We Won't Share the Pain!
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Brief Summer of Anarchy: the Life and Death of Durruti - Hans Magnus Enzensberger
The Brief Summer of Anarchy: The Life and Death of Durruti - Hans Magnus Enzensberger Introduction: Funerals The coffin arrived in Barcelona late at night. It rained all day, and the cars in the funeral cortege were covered with mud. The black and red flag that draped the hearse was also filthy. At the anarchist headquarters, which had been the headquarters of the employers association before the war,1 preparations had already been underway since the previous day. The lobby had been transformed into a funeral chapel. Somehow, as if by magic, everything was finished in time. The decorations were simple, without pomp or artistic flourishes. Red and black tapestries covered the walls, a red and black canopy surmounted the coffin, and there were a few candelabras, and some flowers and wreaths: that was all. Over the side doors, through which the crowd of mourners would have to pass, signs were inscribed, in accordance with Spanish tradition, in bold letters reading: “Durruti bids you to enter”; and “Durruti bids you to leave”. A handful of militiamen guarded the coffin, with their rifles at rest. Then, the men who had accompanied the coffin from Madrid carried it to the anarchist headquarters. No one even thought about the fact that they would have to enlarge the doorway of the building for the coffin to be brought into the lobby, and the coffin-bearers had to squeeze through a narrow side door. It took some effort to clear a path through the crowd that had gathered in front of the building. From the galleries of the lobby, which had not been decorated, a few sightseers watched. -
Research Article
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ESE - Salento University Publishing PA rtecipazione e CO nflitto * The Open Journal of Sociopolitical Studies http://siba-ese.unisalento.it/index.php/paco ISSN: 1972-7623 (print version) ISSN: 2035-6609 (electronic version) PACO, Issue 11(1) 2018: 121-144 DOI: 10.1285/i20356609v11i1p121 Published in March 15, 2018 Work licensed under a Creative Commons At- tribution-Non commercial-Share alike 3.0 Italian License RESEARCH ARTICLE TRIGGERING SOLIDARITY ACTIONS TOWARDS CONTINGENT WORKERS AND THE UNEMPLOYED The point of view of grassroots trade unionists and labour ac- tivists Christina Karakioulafis University of Crete, Greece Kostas Kanellopoulos University of Crete, Greece ABSTRACT: Since the 1980s, trade unions have suffered a decrease in membership, public legitimacy and the capacity to achieve their core objectives. Renewal strategies have varied, depending on the national context. Part of them focused on rank-and-file mobilization and social movement unionism. In the Greek context, the academic discussion about the crisis of trade unions took place mainly during the 2000s, but without having an impact within union circles or on union strategies. Additionally, grassroots and rank- and-file unions that adopted a social movement and radical unionism approach, and contested the ‘institu- tionalized official’ trade unions, remained marginal and their actions were not very visible. The recent fis- cal crisis and the implementation of the Memoranda brought up previous dysfunctions. In a context of in- creasing employment precarity and unemployment, the general position of official trade unions towards contingent workers and the unemployed has been strongly contested, while grassroots rank-and-file un- ions claim a more active role in this area. -
The Spanish Anarchists: the Heroic Years, 1868-1936
The Spanish Anarchists THE HEROIC YEARS 1868-1936 the text of this book is printed on 100% recycled paper The Spanish Anarchists THE HEROIC YEARS 1868-1936 s Murray Bookchin HARPER COLOPHON BOOKS Harper & Row, Publishers New York, Hagerstown, San Francisco, London memoria de Russell Blackwell -^i amigo y mi compahero Hafold F. Johnson Library Ceirtef' "ampsliire College Anrteret, Massachusetts 01002 A hardcover edition of this book is published by Rree Life Editions, Inc. It is here reprinted by arrangement. THE SPANISH ANARCHISTS. Copyright © 1977 by Murray Bookchin. AH rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner without written permission except in the case ofbrief quotations embodied in critical articles and reviews. For information address ftee Life Editions, Inc., 41 Union Square West, New York, N.Y. 10003. Published simultaneously in Canada by Fitzhenry & Whiteside Limited, Toronto. First HARPER COLOPHON edition published 1978 ISBN: 0-06-090607-3 78 7980 818210 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 21 Contents OTHER BOOKS BY MURRAY BOOKCHIN Introduction ^ Lebensgefahrliche, Lebensmittel (1955) Prologue: Fanelli's Journey ^2 Our Synthetic Environment (1%2) I. The "Idea" and Spain ^7 Crisis in Our Qties (1965) Post-Scarcity Anarchism (1971) BACKGROUND MIKHAIL BAKUNIN 22 The Limits of the Qty (1973) Pour Une Sodete Ecologique (1976) II. The Topography of Revolution 32 III. The Beginning THE INTERNATIONAL IN SPAIN 42 IN PREPARATION THE CONGRESS OF 1870 51 THE LIBERAL FAILURE 60 T'he Ecology of Freedom Urbanization Without Cities IV. The Early Years 67 PROLETARIAN ANARCHISM 67 REBELLION AND REPRESSION 79 V. -
Panel 3 CIVIL SOCIETY-ORGANISATIONS
Greek Ethical Identities in Continuity and Change: A Social Networks Approach of Applied Philotimo in Economo-scape of Local Communities; the Case of Cooperative Banking Theodoros A. Katerinakis, MSc, PhD Candidate Tel: +215 895 6143, e-mail: [email protected] Department of Culture & Communication, Drexel University, 3141 Chestnut St., Philadelphia, PA 19104, USA Μail Address: 106A North 21st St., Philadelphia, PA 19103, USA Abstract: The core value of Greek philotimo derives from the root concept of kalokagathia and is manifested in the institutional and transactional ethos of Cooperative Banks in Greece. A major case study of Cooperative Bank of Chania (CBC) is presented to introducing the analytical approach of social network analysis, via UCINET, to represent membership ties and managerial ties in the second largest Greek cooperative bank. The concept of ethics in doing business is extended in a deliberate tendency to build transactional networks that enforce pre-existing social networks and stay tuned with sustainable local economies, a notion consistent with locality in multicultural Europe. Cooperative banking operates in intersection of emotional capitalism and social enterprise, as a cultural process through which new interactional- emotional scripts of economic relationships are illustrated by the cultural frames of cooperation or team work. The case of CBC of Chania shows how non-commercial ties of buyers- sellers matter in “major purchases” and insulate from crisis. Most such transactions take place among kin, friends, or acquaintances that substitute impersonal markets, especially when decisions involve high uncertainty; so common values like philotimo promote connectedness and builds trust that prevails in dealing with risk in order to make financial decisions, sustain and support them. -
Fernand Pelloutier and the Dilemma of Revolutionary Syndicalism1
ALAN B. SPITZER ANARCHY AND CULTURE: FERNAND PELLOUTIER AND THE DILEMMA OF REVOLUTIONARY SYNDICALISM1 "nous voulons que l'emancipation du peuple soit 1'ceuvre du peuple lui-meme." (L'Organisation corporative et l'anarchie.) Advancing under socialist banners, the labor movement in Western Europe won such success by the end of the nineteenth century as to produce a deep moral and intellectual crisis in European socialism. Internecine quarrels over revisionism, participationism, and anti- political syndicalism reflected the malaise of a "revolutionary" move- ment that each year bound itself more closely to the system it had vowed to destroy. For socialist theoreticians, the crisis was cognitive or "scientific" - it had to do with issues of adequate historical analysis and prediction - but for the theorists of French revolutionary syn- dicalism it was essentially a moral crisis. In their eyes the socialist parties had already failed because they were the instruments for manipulation and betrayal of the workers by leaders whose ambitions could be gratified through the capitalist establishment. They identified a practical and moral alternative to political socialism in the revolution- ary general strike prepared and carried out by autonomous proletarian organizations. Such organizations were necessary to the idealists of the general strike if their programs were not to degenerate into a strictly verbal revolutionary Coueism and they therefore put great stock in the development of militant working-class associations. Among these, the Bourses du Travail, which flourished from 1895 to 1901 under the dedicated direction of the anarchist intellectual, Fernand Pelloutier,2 seemed the most promising. Fernand Pelloutier came to revolutionary syndicalism out of a background of provincial republican politics. -
Anarchism: a History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements
Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements George Woodcock 1962 Contents 1. Prologue 3 PART ONE: THE IDEA 18 2. The Family Tree 19 3. The Man of Reason 32 4. The Egoist 52 5. The Man of Paradox 59 6. The Destructive Urge 81 7. The Explorer 103 8. The Prophet 125 PART TWO: THE MOVEMENT 133 9. International Endeavours 134 10. Anarchism in France 154 11. Anarchism in Italy 184 12. Anarchism in Spain 200 13. Anarchism in Russia 225 14. Various Traditions: Anarchism in Latin America, Northern Europe, Britain, and the United States 240 15. Epilogue 265 Postscript 270 Selected Bibliography 277 2 1. Prologue ‘Whoever denies authority and fights against it is an anarchist,’ said Sebastien Faure. The defi- nition is tempting in its simplicity, but simplicity is the first thing to guard against in writing a history of anarchism. Few doctrines or movements have been so confusedly understood in the public mind, and few have presented in their own variety of approach and action so much excuse for confusion. That is why, before beginning to trace the actual historical course of anarchism, as a theory and a movement, I start with a chapter of definition. What is anarchism? And what is it not? These are the questions we must first consider. Faure’s statement at least marks out the area in which anarchism exists. All anarchists deny authority; many of them fight against it. But by no means all who deny authority andfight against it can reasonably be called anarchists. Historically, anarchism is a doctrine which poses a criticism of existing society; a view of a desirable future society; and a means of passing from one to the other. -
{PDF EPUB} Towards a Fresh Revolution by Amigos De Durruti Friends of Durruti
Read Ebook {PDF EPUB} Towards A Fresh Revolution by Amigos de Durruti Friends of Durruti. Audiobook version of the pamphlet Towards a Fresh Revolution, published by the Friends of Durruti group during the Spanish Civil War. A revolutionary theory (with an introduction by Agustín Guillamón) An article published in July 1937 by The Friends of Durruti, large portions of which appeared in the pamphlet “The Revolutionary Message of the ‘Friends of Durruti’” (PDF) that was translated into English via French. Here it is translated in full directly from Spanish for the first time. Views and Comments No. 44 (April 1963) The No. 44 (April 1963) issue of Views and Comments , an anarcho-syndicalist leaning publication produced out of New York by the Libertarian League from 1955 until 1966. A look at the past: the revolutionary career of Joaquín Pérez – Miguel Amorós. A vivid biographical sketch of Joaquín Pérez (1907-2006), based on a manuscript he wrote during the last few years of his life, who joined the CNT at the age of sixteen in the early 1920s, and was, successively, a specialist in the CNT’s Defense Committees in Barcelona during the 1930s, a militiaman in the Durruti Column during the first months of the Civil War, one of the original members of The Friends of Durruti, a fugitive, a prisoner in Montjuich, and then, after escaping from Montjuich as Franco’s forces closed in on the citadel, an exile, first in labor camps in France, and then, after stowing away on a British warship during the evacuation of Brest, in London. -
Colfer Phd Final Submitted 04.12.18 Trade Union Influence Under
This dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics and International Studies. Pembroke College, University of Cambridge, December 2017 i Declaration This dissertation is the result of my own work and includes nothing which is the outcome of work done in collaboration except as declared in the Preface and specified in the text. It is not substantially the same as any that I have submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for a degree or diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other university or similar institution except as specified in the text. I further state that no substantial part of my dissertation has already been submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for any such degree, diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other university or similar institution. It does not exceed the prescribed word limit. i There's a simple doctrine: outside of a person's love, the most sacred thing that they can give is their labour. And somehow or another along the way, we tend to forget that. Labour is a very precious thing that you have. Anytime that you can combine labour with love, you've made a good merger. -James Carville ii Acknowledgements I want to thank the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC), the University of Cambridge Home and European Scholarship Scheme (CHESS), Pembroke College, the estate of the late Professor Monica Partridge, and the Cambridge Political Economy Society for their generous funding and support throughout my doctoral research. I also want to thank the European Trade Union Institute and the American College of Athens, especially Professor Eleni Patra, for supporting me during fieldwork in Brussels and Athens respectively. -
Security Council Conseil De Securite
UNITED NATIONS NATIONS UNIES SECURITY CONSEIL COUNCIL DE SECURITE OFFiC~AL RECORDS PROCES-VERBAUX OFFICIELS FIRST YEAR seCOND SERIES PREMIERE ANNEE SECONDE SERIE SIXTY-EIGHTH MEETING SOIXANTE-HUITIEME SEANCE H eld at Lake Success, New York, Tenue à Lake Success, New-York on Tuesday, 17 September 1946, at 3 p.m. le mardi 17 septembre 19463 à 15 heures. President: Ml'. A. GROMYKO (Union of Président: M. A. GROMYKO (Union des Répu Soviet Socialist Republics). bliques socialistes soviétiques). Present: The representatives of the following Présents: Les représentrnts deS pays suivants: countries: Australia, Brazil, China, Egypt, Australie, Brésil, Chine, Egypte, France, France, Mexico, Netherlands, Poland, Union of Mexique, Pays-Bas, Pologne, Union des Répu Soviet Socialist Republics, United Kingdom, bliques socialistes soviétiques, Royaume-Uni; United States of America. Etats-Unis d'Amérique. 55. Provisional agenda 55. Ordre du jour provisoire 1. Adoption of the agenda. 1. Adoption de l'ordre du jour. 2. TelegraIJ1 from the Minister for Foreign 2. Télégramme en date du 24 a~tit 1946 Affairs of the Ukrainian Soviet ...,ocialist envoyé au Secrétaire général par le Mi Republic to the Secretary-General, datçd nistre des Affaires étrangères de la Répu 24 August 1946 (document S/137).1"" bliqùe socialiste soviétique d'Ukraine (document SI 137)t. 3. Statement made by the representative of 3. Déclaration. faite par le représentant de the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics at l'Union des Républiques socialistes sovié the fifty-seventh meeting of the Security tiques à la cinquante-septième séance du Corincil (document SI 144) .2 Conseil de sécurité (document SI 144}1!. -
Rebels with a Cause: Revolutionary Syndicalism, Anarchism, and Socialism in Fin-De-Siècle France
Rebels with a Cause: Revolutionary Syndicalism, Anarchism, and Socialism in Fin-De-Siècle France Andrew P. Miller History In his influential book, Revolutionary Syndicalism and French Labor, Peter Stearns presents the fin-de-siècle syndicalist movement in France as “a cause without rebels.” Stearns asserts that syndicalist leaders and intellectuals “produced distinctive and abundant rhetoric…yet they did not characterize French labor in their heyday and they did not set an enduring trend.”1 For Stearns, the revolutionary syndicalists failed to meet the workers’ material needs and paralyzed the unionist movement because they did not have a centralized leadership dedicated to pragmatic business and organizational practices. Bernard Moss comes to a similar conclusion, stating that the workers’ shift from “a cooperative strategy in alliance with the reformist middle class” to “a revolutionary strategy of class struggle” through loose federations and autonomous trade associations hampered the centralized discipline and political power of unions at the turn of the century.2 Stearns and Moss engage the French labor movement from very different perspectives, but in the end, both either discount or fail to recognize the specific ideals and moral tradition behind revolutionary syndicalism. Stearns’s concern with the importance of higher wages and job security conceals the fact that narrow, short-term gains were not the main objectives of the skilled labor force in the syndicalist movement. Moss, on the other hand, recognizes the ideological character of the movement, but fails to acknowledge that political socialism, as a path into twentieth-century industrial politics, eventually embedded the French syndicalists in the capitalist system they sought to overturn. -
LEON TROTSKY: from "COMMUNISM and SYNDICALISM" the Trade Union Question Is One of the Most Important for the Labour Movement And, Consequently, for the Opposition
LEON TROTSKY: FROM "COMMUNISM AND SYNDICALISM" The trade union question is one of the most important for the labour movement and, consequently, for the Opposition. Without a precise position on the trade union question, the Opposition will be unable to win real influence in the working class... 1. The Communist Party is the fundamental weapon of revolutionary action of the proletariat the combat organisation of its vanguard that must raise itself to the role of leader of the working class in all the spheres of its struggle without exception, and consequently, in the trade union field. 2. Those who, in principle, counterpose trade union autonomy to the leadership of the Communist Party, counterpose thereby – whether they want to or not – the most backward proletarian section to the vanguard of the working class, the struggle for immediate demands to the struggle for the complete liberation of the workers, reformism to Communism, opportunism to revolutionary Marxism. 3. Prewar French syndicalism, at the epoch of its rise and expansion, by fighting for trade union autonomy actually fought for its independence from the bourgeois government and its parties, among them that of reformist-parliamentary socialism. This was a struggle against opportunism – for a revolutionary road. Revolutionary syndicalism did not in this connection, make a fetish of the autonomy of the mass organisations. On the contrary, it understood and preached the leading role of the revolutionary minority in relation to the mass organisations, which reflect the working class with all its contradictions, its backwardness, and its weaknesses. 4. The theory of the active minority was, in essence, an incomplete theory of a proletarian party. -
Casanova, Julían, the Spanish Republic and Civil
This page intentionally left blank The Spanish Republic and Civil War The Spanish Civil War has gone down in history for the horrific violence that it generated. The climate of euphoria and hope that greeted the over- throw of the Spanish monarchy was utterly transformed just five years later by a cruel and destructive civil war. Here, Julián Casanova, one of Spain’s leading historians, offers a magisterial new account of this crit- ical period in Spanish history. He exposes the ways in which the Republic brought into the open simmering tensions between Catholics and hard- line anticlericalists, bosses and workers, Church and State, order and revolution. In 1936, these conflicts tipped over into the sacas, paseos and mass killings that are still passionately debated today. The book also explores the decisive role of the international instability of the 1930s in the duration and outcome of the conflict. Franco’s victory was in the end a victory for Hitler and Mussolini, and for dictatorship over democracy. julián casanova is Professor of Contemporary History at the University of Zaragoza, Spain. He is one of the leading experts on the Second Republic and the Spanish Civil War and has published widely in Spanish and in English. The Spanish Republic and Civil War Julián Casanova Translated by Martin Douch CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo, Delhi, Dubai, Tokyo Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521493888 © Julián Casanova 2010 This publication is in copyright.