabalaza.net emerging movement it is not until the egg ideas and mood of anarcho-syndicalism hatches, producing concrete and visible than to that of classical Marxism.
    [Show full text]
  • Building a Revolutionary Movement: Why Anarchist-Communist Organisation?
    Building a Revolutionary Movement: Why Anarchist-Communist Organisation? Over the past few years, anarchist-communist organisations have But now as a new epoch of 21st century struggle is beginning, signs of been budding across the globe from South Africa to South America to resurgence are surfacing in response to new crises and popular move- North America. Yet few people, even within anarchist and revolutionary ments are again bursting forth with new examples of popular rebellion circles, have a good grasp of the beliefs, motivations and purposes and organisation. In this climate a few dedicated individuals have begun behind this movement. Often times with an emerging movement it is not to brush off the dust and bring these stories of anarchism and popular until the egg hatches, producing concrete and visible results, that peo- movements to light again. ple begin to give it its name and tell its story. This article aims to give a brief outline the lessons to be learned from our revolutionary histories and show the roots from which the cur- The new world in our hearts rent movement of Anarchist-Communists in North America and world- We are standing at a moment of historic juncture, a moment that wide stems from and further argue the case for this movements vision promises to bring ever more frightening realities. Yet, with this frighten- of a coherent Anarchist-Communist organisation based on a strategic ing reality comes the opportunity for new movements to resist imposed orientation towards social movements of the working class and social crises and reshape society in a new image.
    [Show full text]