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(2019) Churchill's Defeat in Dundee, 1922, and the Decline of Liberal
Tomlinson, J. (2019) Churchill’s defeat in Dundee, 1922, and the decline of liberal political economy. Historical Journal, (Accepted for Publication). There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. http://eprints.gla.ac.uk/192576/ Deposited on: 9 August 2019 Enlighten – Research publications by members of the University of Glasgow http://eprints.gla.ac.uk Churchill’s defeat in Dundee, 1922, and the decline of liberal political economy JIM TOMLINSON University of Glasgow Churchill’s defeat Abstract: This article uses Churchill’s defeat in Dundee in 1922 to examine the challenges to liberal political economy in Britain posed by the First World War. In particular, the focus is on the impact of the war on re-shaping the global division of labour and the difficulties in responding to the domestic consequences of this re- shaping. Dundee provides an ideal basis for examining the links between the local politics and global economic changes in this period because of the traumatic effects of the war and on the city. Dundee depended to an extraordinary extent on one, extremely ‘globalised’ industry, jute, for its employment. All raw jute brought to Dundee came from Bengal, and the markets for its product were scattered all over the world. Moreover, the main competitive threat to the industry came from a much poorer economy (India) so that jute manufacturing was the first major British industry to be significantly affected by low wage competition. Before 1914 the Liberals combined advocacy of free trade with a significant set of interventions in the labour market and in social welfare, including Trade Boards. -
Does Red Clydeside Really Matter Anymore?
Christopher Fevre 100009227 ‘Does Red Clydeside Really Matter Any More?’ Word Count: 4,290 Red Clydeside, described aptly by Maggie Craig as ‘those heady decades at the beginning of the twentieth century when passionate people and passionate politics swept like a whirlwind through Glasgow’ is arguably the most significant yet controversial subject in Scottish labour and social history.1 Yet, it is because of this controversy that questions still linger regarding the significance of Red Clydeside in the overall narrative of British and more specifically, Scottish history. The title of this paper, ‘Does Red Clydeside Really Matter Any More?’ has been generously borrowed from Terry Brotherstone’s interesting article in Militant Workers: Labour and Class Conflict on the Clyde 1900- 1950.2 Following a decade in which the legacy of the Red Clydesiders had been systematically attacked by revisionist historians agitated by contemporary attempts to link the events on the Clyde with those occurring in Russia in 1917, Brotherstone emphasised the new and developing common sense approach to the Red Clydeside debate. It was argued that ‘A new consensus seems to be emerging... which acknowledges the significance of the events associated with Red Clydeside, but seeks to dissociate them from what is now perceived as the ‘myth’ or ‘legend’ that they involved a revolutionary challenge to the British state’. However, as a consequence of the ever changing nature of Red Clydeside historiography it is now time for a re-assessment of the significance of Red Clydeside which incorporates new research into the rise of left-wing politics in Scotland more generally. -
Stewart2019.Pdf
Political Change and Scottish Nationalism in Dundee 1973-2012 Thomas A W Stewart PhD Thesis University of Edinburgh 2019 Abstract Prior to the 2014 independence referendum, the Scottish National Party’s strongest bastions of support were in rural areas. The sole exception was Dundee, where it has consistently enjoyed levels of support well ahead of the national average, first replacing the Conservatives as the city’s second party in the 1970s before overcoming Labour to become its leading force in the 2000s. Through this period it achieved Westminster representation between 1974 and 1987, and again since 2005, and had won both of its Scottish Parliamentary seats by 2007. This performance has been completely unmatched in any of the country’s other cities. Using a mixture of archival research, oral history interviews, the local press and memoires, this thesis seeks to explain the party’s record of success in Dundee. It will assess the extent to which the character of the city itself, its economy, demography, geography, history, and local media landscape, made Dundee especially prone to Nationalist politics. It will then address the more fundamental importance of the interaction of local political forces that were independent of the city’s nature through an examination of the ability of party machines, key individuals and political strategies to shape the city’s electoral landscape. The local SNP and its main rival throughout the period, the Labour Party, will be analysed in particular detail. The thesis will also take time to delve into the histories of the Conservatives, Liberals and Radical Left within the city and their influence on the fortunes of the SNP. -
~ Report .'"'" I of the Fourth Annual ___
~ ~ ~ THE GENERAL FEDERATION OF TRADE UNIONS. CHIEF OFFICE: 168-170, TEMPLE OHAMBERS, TEMPLE AVENUE, Telegraphic Address: LONDON, E.O. "Wellwisher, London," I 1 I ~ REPORT .'"'" I OF THE FOURTH ANNUAL ___-. I! rt ! (j~n~ral Council m~~ting 1 ~ f I HELD AT I, THE MANSION HOUSE, i DUBLIN, 011 THURSDAY and FRIDAY. 9th ami 1Otll JULY. 1903. ALSO R,EPOQ.T OF INTER.NATIONAL CONFERENCE . ..,;"..---- i!tNtl:>.<sn; GO-OPERATIVE PRINTING SOCIEl'Y LIMITED, TUDOR STREET, NEW BRIDGE STREET, E.O. 1903 • ;'1" • <.E.: General federation of Trade Unions, 768-770, TEMPLE OHAMBERS, TEMPLE AVENUE, E.O. FOURTH ANNUAL -----;f;----- GENERAL COUNCIL MEETING. GOfI1MITT££ ; .. ~tv-'~----~.- MR. PETE CURRAN (Chairman), Gasworkers' and General Labourers' Union. COUNCILLOR ALLEN GEE (Vice-Chairman), Yorkshire Textile Workers. AGENDA. MR. J. J\IADDISON (Tl'CaSltrel') , Friendly Society of Ironfounders. I Chairman's Address. Amendments to Rules. MR. ALEXANDER WILKIE (Trustee), Associated Shipwrights. MR. G. N. BARNES (Trustee), Amalgamated Society of Engineers. Election of Officers:- Welcome by Lord Mayor (T. C. COUNCILLOR J. HOLMES (T1'ustee) , Hosiery Workers' Federation. Harrington, M.P.):- Mll. T. ASHTON, J.P., Cotton Spinners. Ohairman. Mll. J. N. BELL, National Amalgamated Union of Labour. J P. Nannetti, M.P. Vice-Ohairman. MR. J. CRINION, Card and Blowing Room Operatives. MR. W. J. DAVIS, Amalgamated Brassworkers. .0eputation from Dublin Trades Coune-il. Treasurer. Mll. T. MALLALIEU, Felt Hatters' Union. Mll. J. O'GRADY, National Amalgamated Furnishing Trades' Association. Foreign Delegation Adclress. Secretary ME. W. C. STEADMAN, L.C.C., Barge Builders. Mll. BEN TILLETT, Dockers' Union. Election of Tellers, etc. Three Trustees. -
People, Place and Party:: the Social Democratic Federation 1884-1911
Durham E-Theses People, place and party:: the social democratic federation 1884-1911 Young, David Murray How to cite: Young, David Murray (2003) People, place and party:: the social democratic federation 1884-1911, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/3081/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk People, Place and Party: the Social Democratic Federation 1884-1911 David Murray Young A copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without his prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged. Thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Durham Department of Politics August 2003 CONTENTS page Abstract ii Acknowledgements v Abbreviations vi Introduction 1 Chapter 1- SDF Membership in London 16 Chapter 2 -London -
Report of the Conference on Labour
REPORT OF THE second Jlnnual Conference OF THE LABOUR REPRESENTATION Co:tHITTEE HELD L TH'.E CENTRAL HALL CORPORATION STREET. BIRMINGHAM. On Thursday, February 20th, 1902, ~ o The Labour Representation Committee, 3, LI TCOL 'S I N FIELDS, LONDON, w.c. AC D J. RAMSAY MACDONALD, Secretary. 49 OFFICERS AND MEMBERS OF THE LABOUR REPRESENTATION COMMITTEE, ELECTED 21ST FEBRUARY, 1902. Trade Unions, Chairman: R. BELL, M.P. Amalgamated Railway Servants. Vice-Chairman: J. HODGE Steelsmelters. Treasurer: F. ROGERS Vellum Binders. W. B. CHEESMAN, Fawcett Association I ALLE GEE, Textile Worker PETE CURRAN, Gasworkers J. SEXTON, Dock Labourers C. FREAK, Boot & Shoe Operatives I A. WILKIE, Shipwrights Trades Councils. WM. PICKLES - - Huddersfield Trades Council. Independent Labour Party J. KEIR HARDIE, M.P. I COUNCILLOR JAMES PARKER. Fabian Society. EDWARD R. PEASE: SECRETARY: J. RAMSAY MACDONALD, L.C.C., 3, LINCOLN'S INN FIELDS, LONDON, w.c 50 NAMES AND ADDRESSES OF DELEGATES ATTENDING THE CONFERENCE, TRADE UNIONS. SOCIETY. DELEGATE . Blastfurnacemen, National Federation ... P. Walls, Moss Bay, Workington. Bookbinders' ,,net Machine Rulers' Consolidatecl. Mat, hew Ri<liey, 5, Mulberry Street, Hulme, Man- U nion. chest er. James Kelly, 59, Grosvenor Street, C-on-:vf., Man chester. Baot and Shoe Operatives, National Union of ... C. Freak, 31, Al,ney Street, Leicester. Councillor J. F. Richards, 181, Belgrave Gate, Leicester W. B. Hornidge, r 2, Paton Street, Leicester. Brassworkers, National Amalgamated .. T- Ramsden, 70, Lionel S1reet, Birmingh:im. W. J. Davis, 70, Lionel Street, Birmingham. Brushmakers, Amalg!:l.mated Society of ... G. Freeman, 43, Wright Street, mall Heath, Birmingham. Builders' Labourers Union, United F. -
Westwood's Parochial Directory for the Counties of Fife and Kinross
^ National Library of Scotland BOOO 192299* 'WESTWOOD'S PAEOCHIAL DIRECTORY FOR THE COUNTIES OF FIFE AND KINROSS, CONTAINING THE MIES AND ADDRESSES OF GENTRY, AND OE PERSONS IN BUSINESS, e^c. CUPAR-FIFE: A. WESTWOOD. EDINBURGH : JOHN MENZIES. jJM^. A. WESTWOOD, PRINTER, CROSS, CUPAR. PREFACE. In introducing to the public the First Edition of the Parochial Directory of Fife and Kinross, the Publisher begs to state that the work has been in contemplation for several years ; and that nothing but a deep sense of the labour and responsibility attending such an undertaking, has prevented its earlier appearance. Now, that the intention has been matui'ed, he hopes that his labours will be generally appreciated. The Publisher expects that a work of such general utility as a Parochial Directory for the two Counties, will commend itself to the patronage of the public. Indeed, the interest taken in the under- taking, and the assistance so heai'tily rendered by all classes, place its success beyond a doubt ; and he embraces this opportunity of returning his thanks to those gentlemen who gave their aid in getting up the various Parochial Lists, and correcting the Proofs, In particular, he begs to express his special thanks to William Patrick, Esq., Assessor of Lands and Heritages for the County of Fife, who most matei-ially lessened his labours by placing at his disposal the Valuation Rolls made up by him ; and otherwise tendered such help as only one having a thorough knowledge of the County could give. The Publisher is aware that, although every effort has been made to secure such a measure of accui'acy as to make the undei-taking worthy of the two Counties, some typographical and other errors will be found in the body of the work ; but he hopes that they will not interfere with its general usefulness ; and he rests satisfied that those who can best appreciate the difficulties attending the getting up of such a work, will be the most ready to overlook those minor faults which could scarcely be avoided in the first issue of such a publication. -
The Origins and Development of the Fabian Society, 1884-1900
Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Dissertations Theses and Dissertations 1986 The Origins and Development of the Fabian Society, 1884-1900 Stephen J. O'Neil Loyola University Chicago Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_diss Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation O'Neil, Stephen J., "The Origins and Development of the Fabian Society, 1884-1900" (1986). Dissertations. 2491. https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_diss/2491 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. Copyright © 1986 Stephen J. O'Neil /11/ THE ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE FABIAN SOCIETY, 1884-1900 by Stephen J. O'Neil A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Loyola University of Chicago in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 1986 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This work is the product of research over several years' span. Therefore, while I am endebted to many parties my first debt of thanks must be to my advisor Dr. Jo Hays of the Department of History, Loyola University of Chicago; for without his continuing advice and assistance over these years, this project would never have been completed. I am also grateful to Professors Walker and Gutek of Loyola who, as members of my dissertation committee, have also provided many sug gestions and continual encouraqement in completing this project. -
George Lansbury and the Middlesbrough Election of 1906
A. W. PURDUE GEORGE LANSBURY AND THE MIDDLESBROUGH ELECTION OF 1906 The different elements which came together to form the Labour Representation Committee1 in February 1900 were, when it came to party organisation, at once its strength and its weakness. Labour was not in the position of a totally new political party having to build up a political machine from scratch, rather the LRC was able to utilise and build upon existing organisations: these were the Independent Labour Party, the Fabian Society, those trade unions which supported the LRC, and trades councils throughout the country (the Social Dem- ocratic Federation disaffiliated from the LRC after little more than a year's membership). At both a local and a national level, however, these organisations were often hostile to each other, jealous of their independence and suspicious of attempts by the LRC Executive2 to control them. The early history of the LRC in the North East of England has many examples of the result- of these divisions within the Labour movement. In 1902 the Labour movement in Jarrow and the NEC had been hopelessly split over the question of whether Alexander Wilkie, Secretary of the Shipwrights' Union, or Peter Curran, General Organiser of the Gasworkers' Union, should be LRC candidate for Jarrow. This was much more than an inter-union squabble as Curran was a socialist and leading ILPer while Wilkie was a moderate trade unionist pre- pared to work closely with local Liberalism; Curran's adoption was therefore a victory for the more militant forces within the Labour movement. Many trade unionists in the North East who supported the LRC were opposed to a complete break with Liberalism and especially wished to work harmoniously with the existing Liberal-Labour MPs. -
Winter 2008.Cdr
Shelf Life No. 21 Winter 2008 Ship Constructors’ and 19th and early 20th century. rade Union support continues unabated. You will recall that in the last There were many Tedition of 'Shelf Life' 49 Unite branches had become friends of the library. Shipwright’ Association Since then a further 37 branches have come on board giving a grand total of 95 demarcation issues between rom the shipwrights, carpenters F Trade Unite branches nationally associating themselves with the library. Following n 1882 the Associated Society of Shipwrights was and boilermakers. This can on their heels are 21 GMB branches newly added to our mailing list. Readers formed from many of the local shipwrights' I be seen in the reports and who've been with us a while will remember the GMB's decision to contribute societies that existed around the country. In 1908, Union papers of the Association towards our ever-increasing energy bill. This contribution is paid twice yearly after several major amalgamations, it became the and several arbitration C and our mid year support of just under £3,000 was received in September. Ship Constructive and Shipwrights' Association othe n Support reports from shipyards llectio We would also like to thank for their continuing support regions or branches of around the country. These the CWU, FBU, NUJ and UNISON. awards go into great detail For the fourth year running we've had the usual annual donation from the NASUWT and recently about each individual job to be donations from the national office of the FBU and a separate one from its National Women's Committee. -
The Liberal and Labour Parties in North-East Politics 1900-14: the Struggle for Supremacy
A. W. PURDUE THE LIBERAL AND LABOUR PARTIES IN NORTH-EAST POLITICS 1900-14: THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY i The related developments of the rise of the Labour Party and the decline of the Liberal Party have been subjected to considerable scrutiny by his- torians of modern Britain. Their work has, however, had the effect of stimulating new controversies rather than of establishing a consensus view as to the reasons for this fundamental change in British political life. There are three main areas of controversy. The first concerns the char- acter of the Labour Party prior to 1918, the degree to which it was Socialist or even collectivist and could offer to the electorate policies and an image substantially different to those of the Liberal Party, and the degree to which it merely continued the Liberal-Labour tradition in alliance with, albeit outside the fold of, the Liberal Party. The second concerns the search for an historical turning-point at which Liberal decline and Labour's advance can be said to have become distinguishable. Perhaps the most vital debate centres around the third area of controversy, the nature of early- twentieth-century Liberalism and the degree to which a change towards a more collectivist and socially radical posture enabled it to contain the threat that the Labour Party presented to its electoral position. Research into the history of the Labour Party has modified considerably those earlier views of the movement's history which were largely formed by those who had, themselves, been concerned in the party's development. Few would now give such prominence to the role of the Fabian Society as did writers such as G. -
1889 and All That: New Views on the New Unionism*
DEREK MATTHEWS 1889 AND ALL THAT: NEW VIEWS ON THE NEW UNIONISM* SUMMARY: This article reviews the existing literature on the rise of the New Unionism and suggests some revisions of the nature of the phenomenon based on recent research. One finding is that as institutions the unions were not militant but from their inception favoured a moderate stance regarding relations with employ- ers. The causes of the New Unionism and the strike wave of 1889-1890 are analysed within a framework of neoclassical economics and the major operator in the situation is identified as the dwindling supply of rural labour which increased the value and bargaining power of the unskilled toward the end of the nineteenth century. The year 1889 ranks in the pantheon of British labour history alongside 1834 or 1926. Eric Hobsbawm has called it a year of explosive militancy when the working-class movement took a sharp turn to the left. It "marks a qualitative transformation of the British labour movement and its industrial relations" when "[a] new era of labour relations and class conflict was clearly opening".1 The year is always associated with the rise of the New Unionism, a term used at the time although it has now been debunked so often there might seem to be very little left of the concept. The Webbs, of course, initiated the academic historiography and there has been much subsequent revision. The purpose of this article, however, is to show, first, how the true nature of the New Unionism has still not been properly appreciated. Secondly, in analysing the causes of the rise of the New Unionism and the strike wave that accompanied it - within a model relying heavily on neoclassical economic theory - it will be suggested that hitherto a fundamental operator on industrial relations in the period has been ig- nored.