DE BLASIO: AN UNENDORSEMENT TRUMP’S UNDERTAKER THE EDITORS PATRICIA J. WILLIAMS

JULY 13/20, 2020

Defund Just the Invest Police This is only the How to make beginning it a reality DESTIN JENKINS BRYCE COVERT

We must avoid exchanging the violence of the police for the violence of finance capitalism

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ON TARA READE’S ALLEGATIONS KATHA POLLITT ALABAMA COMMUNISTS 2 The Nation. ROBERT GREENE II

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A Gamble Worth Taking to continue to obstruct the revolution that single-payer would mean for all Bill Fletcher Jr.’s wish list for the working people. Brent Kramer reinvention of organized labor [“Labor: More Perfect Unions,” June 15/22] is, as usual with him, Protect Old Joe? insightful and incisive. Re “On Tara Reade’s Allegations” Subscribe wherever you But his prescription for the crisis [Katha Pollitt, June 15/22]: I am get your podcasts or go to in health care costs is just plain wrong. very disappointed by what seems to TheNation.com/ To say that “unions should, of course, be an all-out effort in The Nation to StartMakingSense defend the health plans that they dis­credit and humiliate Tara Reade to listen today. have” is saying that union leadership and bolster Joe Biden’s reputation. I should continue to oppose the most have no illusions about the absolute STACEY ABRAMS sensible and cost-effective way to deal necessity of beating MARGARET ATWOOD CHARLES with that crisis: single-payer (other- and Mike Pence in the fall. I will M. BLOW SHERROD BROWN wise known as Medicare for All). overcome my nausea and put aside Yes, there would be additional NOAM CHOMSKY GAIL COLLINS my principles and vote for Biden, payroll taxes required. But they shaming myself for the greater good. MIKE DAVIS ELIZABETH DREW would be far lower than the “taxes” Because no one denies Biden’s long BARBARA EHRENREICH taken by employers from wages to history of “handsiness” (what a con- DANIEL ELLSBERG FRANCES support employer-provided coverage venient euphemism!), which has made FITZGERALD ERIC FONER or the costs to workers of foregone numerous women uncomfortable for THOMAS FRANK HENRY LOUIS improvements in other benefits that decades. It is repetitious to point out employers use the increased health what the situation would be if Biden GATES JR. MICHELLE GOLDBERG coverage costs to justify. were a Republican. AMY GOODMAN CHRIS HAYES Employer-linked health care is Reade may behave in ways that MARGO JEFFERSON DAVID always tenuous, as we are seeing are suspicious and incomprehen- CAY JOHNSTON NAOMI KLEIN tragically during the current sible today, but that doesn’t mean RACHEL KUSHNER VIET THANH pandemic, when masses of union she couldn’t well have been sexually workers are being laid off and are harassed by Biden back then in a way NGUYEN NORMAN LEAR GREIL losing their medical coverage just that was genuinely disruptive to her MARCUS JANE MAYER BILL when they need it the most. emotionally. It is discouraging to see MCKIBBEN WALTER MOSLEY For large unions with contracts The Nation go after Reade in this way JOHN NICHOLS LAWRENCE that include comprehensive health in the frantic drive to protect Old Joe, O’DONNELL LAURA POITRAS care insurance for their workers, it to whitewash his past and his overall may seem like a big gamble to sup- KATHA POLLITT ROBERT record to ensure his election. port proposals that would effectively There were other, much more REICH JOY REID FRANK RICH switch from employer to public fund- principled ways of doing this without ARUNDHATI ROY BERNIE ing. But it’s a bigger gamble for them (continued on page 34) SANDERS ANNA DEAVERE The Nation (ISSN 0027-8378) is published 30 times a year (four issues in February; three issues in SMITH EDWARD SNOWDEN March, April, June, and November; and two issues in January, May, July, August, September, October, REBECCA SOLNIT MARGARET and December) by The Nation Company, LLC © 2020 in the USA by The Nation Company, LLC, 520 Eighth Avenue, , NY 10018; (212) 209-5400. Washington Bureau: Suite 308, 110 Maryland TALBOT CALVIN TRILLIN Avenue NE, Washington, DC 20002; (202) 546-2239. Periodicals postage paid at New York, NY, and additional mailing offices. Subscription orders, changes of address, and all subscription inquiries: The KATRINA VANDEN HEUVEL Nation, PO Box 8505, Big Sandy, TX 75755-8505; or call 1-800-333-8536. Return undeliverable Canadian addresses to Bleuchip International, PO Box 25542, London, ON N6C 6B2. Canada Post: Publications YANIS VAROUFAKIS JOAN Mail Agreement No. 40612608. When ordering a subscription, please allow four to six weeks for receipt WALSH AMY WILENTZ GARY of first issue and for all subscription transactions. Back issues, $6 prepaid ($8 foreign) from: The Nation, 520 Eighth Avenue, New York, NY 10018. If the post office alerts us that your magazine is undeliverable, YOUNGE —Hosted by we have no further obligation unless we receive a corrected address within one year. The Nation is available on microfilm from: University Microfilms, 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, MI 48106. POSTMAS- TER: Send address changes to The Nation, PO Box 8505, Big Sandy, TX 75755-8505. Printed in the USA. UPFRONT

4 By the Numbers: The dream continues; The Nation. 6 Covid-19: ICE hot spots; since 1865 8 Comix Nation: Jen Sorensen; 10 Sports: and the NFL; 11 Snapshot: Garment workers in Bangladesh 3 Disarm the Police D.D. Guttenplan Disarm the Police 4 De Blasio’s Betrayal The Editors 5 Q&A: Alex S. Vitale atch the harrowing video of Rayshard Brooks being 46 Portfolio: Jamel Shabazz shot in the back by Atlanta police and the conclusion COLUMNS is inescapable: These people should not be allowed 6 Subject to Debate Goodbye, Columbus? to carry guns. The same can be said of the police in Katha Pollitt Louisville, Ky., who killed Breonna Taylor as she slept in her own bed, the 10 Objection! W The Lowest Minnesota cop who killed Philando Castile, the Possible Barr officer in North Charleston, S.C., who killed Walter the demonstrators enraged by a court decision to Elie Mystal Scott, and the Cleveland cop who shot 12-year-old send him back to Georgia. While slave patrols in the 11 Deadline Poet Tamir Rice. The list of shot and South were reborn after the Civil War as police de- Temper, Temper killed by police is a shameful legacy that stretches partments to enforce black codes and Jim Crow laws, Calvin Trillin back generations. police departments in the North increasingly took on In a time when doctors, nurses, and hospital the role of strikebreakers confronting a militant and Features cleaners have to beg for protective equipment and largely immigrant workforce, whether on the streets 12 How to Make “Defund bus drivers and postal workers are expected to risk of New York’s Lower East Side or in the steel towns the Police” a Reality death to keep our cities functioning, the demand to of the newly industrial Midwest. At first, police were Bryce Covert divert funds from often obscenely militarized police merely authorized to provide their own weapons. It Suddenly, longtime calls to forces to health, education, housing, and other public wasn’t until the 1890s that New York’s reform mayor, reduce ballooning police department budgets are on services is irresistible. But perhaps it is also William Strong, and his police commis- the table. time to consider a corresponding measure sioner, Theodore Roosevelt, outfitted the COMMENT 16 Just Investment that would fundamentally change the re- NYPD with pistols. Police needed guns Destin Jenkins lationship between law enforcement and not to protect themselves or the public but As the call grows to “divest those being policed: taking away their guns. to defend capital from the claims of labor. and invest,” we must not Night watchmen in the North Amer- Disarming the police won’t solve racism. exchange the violence of ican colonies, like their counterparts in Nor would it have saved or the police for the violence of finance capitalism. Europe, went unarmed, their ranks drawn Eric Garner or, lest we forget, Arthur Mill- from the communities they patrolled. Even er or Michael Stewart, but it is a step toward 20 In Praise of Proximity as these volunteers were gradually replaced diminishing cops’ wholesale impunity. JoAnn Wypijewski Solidarity and the by professional police forces—first in Boston in 1838 Over 90 percent of London’s Metropolitan Po- stricken city. and then in New York, Chicago, and other cities— lice, whose creation in 1829 is regarded as the model they carried no weapon more deadly than a short for America’s professional forces, remains unarmed. 22 Circus Maximus Patricia J. Williams club. It was slavery and the enforcement of racial While police brutality can kill even without a gun, Donald Trump is a master subjugation that first led US police to carry guns. the extreme rarity of police shootings in Britain of political misdirection. While Northern cities maintained a civilian watch, should give Americans pause. As should the reality— Charleston and other Southern ports instituted slave no mere utopian dream—of a huge, economically Books & the Arts patrols—armed bands whose purpose was to ter- polarized, multicultural city where policing remains 35 A Driving Force rorize the enslaved population into submission and by consent rather than by superior firepower. Ed Morales return runaways to their enslavers. Texas Rangers, Addressing the epidemic of US gun violence 40 The Place You who were charged with patrolling the border with will require confronting our culture, with its glo- Call Home Mexico and enforcing the theft of land from Native rification of violence, and our history of colonial Jennifer Wilson Americans, also carried firearms. depredations. But we have to start somewhere. Why 44 Powder Keg The relationship between armed police and rac- not seize this moment to remove the daily threat of Marcus J. Moore ism wasn’t confined to the South or the West. In death by police that haunts African Americans and 1851, Boston abolitionists attempted to free Thomas their families? Why not remove one factor from the VOLUME 311, NUMBER 1, JULY 13/20, 2020 Sims while he was being held under the newly en- brutal calculus of ordinary American violence? Let’s The digital version of this issue is acted Fugitive Slave Act. Boston police equipped act—not just to save money but also to save lives— available to all subscribers June 30 at themselves with borrowed cavalry sabers to disperse and disarm the police. D.D. GUTTENPLAN TheNation.com 4 The Nation. July 13/20, 2020

de Blasio sent his biracial­ son, then just 15, into the spot- light to promise that his father was “the only Democrat De Blasio’s Betrayal with the guts to really break from the Bloomberg years.” The mayor hasn’t delivered on police reform. Seven years later, de Blasio has failed to live up to the promise of those words, failed spectacularly in recent even summers ago, when Donald Trump was weeks as tens of thousands of people came out to protest still a punch line and the biggest scandal rock- the and countless other black BY THE NUMBERS ing the political world was ’s people—and were met by the pepper spray and batons of stunning act of auto-destruction, New York de Blasio’s police department. With brute scorn, the po- City seemed to be on the cusp of a new era. lice battered protesters, kettled them, and in at least once 5 SAfter nearly 20 years of Republican and Republican-lite instance, drove their cruisers into them. And the mayor, Number of rule—under the autocratic and the techno­ who had risen to power on a promise to fight for black Supreme Court justices who cratic Mike Bloomberg—its residents were restless, desper- lives, instead defended the police. He insisted the NYPD ruled on June 18 ate for change. As a cluster of long-simmering movements had respected the protesters and even blamed demonstra- that the Trump gained momentum, from the struggle to end the New York tors for inciting the cops’ wrath. Then he imposed the administration Police Department’s policy of stop-and-frisk to the Fight first curfew the city had seen in 75 years. may not imme- for $15 among the city’s lowest-paid workers, a candidate For those who believed de Blasio’s 2013 promises—for diately end the Deferred Action stepped forward to champion their cause. those to whom those promises were made—his response for Childhood was, in some respects, an unlikely to the most vital racial justice uprising in decades has been Arrivals program champion—a liberal, not a lion—but he spoke of the city’s a stunning betrayal. “We once thought de Blasio was with pain in words both moving and resonant. He lamented us,” the Rev. Kevin McCall, a civil rights activist who 650K the inequality that strafed New York and bemoaned its organized a memorial for Floyd at the behest of Floyd’s Approximate descent into a “tale of two cities.” As The Nation wrote brother, told . “But he flipped the number of DACA in our 2013 endorsement, “In placing the script on us.” recipients in city’s roiling inequality at the center of his That script was not flipped overnight. In the US campaign, de Blasio has offered not only the What has fact, what has made the betrayal of the past few sharpest description of the problem—what he made the weeks so bitter is that it’s not new. It’s merely called ‘the most urgent priority of our time’— betrayal of the latest in a long line of disappointments 7 but also the most forceful solution.” that began even before de Blasio took office, Average age of the past few DACA recipients De Blasio seemed to understand that ad- when he announced he would appoint former when they came dressing the city’s rampant economic inequal- weeks so police commissioner Bill Bratton to replace to the US ity meant addressing its racial inequality. And bitter is that Kelly. As New York’s top cop under Giuliani this, in turn, meant ending the long reign of and a committed evangelist for “broken win- 200K impunity by the country’s largest police force. it’s not new. dows” policing, Bratton hardly represented DACA recipients While his immediate predecessor, the billion- change. He was, rather, an exchange—a sop who are essential aire Bloomberg, had once boasted that he had his “own to calm the jelly-legged elites who fretted that de Blasio workers in health army in the NYPD,” de Blasio spoke the language of re- would take New York back to the “bad old days” of high care, education, form, and he spoke in a way that suggested he understood crime and busted budgets. With Bratton, de Blasio sig- food, and other industries the long racist history of policing in New York. naled the terms of his mayoralty: When it came to reform, He denounced stop-and-frisk, the discriminatory he would always keep a foot on the brake. policy that illegally targeted black and brown New The years that followed Bratton’s appointment were, 29K Yorkers; he called for an independent inspector perhaps predictably, years of inconsistency. On the one DACA recipients general to monitor the NYPD; and he promised hand, there was progress made on some of de Blasio’s who are front- line health care to give the boot to Ray Kelly, the city’s longtime promises. During his first month in office, he agreed to workers police commissioner and an unabashed booster of a set of court-ordered reforms to the city’s stop-and-frisk EDITORIAL stop-and-frisk. As de Blasio told the National Ac- program—and during his first term, those stops began to tion Network, “We are going to get on with a very, fall dramatically, as did arrests. But people continued to 256K not only progressive, but aggressive agenda.” be stopped by the NYPD, and they continued to be dis- Children who are Years later, as calls to abolish the police echo across proportionately New Yorkers of color; those targeted for US citizens and have at least one the country, de Blasio’s early agenda may not sound like “broken windows” infractions were also primarily black parent enrolled much. But in 2013, after decades of police impunity—of and brown. in DACA “Giuliani time” and “Throw ’em against the wall” and Then in December 2014, the police rebelled. The —Jessica Suriano the transformation of New York’s “finest” into the shock proximate spark was the confluence of citywide protests VIA GETTY IMAGES troops of the gilded city—the promise of reform arrived over a grand jury’s refusal to indict the officer who mur- like oxygen across the city’s most vulnerable communi- dered Eric Garner and de Blasio’s words of support for ties. Indeed, no one offered more thorough or forceful those protests, followed by a fatal attack on two NYPD of-

support for de Blasio’s campaign than the African Amer- ficers. When police turned their backs on de Blasio at one POST THE WASHINGTON ican community, which has always suffered the vilest of of the officers’ funerals and then engaged in a weeks-long all NYPD abuse and whose votes he cultivated through a de facto work slowdown, the mayor never quite recovered. mix of solid policy proposals and careful messaging. In a For many, that marked the moment when de Blasio

video that captured the hearts and hopes of many voters, (continued on page 8) JAHI CHIKWENDIU / July 13/20, 2020 The Nation. 5 Q&AALEX S. VITALE

In 2015, Minneapolis was one of six cities implementing implicit bias train- agenda. Procedural justice is ing. The research behind this is the reigning theory, and it’s selected by Barack Obama’s Department that if the police take the time to morally and intellectually and talk to people about why they’re scientifically bankrupt. of Justice to pilot a new kind of policing. doing what they’re doing, listen Said to be grounded in social science to everyone’s side of the story, ZS: Others have called for and act in a procedurally proper abolishing the police, abolish- research, the initiative aimed manner, then people feel better ing Immigration and Customs to build trust between the po- uprisings that then turn into about the outcome, even if they Enforcement and prisons. lice and the community being demands to indict this officer, get arrested. Do you consider yourself an policed. The Minneapolis Police disband this unit, or hire a few abolitionist? Department would undergo more black police officers. And ZS: Where do you think this AV: I think what the abolition implicit bias training, wear body then the movement falls apart, approach goes wrong? movement adds to the con- cameras, and practice mindful- and nothing changes. AV: The problem is that this versation is a deep skepticism ness and racial reconciliation We’re not going to fix these approach does not deal with about the ability to reform as part of a three-year, $4.75 problems by jailing a couple of questions of substantive jus- institutions whose normal million project. killer cops or giving them body tice. What is the actual mission functioning is inherently unjust. Five years later, Derek cameras or making them take of policing, and what is its In that sense, I consider myself Chauvin, a white MPD officer, implicit bias training. Instead, actual impact on people? a part of that movement. I un- pressed his knee on the neck we need to challenge the scope Instead of questioning derstand abolition as a process of George Floyd, a 46-year-old and power of policing. We need why we’re using police to more than an outcome. No to take their budgets away, take black man, killing him as on- wage a war on drugs, they one’s in a position to flip some their toys away, take their au- lookers recorded Chauvin and ask the narcotics units to take switch and then tomorrow begged him to stop. thority away in as many dimen- anti-bias training. It ignores there are no police or prisons. To many who saw it, sions as we can. After six years the fact that the War on Drugs The question is “What is the Chauvin’s display of brutality of attempted police reforms, we is an inherently racist legal process we use to analyze signals the failure of police have nothing to show for it. The program designed by politi- and change these institutional reform in Minneapolis and else- only leverage that remains is to cians to meet a racist political relationships?”n where. Alex S. Vitale, a sociolo- starve the beast. gist at Brooklyn College and the author of The End of Policing, ZS: I read a report published told me that technocratic mea- by the Minneapolis Police Procedural sures are a dead end. The only Depart­ment in 2018 that justice is the way to fix policing, he said, is to states, “MPD has become a reigning defund law enforcement. national leader in procedural —Zachary Siegel justice initiatives around the theory, and it’s nation.” What is procedural ZS: In the aftermath of George justice, and does it work? morally and Floyd’s death, caught on AV: Minneapolis was one of intellectually camera and watched by a half-dozen cities that were and scientifically millions of people, does the selected by the Department of cycle of police violence feel Justice for a procedural justice bankrupt. like déjà vu to you? intervention. The DOJ funded AV: Watching over a period these procedural justice training of about 20 years, we see a types to go into Minneapolis pattern of high-profile police and fix policing by surveying the abuse incidents that stimulate public, surveying officers, set- these localized, powerful ting up dialogue sessions, and DAVE SANDERS DAVE 6 The Nation. July 13/20, 2020

COVID-19 Dangers Katha Pollitt of ICE he New York Times re- ports that the country’s Goodbye, Columbus? T five largest clusters of It’s time we stopped paying tribute to our worst moments and our worst people. corona­virus infections are in pris- ons and jails. Since many states are doing only minimal testing of o many monuments to racism, slavery, tion into civil war, in the aftermath of which we are inmates, many more people be- and colonialism have been toppled, in many ways still living. Indeed, the posthumous hind bars with Covid-19 probably removed, or slated for removal in the reputation of the Confederacy proves the adage is haven’t been counted yet. But wake of the that wrong: It is not always the winners who write histo- state prisons aren’t the only ones Wikipedia’s army of volunteer editors ry. The “Lost Cause”—a fantasy of the antebellum seeing a shockingly high number Sis keeping a running tally: Robert E. Lee, Jefferson South as all crinolines, magnolias, courtly soldiers, of cases. At the Eloy Detention Davis, and a slew of other Confederate generals and happy slaves and of the war itself as a matter of Center in Arizona, where several and notable white supremacists and segregationists; “states’ rights,” never specifying which rights were hundred immigrants are being Frank Rizzo, the notoriously racist mayor (“Vote at issue—has set the popular narrative ever since held by Immigration and Cus- white”) of Philadelphia; even symbolic figures like Reconstruction. It’s great that NASCAR is banning toms Enforcement, the number the Pioneer and Pioneer Mother, formerly of the the Stars and Bars, but why did it take so long? And of confirmed positive test results University of Oregon in Eugene. As I write, word why did it take the horrible killing of George Floyd increased more than 400 percent comes that the embarrassing statue of Theodore and the marching of hundreds of thousands of pro- from June 11 to June 14. While Roosevelt mounted on a horse and testers daily for weeks to achieve what some of that may be due to an expansion in testing, it is surely trailed by a Native American man and is, after all, a symbolic victory? also related to the poor condi- a black man on foot will be removed Symbols matter. Aunt Jemima, Un- tions in the detention facilities from the main entrance of New York’s cle Ben, Mrs. Butterworth, and the that allow the novel coronavirus Museum of Natural History. black chef on the Cream of Wheat to spread. Yesterday’s heroes are history’s vil- box are the remnants of a once mighty Such conditions are detailed lains. That nice Pope Francis thought flood of ads, logos, and household in a lawsuit filed on June 8 that so well of Father Junípero Serra that he items depicting black people as happy seeks to secure the release of canonized him in 2015, despite Native cooks, servants, mammies, and comi- medically vulnerable immigrant Americans’ objections to Serra’s harsh cal children. It is not possible to escape detainees from Eloy and a nearby and coercive missionary work. He’s this history by slenderizing Aunt Jemi- facility, La Palma. “Infectious dis- now the patron saint of . But protesters ma and giving her a modern hairstyle or by making ease specialists warn that while in San Francisco and recently tore Mrs. Butterworth’s bottle more abstract. I’m glad conditions may be improved, down his statue. As for Christopher Columbus—​ the original spokesperson for Aunt Jemima, Nan- no conditions of confinement in 19 statues and counting—New York Governor An- cy Green, who was born into slavery, spoke out carceral settings can adequate- ly manage the serious risk of drew Cuomo defended his presence in ’s against and, ac- harm for medically vulnerable Columbus Circle. (It “has come to represent and cording to legend, be- individuals during the COVID-19 signify appreciation for the Italian American contri- came a millionaire, but There’s no pandemic,” the lawsuit reads. bution to New York,” he said at a press conference.) that’s not a reason to “Even with improved conditions, But I wouldn’t bet on Chris keeping his pedes- keep the franchise go- reason to cling to Petitioners live in pods, or ‘tanks,’ tal much longer. Maybe could ing. It’s 2020! Retiring torturers and and sleep in bunk beds, sharing choose another compatriot, someone who brought these products is not common spaces and medical joy to the world and didn’t massacre and enslave vast “political correctness”; exploiters—and facilities with hundreds of other numbers of people. Like Verdi or Puccini. it is the removal of a no reason to cel- detainees. Even in improved In fact, there already is a Verdi Square just profound racial insult conditions, Petitioners are forced a few blocks from Columbus Circle. (There’s a from our grocery stores ebrate Confeder- to share necessities like show- Dante Park nearby as well, which is tiny and not and kitchen tables. And ers, telephones, and sinks with ates who plunged well publicized. I’ve lived in New York all my life if Eskimo Pies have dozens of others.” us into civil war. —Sasha Abramsky and found out about it only while researching this to follow the Land column.) ’s contribution to the worlds of liter- O’Lakes Native Amer- ature, art, music, science, and thought is so huge, ican woman into oblivion, so be it. every park in Manhattan could be renamed after What will it take to get rid of the widespread world-famous, beloved Italians with no trouble celebration of our worst moments and our worst at all. Gramsci Triangle. Maria Montessori Plaza. people? It’s easy enough to take down a statue or Primo Levi Square. to change the name of a road. (Looking at you, History is large and contains multitudes. There Virginia, home of Stonewall Jackson Highway and is no reason to cling to torturers, warlords, con- Lee Highway.) But some names are so embedded in querors, and exploiters—and especially no reason to our history, our culture, and our maps that it’s hard

celebrate Confederate traitors who plunged the na- to imagine eradicating them, even if we wanted ANDY FRIEDMAN / AFP; TOP RIGHT: SANDY HUFFAKER BOTTOM LEFT: From Library to Legacy

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to. There are dozens of places named after Columbus—​ and rechristen them after people who fought to save the Columbus, Ohio (and Indiana and Georgia and… ). Co- republic and end slavery. We could celebrate artists and lumbia University, Columbia County, the Columbia River. writers and poets; surely Walt Whitman deserves some- (To say nothing of Colombia, but fortunately that’s not our thing more inspiring than a rest stop on the New Jersey We could tell a problem.) There’s not much anyone can do about Serra’s Turnpike. We could tell a new American story by lifting up new American sainthood; canonization is forever. (Still, Stanford Uni- the people who worked to make us better, not worse—the story by lifting versity gets points for changing the name of Serra Mall, radicals and freethinkers, progressive politicians, labor up the people its main drag and postal address, to Jane Stanford Way, leaders, feminists, and fighters for racial equality and the who worked to after the insufficiently acknowledged cofounder, with her liberty and justice for all to which our schoolchildren husband, of the university.) pledge. Germany and Austria have gotten rid of all (well, make us better, We do not lack for heroes, many of whom, being wom- almost all) of their place names honoring Nazis and anti-​ not worse. en and/or nonwhite, have never gotten their due. (More Semites, and some municipalities are currently on a binge will soon be added, but as of right now, in all of New York of naming things after women, whose role in those coun- City there are only five public statues of women.) Let’s tries’ histories has been startlingly overlooked. get rid of the bad men on horses and honor instead those But while we are toppling some statues and erecting who have been neglected, famous or not. We could start others, let’s not forget to do the deeper work of combating with Fort Bragg, Fort Benning, Fort Hood, and the other injustice. George Floyd didn’t die because Minneapolis military bases named, bizarrely, after Confederate fighters lacked the right monuments. ■

(continued from page 4) also refused to press for the firing of Gar- sel in the stop-and-frisk lawsuit, told The gave in to the police, retreating from reform, ner’s murderer and even fought legislation Intercept, “He has given all of his police both in rhetoric and reality. In the years making it a crime for officers to put people commissioners pretty much carte blanche to since, he has repeatedly refused to condemn in choke holds, as one did with Garner. As do whatever it is they wanted to do.” Those acts of excessive force by the NYPD. He Darius Charney, who served as lead coun- commissioners, it should be noted, included two others after Bratton, both white, both chosen over strong candidates COMIX NATION JEN SORENSEN of color, just as Bratton was. The mayor’s retreat on police re- form is a wound that won’t readily heal for many New Yorkers—a real- ity that seems to be dawning on de Blasio. As outrage erupted over his response to the Floyd protests and with many of the mayor’s black sup- porters turning their backs, he has be- gun trying to recalibrate, pledging to reduce the NYPD’s $6 billion annual budget (though not by the $1 bil- lion the City Council has requested) and signing a bill passed by the City Council banning police choke holds. These are first steps, but they are only that—incomplete, long overdue, and unlikely to satisfy. As de Blasio is per- haps learning, it’s a dangerous thing to campaign on the promise of pro- gressive change and then fail to fol- low through. It punctures trust and, all too often, destroys hope, sapping people’s faith in the political process. Every now and again, however, it does the reverse. It reminds people that movements, not politicians, are the engines of transformation—and that the change they seek will always come, first and foremost, from their own demands. As the people de Bla- sio once claimed to represent head back into the streets, he would do well to listen. THE EDITORS A new podcast miniseries from

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SPORTS Hall of Elie Mystal Shame he commissioner of the National Football The Lowest Possible Barr T League, Roger Goodell, wants the public to think he’s The president cannot be allowed to turn the attorney general into his personal henchman. sincere about fighting racism in the NFL. He has now said the he damage Attorney General William excesses in law enforcement. But people forget that league was “wrong” to discour- Barr has done to the Department of he was suspected of doing what Barr is doing now: age political protest by its play- Justice is incalculable. He has sur- allegedly firing US attorneys who refused to open ers, and the NFL announced that passed every institutional metric in his investigations into the president’s political enemies. it will pledge $250 million over quest to become the worst attorney Gonzales eventually resigned, but Republican 10 years to racial justice causes. Tgeneral in US history. He’s likely responsible for presidents know they can always find somebody Yet there is one thing that Good- shutting down the Robert Mueller investigation willing to do their bidding under the color of law. ell could do immediately to ad- and is certainly responsible for misrepresenting its In the Saturday Night Massacre, Richard Nixon dress the racism that has marred contents. He’s helped Donald Trump implement a eventually fired his way to Robert Bork, who was his tenure running the world’s truly monarchical theory of executive power. He’s willing to carry out the Watergate-related purges most profitable sports league: Demand a new name for the ordered the teargassing of peaceful protesters so his that better men like Elliot Richardson refused to Washington, D.C., football team. boss could do a photo op with the Bible. And most do. Republicans have been politicizing the De- The team’s owner, Dan Snyder, recently, he tried to fire Geoffrey Berman, the head partment of Justice for decades. But every time might not like it, and Goodell prosecutor for the Southern District the Democrats retake power, all they might be scared to confront the of New York, via press release, pos- do is nominate decent people while right-wing, Trump-funding cabal sibly because Berman was looking leaving the structure in place for that owns many of the NFL’s into crimes committed by the Trump indecent people to do great harm franchises. But it’s past time for Organization or Trump’s cronies. when Republicans regain control. Goodell to tackle the most vis- Simply listing a few lawless high- That cycle must end. The Dem- ible expression of racism in the lights from Barr’s tenure, however, ocrats must stop hoping that Re- league: the slur adorning the NFL undersells how thoroughly he has publicans will act in good faith and team in the nation’s capital. mangled the theory of impartial jus- start protecting the country from The person who bestowed tice. The attorney general is supposed when they inevitably do not. And the name on the team was its to be the top lawyer for the American the only way to do that is to try to original owner, George Preston Marshall, a proud white suprem- people, but Barr has turned the entire Department make the Department of Justice truly impartial. acist. Washington was the last of Justice into a weapon for Trump’s reelection. It’s The attorney general’s position must be placed at team in the league to integrate, Barr who has flirted with investigating the presi- a remove from the regular political appointment when it played the legendary dent’s political rivals, Barr who has joined Trump’s process. Congress should pass (and the new presi- Bobby Mitchell, who died April 5. attempts to scare people away from mail-in voting, . dent should sign) a law In addition to changing the team Barr has placed Trump above the rule of law—from transforming the term name, it would be difficult to within the country’s legal department. of the attorney general think of a better tribute to Mitch- Unfortunately, nothing can be done about him into a single, six-year Bill Barr has ell than to erect a statue of him so long as Trump is still in power. Yes, Barr can appointment, which surpassed every outside the team’s old home, be impeached by the House of Representatives cannot be revoked by RFK Stadium, in the exact loca- and removed from office if convicted by at least the president. This institutional tion where a memorial to Mar- two-thirds of the Senate—but that will never hap- office must be given metric in his shall was removed on June 19. pen. The Republican Party has so thoroughly protection from the —Dave Zirin quest to become committed itself to the lawlessness of the Trump president, and the regime that it does not have the moral strength to responsibility for re- the worst remove one of the president’s chief henchmen mere moving a rogue AG attorney general months before the election. must be laid squarely Then again, the GOP’s approach to injustice at the feet of Congress in US history. within the Justice Department is nothing new. through the impeach- This is the second time that Barr has been the US ment process. The president should not be able to attorney general. The last time, he used his power fire his way to a compliant attorney general, the to help Republican operatives secure pardons to way Nixon got to Bork—and Trump got to Barr. escape accountability for the Iran-contra scandal. The act of creating an independent Justice De- In fact, he isn’t all that unusual among corrupt partment must happen with the next Democratic Republican attorneys general. Remember George administration, because a lot lies ahead for the next W. Bush appointee Alberto Gonzales? Many re- attorney general. It will be incumbent upon the call him as a pro-rendition guy who supported new AG to take up what Barr has refused to investi-

warrantless wiretaps and all manner of post-9/11 gate and to hold to account those wrongdoers who ANDY FRIEDMAN GUS CHAN / AP; RIGHT: LEFT: MAGNUM FOUNDATION July 13/20, 2020 The Nation. 11

have thus far gotten away with it. This includes investi- have been the end of Loretta Lynch’s term as AG. Imag- gating Trump and his entire . It also includes ine how different everything would be if we had had an prosecuting Rudolph Giuliani for his efforts to blackmail independent attorney general these past four years. Ukraine into interfering in the upcoming election. And it Or flip the script: Imagine how much less of a danger might include prosecuting Barr for corruption. Barr would be if we had to put up with him for only a few Bill Barr has An investigation into a previous presidential admin- more years under a Democratic president, until his term wrecked the istration and a previous president’s criminal family is expired. Barr would be reduced to mewling about Burisma Department of inherently political. It can be carried out only by a body while the Trump family lawyered up for the federal prose- Justice. The that is viewed as politically independent. That’s why cutions inevitably coming their way from an independent solution isn’t to Elizabeth Warren, when she was running for president, Justice Department in 2023. proposed an independent task force, separate from her Bill Barr has wrecked the Department of Justice. The return it to the administration, that would investigate Trump. It was a solution isn’t to return it to the way it was before. The way it was be- good idea, but Barr has exposed the need for an even solution is to remake it, better and stronger than it’s ever fore. The solution more expansive solution. been. Do Democrats have the will to do what is neces- is to remake it. If Barack Obama had established nonrenewable six- sary? Or will they just wait for another Republican like year terms for the attorney general during his first year Barr, Gonzales, or Bork to take over the department and in office, when he had 60 votes in the Senate, 2021 would finally destroy the rule of law? ■

With SCOTUS rulings seen as Trump defeats, SNAPSHOT / TASLIMA AKHTER Trump answered with a burst of angry tweets. Calvin Trillin At West Point, he prepared to look like Caesar. Instead his ramp walk showed a fragile geezer. Hanging by a Thread Deadline Poet His rage at that will probably never stop. A garment worker sits with her daughter in Ashulia, And then his Tulsa rally was a flop. Bangladesh. As a result of the pandemic-related global By then the tell-all book released by Bolton economic downturn, over $3.5 billion in clothing orders Had stoked this anger—hot now, nearly molten. have been canceled in the country. More than a million TEMPER, TEMPER Red-faced with rage? That judgment can’t be made, workers have been fired or furloughed, and 500,000 Since orange close to red’s his normal shade. more could lose their jobs in the next six months. LEFT: GUS CHAN / AP; RIGHT: ANDY FRIEDMAN GUS CHAN / AP; RIGHT: LEFT: MAGNUM FOUNDATION Defund more onpolicingeachyear. Allofasudden,nationwide For thepasthalf-century, Americancitieshavespent protests haveputdivestmentonthetable. BY BRYCE COVERT How to Make a Reality a the Police

THIS PAGE: ERIK MCGREGOR / LIGHTROCKET VIA GETTY IMAGES THIS PAGE: ERIK MCGREGOR / LIGHTROCKET VIA GETTY IMAGES O that couldreplace it.” “because somebody’s lifewastakenand there’s nothing disciplinary review. “Iwouldn’t callitjustice,” sheadded, he quitjustafterwasfound guiltyinadepartmental them; Hastestayedontheforce fivemoreyearsbefore slaughter chargesbyagrandjury, buta judgedismissed said. The officer, Richard Haste, was indicted on man fighting foreightyears,andI didn’t getanyjustice,” she and killedhimintheirbathroom in2012.“I’vebeen teenage son Ramarley Graham into their home and shot outsize poweroftheNYPD.Awhiteofficerchasedher the cityhasbeenfallingforpasttwodecades. Development departmentscombined.Andyetcrimein Hygiene, HomelessServices,andYouth andCommunity ing Preservation and Development, Health and Mental city’s budget­ for inflation.TheNYPDaccounts7.7percentofthe $7 millionin1981to$5.9billionthisyear, notaccounting has steadilyincreasedthroughoutthatspan. falling to 2,580 per 100,000by 2018. And yet spending in 1960to5,9501980.Thenratesstarteddecline, ber ofcrimesrosefrom1,887per100,000Americans ing hasbornelittlerelationshiptocrimerates.Thenum often atprotestsas“Nojustice,nopeace.” Working Families Party. Now it’s a chant heard nearly as O’Rourke, the Pennsylvania organizing director for the police’ just two weeks ago…was a nonstarter,” said Nicolas toric shift.”Organizersagree.“Somethinglike‘defundthe University ofCalifornia,LosAngeles.“Thisisatrulyhis said KellyLytle Hernandez,ahistoryprofessoratthe spending evermoremoneyonpoliceandincarceration,” “We havehadapersistenttrendforthelasthalf-centuryof ing grewfrom6.6percentin1977to7.82017. inflation; theaverageshareofcitybudgetsspentonpolic $2 billion in1960to$1372018,unadjustedfor lice by state and local governments jumped from about city’s policedepartment. Minneapolis CityCouncilhasevenvotedtodisbandthe makers in15othercitieshavemadesimilarpledges.The increase fortheLAPDandhaspromiseda$150millioncutinstead.Law crete successes.LosAngelesMayorEricGarcettiwalkedbackaproposed and intostarvedsocialservices—andactivistsarealreadyseeingsomecon organizing topushcitycouncilsshiftmoneyoutofbloatedpolicebudgets and townsacrossthecountry, ithasbecomearallyingcryofthemovement. stances of police brutality pushed tens of thousands of people to protest in cities in Louisville,Ky., inhersleepandoutrageoverthesecountlessotherin­ and BreonnaTaylor, ablackemergencyroomtechnician,waskilledbypolice Floyd, ablackresidentofMinneapolis,waskilledbywhitepoliceofficer of or in many other cities, for that matter. But since George other signs:“Defundthepolice.” Constance Malcolmknowsalltoowellaboutthe In NewYork City, spendingonpolicewentfrom The ever It’s an unprecedented moment. Spending on the po It’s notjustaslogan.Outoftheprotestmovementhascomesurge It’s aradicaldemandthatjustfewweeksagowasrarelyheardonthestreets ing “,” but there were perhaps an equal number of flowed intogroupsofyoungpeopleonbikes.Manyheldsignsdeclar different races and ages. A family march of parents and their children entrance toBrooklyn’s ProspectPark,swarmedwithpeopleofall n asunday inearly june, grandarmyplaza, alargesquareat the -increasing amountofmoneyspentonpolic —more than what was allocated to the Hous The Nation. ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ policing.” in overinvest You can services. in social overinvest can’t you line is “The bottom justice, nopeace.” as“No heard asoften the police”isachant York City, “Defund At protestsinNew The newrallyingcry: Anthonine Pierre, Pierre, — Anthonine Brooklyn Movement Brooklyn Movement

Center ­ ­ ­

T munity safeistodefundthepolice.” crisis. Theonlywaytodealwiththisandkeepourcom Malcolm said.“We’re inacrisis.Policebrutalityis even thoughtheykillourchildrenandnothinghappens,” increase. “TheNYPDkeepsgettingthehighestbudget, strong education.” health care,affordablehousing,goodqualityfood,ora “Many ofourpeopledon’t evenhaveaccesstogood munities werenotgettingwhatweneeded,”shesaid. “Even beforethecoronavirus,blackandbrowncom corona­ the Covid-19pandemichit.Shehastestedpositivefor hasn’t beengivenenoughprotectiveequipmentsince are really asking, ‘What do we need to survive? What do Resistance, anationalprison-​ more police,”saidKamauWalton, amemberofCritical services onthechoppingblock.“Nooneisaskingfor ployment program,amongothercuts. with a3 percentreductionandeliminatingyouthem 1 percent whilehittingtheDepartmentofEducation budget inAprilthatcutNYPDfundingbylessthan New York MayorBilldeBlasioreleasedanexecutive apart.” Inordertomakeupfora$10billiontaxshortfall, Covid-19 hits,youhaveacrisis,andsuddenlyitallfalls United for Police Reform. “But thensomething like guson, a memberof the New York–based Communities growing, youcansortofpaperoverthat,”saidLeoFer the economyisgreatandtaxrevenuesofcityare creasing itwillmeanbrutalreductionselsewhere.“When every year, they’llbeforcedtomakedeepcuts. governments havetobalancetheiroperatingbudgets over thenextthreeyears.Becausenearlyallcityandstate Priorities projectsa$615billionshortfallinstatebudgets the coronaviruscrisis.TheCenteronBudgetandPolicy Despite this,spendingonthepolicecontinuesto Malcolm works in anursing home and said she The crisishasalsoincreasedtheneedfor very Keeping spendingonthepoliceintactorevenin virus antibodies,andalotofherpatientsdied. time thatexpensesarerisingsteeplytodealwith decimated by a drop in tax revenue at the same nomic crash, state andlocal budgets arebeing thrown intostarkrelief.Asaresultoftheeco hese spendingimbalanceshave now been abolition group.“People ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ ­ 14 The Nation. July 13/20, 2020 we need to make it through this dire moment?’ And the answer is definitely have been on the rise in recent years, bucking the na­ not more police.” Hobbled services barely able to respond to a pandemic tional trend, despite increasing police budgets. For him, stand in sharp contrast with the tools that police departments have to quell that’s still a reason to . “Why would a the protests. “I see all of the resources—military-grade weapons—being used city government continue to invest in something that’s in residential areas,” O’Rourke said. “They were shooting tear gas and rubber clearly not working?” he said. bullets and bean bags.” At the same time, D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser re­ The protest movement happened to coincide with the time of year when cently proposed cutting the Office of Neighborhood many cities are considering the next year’s budget. In New York, advocates Safety and Engagement, which was created as part of a have coalesced around the demand to cut a minimum of $1 billion from the 2016 criminal justice reform that sought to deploy public NYPD’s budget for the coming fiscal year—something the City Council health violence interrupters instead of police. “This is promised to do a little over two weeks into the protests. Advocates want the same mayor who is getting all of this positive press to see a police hiring freeze, which has been imposed on many other city because of the Black Lives Matter mural and renaming agencies, and an end to using police in schools and youth programs. They ,” Blackmon said. “But her ac­ also want to end the NYPD’s task forces for mental illness and homeless tual policies…have a tangible negative impact on black outreach and have social workers take their place. All of this may require a lives.” Meanwhile, the City Council passed an emergen­ reduction in head count during a recession in which millions have lost their cy police reform bill focused on limiting the use of force jobs. But, Ferguson said, “police should not be an em­ and increasing transparency without touching the budget ployment program.” There are other question. It “feels kind of delinquent. areas to cut in the NYPD’s budget, he Kind of far behind,” he said. added, such as the hundreds of thou­ “That’s why we’re pushing so hard sands of dollars spent on things like now for defunding the police, par­ bomb-seeking underwater drones and ticularly as Bowser is clearly seeking militarized armored vehicles. to usurp and co-opt this moment,” Advocates would also like to see he continued. “If she’s determined to settlements for police brutality come claim to the world that black lives mat­ out of police budgets, not general ter, we intend to make her prove it.” revenue. In New York, as in many The movement to defund the po­ other cities, the money for settling lice is cropping up not just in major these cases is usually taken out of the metropolises. It’s also taking root in city’s overall budget. Ensuring that smaller cities. Wildaliz Bermudez has settlements come out of the NYPD’s been on the City Council of Hartford budget “gives them some incentive to for over four and a half years. “Never address misconduct,” Ferguson said. Symbolic politics: before have I seen this type of public outcry,” she said. Organizing to address swollen police budgets has Activists criticized She has received more than 100 e-mails calling to defund been happening in a number of other cities for years. Washington, D.C., the police. She and a fellow Working Families Party Mayor Muriel Bowser For the past six years, some members of the Black Philly for painting “Black member on the council, Joshua Michtom, proposed cut­ Radical Collective have been fighting to reduce police lives matter” on a ting $9.6 million from the police department’s budget. violence, including a call to defund the police. But this street in front of the That proposal failed, but the council did vote to reduce is the first time that all the members of the collective White House after she the department’s budget by $1 million next year and put resisted cutting the have made such a demand. “We know there are political police budget. that money into things like after-school programs and moments when you have to strike,” said Megan Malachi, another housing inspector. an organizer with Philly for REAL Justice, which is part In addition to less spending on policing, advocates of the collective. want the police to stop dealing with things like mental The City Council, however, hasn’t been quick to take health crises and school safety; instead, they want cities up the demand. “This is the kind of issue where even to fund services that would address these issues without the black members of our political government here in “The safest criminalizing the people who are suffering. “The safest Philadelphia are not responsive to the needs of their communities communities don’t have the most cops. They have the constituents,” Malachi said. Still, after a majority of most resources,” O’Rourke said. Police officers are typ­ council members said in early June they opposed Mayor don’t have ically the first responders when someone has a mental Jim Kenney’s proposed $14 million increase in the police the most health crisis, not public health or social workers. Jails like budget, prompting him to drop it, they reached a deal to cops. They Rikers Island in New York and Cook County Jail in Illi­ reduce police funding by $33 million on June 17. Before nois are now the country’s largest mental health facilities. the protests, if someone had claimed that the mayor have the Communities across the country have responded to the would go against an increase in police funding, “no one most homelessness crisis by criminalizing homeless people, would have believed you,” O’Rourke said. resources.” putting the police in charge of ticketing and clearing Stop Police Terror Project DC, which fights police vi­ — Nicolas O’Rourke, those without shelter rather than offering housing and olence in the nation’s capital, has highlighted the amount Working Families Party services. And 38 states and Washington, D.C., authorize of money the Metropolitan Police Department gets in the placement of police officers in schools. “The bot­ the budget every year when it comes up for debate. Sean tom line is you can’t overinvest in social services,” said Blackmon, one of the project’s organizers, noted that Anthonine Pierre, the deputy director of the Brooklyn

in Washington, some violent crimes, such as homicide, Movement Center. “You can overinvest in policing.” AURORA SAMPERIO / NURPHOTO VIA GETTY IMAGES PRESS / LIGHTROCKET VIA GETTY IMAGES ERIK MCGREGOR / PACIFIC July13/20, 2020 The Nation. 15

he deaths of floyd and taylor may prove to be a pivotal moment, but these transformations have been years in the making. “This work has been going on on the ground for quite some time,” Lytle Hernandez said. “It’s exploded on Tthe streets under the term ‘defund the police,’ but this broader notion of rethinking resources to police [to] invest in the social safety net has been in play certainly for the last few years.” Today’s protests come after seven years of organizing Seeking justice: Constance Malcolm and movement building in the wake of the deaths of has been fighting , Mike Brown, Eric Garner, and other police violence since black people at the hands of police and vigilantes. These her son Ramarley deaths led to some reforms, such as departments banning Graham was killed certain use-of-force techniques like choke holds and by an NYPD officer in 2012. instituting the use of body cameras. The Obama admin­ istration put at least 15 police departments under con­ sent decrees and limited the transfer of military-grade Even so, many see changing city budgets and the equipment to local forces. In fact, Minneapolis was one For every roles the police play as part of that process. “It can be of six cities the Obama Justice Department selected to dollar that a step toward abolition,” Walton said, “if we make sure pilot procedural reforms in 2015. And yet since 2015, these processes are being controlled and led by the com­ police have killed about 1,000 people in the nation every goes to munity.” As Vitale put it, abolition is “a process more year. “We’re not going to fix these problems by jailing the NYPD than an outcome…. We need to challenge the scope and a couple of killer cops or giving them body cameras or power of policing. We need to take their budgets away, making them take implicit bias training,” Alex S. Vitale, and the take their toys away, take their authority away in as many the author of The End of Policing, told Zachary Siegel in Correction dimensions as we can.” an interview in this issue. (See page 5.) “These have been the tensions and conversations So activists have pushed to go much further. De­ Department: all along,” Lytle Hernandez said. But “you can go funding the police was one of the six policy platforms back to any social movement and find these kinds of put forward by the in 2016, a tensions between more moderate and radical wings of year after it convened a massive gathering in Cleveland. 29¢ the movement.” For her, eradicating racial inequality “Black Lives Matter set the foundation and the ground­ Homeless requires abolition. “We have walked up to this precipice work,” Pierre said. Since then, “there has been ongoing at least twice before,” she said, pointing to Emancipa­ forward movement.” Services tion and the civil rights movement. “We have to make a It’s no coincidence that these protests and the de­ decision about are we going to really head toward racial mands issuing from them are happening in the midst of 25¢ justice or make a compromise that’s easier for the mo­ a historic health crisis. “When you live in a pandemic for ment and maintain white supremacy? Each time before, three months and lose jobs and lose family members and Department we have chosen white supremacy.” think about how society is organized, it becomes much of Health Whether more mayors and city councils will take easier to say, ‘Well, maybe we do need to get rid of the heed is unclear. Mayor de Blasio, a Democrat who briefly cops,’” Pierre said. “We got rid of going outside. So ran for the party’s presidential nomination this year on maybe we should get rid of the cops.” 19¢ his progressive bona fides, at first shot down the idea of Not to mention that black people have been dispro­ reducing the NYPD’s budget before saying, 10 days into portionately dying of Covid-19. Everyone has watched Housing the protests, that he would cut that spending and direct the federal government’s paralysis in the face of the Preservation it to youth and social services. But he hasn’t stated yet crisis, and many feel that the $1,200 stimulus checks and by how much. “Cut the budget, and let’s see where you enhanced unemployment benefits don’t go far enough to and stand,” Malcolm, Ramarley Graham’s mother, said of de cushion such an enormous blow. The protests are “hap­ Development Blasio. “Let’s see if black life really matters to him.” pening in the context of the US government abandoning Meanwhile, New York City Comptroller Scott String­ its people under the coronavirus,” Blackmon said. “It’s er has called for a $1.1 billion reduction over four years almost like a perfect storm that has now exploded and 12¢ rather than the immediate decrease that activists want blossomed into a nationwide resistance movement.” Youth and to see and the City Council appears to be considering. A number of those who are calling to defund the In Congress, Democrats have put forward a landmark police are demanding not just that their budgets be Community policing bill that is still focused on procedural reform. reduced and redistributed but also that the money even­ Development But even this is proof of the impact the activism is having. tually be zeroed out and police eliminated. “Our call is “This is something that I think we’d all agree felt pretty specifically abolitionist,” Malachi said. “We’re aware unthinkable just a few weeks ago,” Ferguson said. “It that because of the popularity of the defund-the-police 1¢ shows how much the ground is shifting.” narrative…it could easily be co-opted by Democrats “This is the moment for us to lean in,” O’Rourke and liberals and made into reform rather than the rad­ Workforce said. “I’m excited to see for the most part the people are

AURORA SAMPERIO / NURPHOTO VIA GETTY IMAGES PRESS / LIGHTROCKET VIA GETTY IMAGES ERIK MCGREGOR / PACIFIC ical call that it is.” Investment leaning in with us.” ■ 16 The The Nation. Nation. July 13/20, 2020 Just Investment

As the call grows to “divest and invest,” we must not exchange the violence of the police for the violence of finance capitalism.

DESTIN JENKINS HEALTH CARE HEALTH EDUCATION TRANSPORTATION HOUSING HEALTH MENTAL TASOS KATOPODIS / GETTY IMAGES KATOPODIS TASOS July13/20, 2020 The Nation. 17

ince the murder of george floyd on may 25 and in the absence he “divest and invest” vision of safety and of a legitimate government response, laypeople armed with little community is part of a long-overdue engagement more than cardboard signs have quickly become the arbiters of with policing and municipal finance. For years, justice. The simple nature of their presentation—a combining scholars and activists have decried the use of re­ of poster board and Sharpie—masks the incredibly sophisticated gressive fees and fines to plug local budget short­ nature of their demand: “Divest and invest.” Tfalls. In Minneapolis, the Committee for Professional With breathtaking speed, it seems, this radical cry has gained Policing pushed a local ballot initiative requiring police Sgreater currency. Many who once argued fervently for police reform now de­ officers to carry liability insurance—a move intended to clare the time has come to defund the police. Through campaigns like Philly shift the costs of compensating victims of police brutality We Rise, movement organizers have taken to demanding the reallocation of onto the police. And across the left and right, others have funds from local police departments to city services such as libraries and the demanded an end to , a suspect legal arts. They have been joined by activists in Los Angeles calling for greater mental doctrine that basically gives carte blanche to officers who health services and public transportation and a diverse coalition in New York use excessive force. City urging greater investment in core social services and infrastructure. The We owe these ideas—and this larger opportunity recent explosion of terror by violent, riotous police officers to remake policing in the —to the work, has only deepened the conviction that there are surely bet­ study, and organizing by groups like Critical Resistance ter ways to spend taxpayer funds than on the weapons used and especially to the efforts of young black activists. against us for exercising our right to protest. In her foreword to the Agenda to Build Black Futures, I want to focus here on the “invest” side of “divest Charlene Carruthers, then serving as national director and invest.” I want to explore what that word can mean, Investment of the Black Youth Project 100, made the link between because “investment” hasn’t caught up to “divestment” in hasn’t reparations for past and present systemic violence and public discussions, leaving a whole side of the equation caught up to support for black “women who hold our households underexplored. Everyone knows that “divest” means together, and…queer and [trans] folks.” In that report, less money going to police; what is less clear is what divest­ment Cedric Lawson, a founding member of BYP100, insisted “invest” really means. Do those calling for investment in public it was not enough to defund the police “and reallocate mean simply moving money from one column in the discussions, residual funds to the people’s vision of public safety.” He budget to another, taking tax revenues used to fund one said we must also divest from the prison-industrial com­ government agency and directing them to a different leaving a plex and a system of “administrative fees for probationers one? Do they envision a completely different financial whole side of and parolees.” Janaé Bonsu, an activist and scholar, process, like using public debt for schools instead of po­ stressed the importance of reallocating funds for schools lice stations and jails? Is it about more funding for basic the equation and after-school programs. services like education and health care? Or is it about under­ The Agenda to Build Black Futures, released in 2016, funding the infrastructure that makes services possible? explored. was just one contribution to a larger vision that pushed Or all of the above? the scope of divestment and investment further. The There is a difference between the delivery of public Movement for Black Lives demanded divestment from services, the facilities to which people turn for those all “exploitative forces including prisons, fossil fuels, services, and the submerged infrastructure on which Paving the way: police, surveillance and exploitative corporations.” The those facilities rely. If what the advocates of “divest and Activists painted Vision for Black Lives, M4BL’s official policy platform, invest” want is greater and transformed services, then a message to the imagined equitable health care that would include “com­ world on the streets shifting funds from one government agency to another of Washington, D.C., prehensive health centers” and investing savings from makes sense. not far from the the catastrophic War on Drugs in “restorative services But what will maintain the infrastructure in which we White House. [and] mental health services.” seek revitalized services and through which we travel in our communities—the pipes, roads, bridges, and subway tunnels? These are the foundations on which any public service depends, and covering the cost of building and maintaining them cannot be so easily met by rearranging budgets. Indeed, this kind of transformative investment depends on a kind of financial wizardry that most people haven’t been encouraged to think much about. We need to be precise, not just about the aims or agencies but also about the mechanisms through which investment takes place. Only by doing so will black communities avoid exchanging police violence for the violence of finance capitalism, whose grip is already so tight and devastating.

Destin Jenkins is the Neubauer family assistant professor of his-

TASOS KATOPODIS / GETTY IMAGES KATOPODIS TASOS tory at the University of Chicago. 18 The Nation. July 13/20, 2020

hen activists, scholars, and ordinary citizens demand di- “subject to close competition by the public schools and vestment and investment, they’re inserting themselves into mat­ health and sanitation programs,” to return to that 1950s ters of public finance, a technocratic sphere profoundly insulated textbook, this competition has since been decisively from democratic input. There the needs of real people are ab­ settled. Somehow, legislative and executive authorities stracted, turned into bloodless numbers and bottom lines. With across the country, backed by different constituencies theW call to “divest and invest,” engaged citizens are bringing substance back and power blocs, have decided that the public should to these abstractions, infusing a socially conscious position into the classical float huge police departments. questions of public finance: when, where, and how funds are invested and who bears the cost. olice violence and bloated police budgets are Cities obtain public funds primarily through two channels: taxes and bor­ endemic to the United States, but perhaps no city rowing. (Though we might also note the earnings they reap from the sale of represents this intersection better than Chicago. public properties as well as commercial enterprises, financial assets, special Well before the city’s infamous police command­ administrative charges, and of course, “plunder,” which currently takes the er John Burge and his marauding Midnight Crew form of civil asset forfeiture.) Taxation and borrowing are distinct but related Pterrorized black Chicagoans through beatings, electric processes. Ultimately, to quote one prominent 1950s textbook on public shocks, and suffocation during the 1970s and ’80s, the finance, funds “must come from the income and accumulated wealth of the Chicago Police Department (CPD) was routinely ac­ people.” Debt, in other words, is repaid through “the same inevitable transfer cused of torture. And it continued to torture and brutal­ of funds as taxation”—though not always by the same segments of society. ize long after. Thus the execution of Rekia Boyd in 2012, The municipal bond market, which the murder of Laquan McDonald in enables cities to fund infrastructure, is 2014, and the killing of Bettie Jones a politically constructed network that in 2015 did not occur at the hands of links government borrowers, sellers of bad apples. Their deaths, like those of financial information, and institutional so many other black Chicagoans, were and individual investors. During the rooted in a callous systematic indif­ 19th century, municipal bondholders ference to black life. And this system included not only wealthy elites in the was propped up, in turn, by financial Northeast and across the Atlantic but decisions. also working people. Throughout the Before the wars—on crime, drugs, 20th century, however, the holding of and terrorism—the CPD was already municipal debt was more likely to be “flush with cash, and possessed extraor­ the preserve of wealthy individuals and dinary power and autonomy,” wrote institutional investors like commercial historian Simon Balto in his book banks and insurance companies. Occupied Territory: Policing Black Chica- Today’s municipal bond market is robust. “An average Starved for funds: go From Red Summer to Black Power. The 1950s proved to of nearly $435 billion in new municipal securities were While Chicago has be the pivotal decade for the dramatic expansion of police issued each year in the last decade,” noted a recent report funneled money to the personnel and for investment in new vehicles and crime police department, by the Municipal Securities Rulemaking Board. And al­ other vital services like control technologies. “By 1970,” he wrote, “the CPD’s though the corporate securities market is more than twice schools have faced budget was more than 900 percent larger than in 1945, as large ($9.6 trillion), the $3.9 trillion municipal bond bruising deficits. approaching $200 million per year.” Since then, the market is nevertheless a major capital market through numbers have only continued to climb—and climb. In which state and local governments raise funds and inves­ 2018, Chicago appropriated more than $1.57 billion for tors collect interest income on the debt they hold. the police (some 18 percent of the city’s overall budget of And it has distinct advantages for cities. While resort­ With the call nearly $8.9 billion, not including grant funds). ing to taxation allows them to avoid the interest burden to invest, The disproportionate funds allocated to the CPD that comes with borrowing, borrowing permits a distribu­ engaged have come with important trade-offs. In the city’s 2019 tion of the costs over the life of major capital projects like budget overview, 41 percent of the proposed expenditures the construction of bridges, streets, and sewage systems. citizens are from its corporate fund, which supports basic operations Cities sometimes float bonds for specific purposes, such infusing a and services, were allotted for the police. Meanwhile, as affordable housing or transportation improvements. socially 2 percent of the expenditures were slotted for transporta­ In other instances, they issue so-called various purpose tion and 4 percent for streets and sanitation. bonds, which bunch multiple infrastructure projects into conscious Again, cities like Chicago borrow for the sake of infra­ a single bond issue. These are typical bond issues, though position into structure improvements. But with hefty sums allocated as we will see, borrowing power is not always used for the for policing and for servicing debt ($632 million in 2018), critical infrastructure on which cities rely. the classical it is worth asking: What improvements? It seems as if Taxation and borrowing unlock revenues that are questions Chicagoans have been asking this very question for years. then directed toward municipal expenditures for the of public In June 1978, one Chicago Tribune journalist spoke to protection of life and property, education, health, and motorists about the city’s pothole problem. “The stretch sanitation, among other services. But these expenditures finance. from 55th to 51st is as bumpy as [expletive deleted],” said reflect decisions by some designated authority to re­ one driver. “There are holes all over and the car is rat­ distribute income to certain activities and not others. If tling all over.” More than 40 years later, the city remains

during the late 1940s expenditures for public safety were as pocked with potholes as ever. M. SPENCER GREEN / AP BOTTOM: JIM VONDRUSKA / NURPHOTO VIA GETTY IMAGES July13/20, 2020 The Nation. 19

Yet, while successive administrations have ignored out the deficit by means of austerity would ultimately some of its residents’ most basic needs, somehow it “provide the basis for a higher bond rating in the future.” became acceptable for Chicago to borrow money to Decades later, the city’s credit rating is once again compensate the victims of police brutality. The city said less than stellar. By November 2019, Fitch rated Chi­ it has borrowed hefty sums “to pay for expenses incurred cago debt BBB-minus, while S&P Global Ratings gave in connection with claims and judgments” against it. it a BBB-plus. For these rating analysts, the outlook for Indeed, the Action Center on Race and the Economy es­ Chicago debt was stable, though Moody’s rated Chicago timated that Chicago borrowed more than $709 million bonds “one notch below investment grade.” While some to cover these costs from 2010 to 2017. And “most of pointed to public sector costs and the impact of a declin­ the city’s police related settlement and judgment costs,” ing population on the city’s revenue base, Moody’s cited the group said—$360 million from 2010 to 2016—were “pension challenges” as the city’s biggest problem. And “covered by bond borrowing.” These “police brutality this happened before Covid-19 obliterated projections of bonds” will cost taxpayers millions more in interest Chicago’s economic future. payments to bondholders. Other cities have borrowed The general hostility toward deficits in this country for police body cameras and to rebuild local jails, the amounts to an ideology; it’s part of a system of beliefs de­ debt-financed extensions of the carceral state. ployed with vigor, especially when such deficits are linked Black Chicagoans have been conscripted into a nasty to social spending. The ideological aversion to deficits, compact. As taxpayers, they fund a police department that the outsize power of rating analysts, the ups and downs of makes their lives more dangerous. And as tax and fee pay­ letter grades, and the effect of these dynamics on the cost ers, many of those harmed by police brutality effectively of borrowing suggests that investment, particularly in the pay for their own reparations, with bond financiers taking context of revenue shortfalls, will invariably come with the cream off the top in the form of underwriting fees. strings attached—strings that could strangle any attempt to build a more just society in the cradle. he temptation to leverage financial markets Even if the current campaign to defund the police is to deliver the kind of infrastructure that black Their lives mattered: successful, without also decoupling our cities from the communities so desperately need is understand­ Bettie Jones, Laquan private bond market, credit-rating analysts will soon able. This temptation is all the more alluring, McDonald, and Rekia punish our communities for budget deficits, making it Boyd were all killed given the prevailing low interest rates. And surely by Chicago police more difficult to invest in the very facilities that will keep Tthere will be some financiers who seek to co-opt the officers. black communities safe. We need to avoid the private radical “divest and invest” demand by underwriting the bond market and leverage completely new financial revolution in spending priorities. But as tempting as it mechanisms in order to realize an alternative investment might be to invest in community needs through the bond in community infrastructure. market, there’s a fly in that particular ointment: Doing so would continue to render black futures subject to iven these dangers, how should we fund in- the power of unelected bond-rating analysts who would frastructure? How can we reinvest? In addition weigh community demands against technocratic ratios. to the now familiar progressive, redistributive New York City is often remembered as the poster visions—taxing the rich, doing away with tax child for bond market implosions. Before being sub­ abatements for huge corporations, converting jected to “shock therapy,” as Mayor Gprivate utility companies into a public power utility—we described it in 1975, the Big Apple was just one of a need to leverage federal financial power. number of cities—including Baltimore, Boston, Cleve­ More than 50 years ago, Representative Wright Pat­ land, Detroit, and Philadelphia—that had their general On the people’s man of Texas offered a plan worth revisiting. His Munic­ obligation bonds downgraded by Moody’s from 1955 to dime: Chicago police ipal Capital Market Expansion Act of 1968 was designed 1970. Chicago maintained its strong credit profile during brandish batons to do more than remedy the failings of rating agencies. at demonstrators these years, but soon it, too, fell victim to a downgrade. protesting the murder He aimed to correct a system that “punishes the larger In September 1979, Standard & Poor’s downgraded of George Floyd. (continued on page 33) Chicago’s bonds from AA to A-plus. As S&P’s Robert Geier explained, the firm lowered the city’s bond rating because of operating and cash deficits. What’s more, the Windy City incurred and rolled over liabilities, drawing on future budgets to pay for existing hospital ex­penses. And though we have come to see privatization as a hallmark of neoliberalism, the analysts at S&P, at least in 1979, were dismayed by the sale of certain assets to finance city operations. The Chicago Tribune said the S&P downgrade meant that the city would have to pay higher interest rates on the “bonds it sells.” The downgrade could also compel city officials to delay much-needed infrastructure im­ provements. In February 1980, Edwin Yeo III, the chief

M. SPENCER GREEN / AP BOTTOM: JIM VONDRUSKA / NURPHOTO VIA GETTY IMAGES financial adviser to Mayor Jane Byrne, said that wiping 20 The Nation. July 13/20, 2020

We were very tired, we were very merry— We had gone back and forth all night on the ferry. —“Recuerdo,” Edna St. Vincent Millay

was young and in love in new york when i remem- ber first reading those lines from an earlier period of rebellion. We bought fresh bread instead of apples and pears and gave away our money, even our subway fares, to kids shaky and a little bit menacing with a Isteak knife. Pleasure and danger were always close. We kissed on the ferry and frolicked in a broom closet at Macy’s and by abandoned rail tracks in winter and in any part of that offered just enough concealment and carried just In Praise of enough risk of being found out. New York, the poet didn’t quite say, burst with possibilities for public sex. That all waned decades before social distancing—with Proximity AIDS, with the domestication of the docks, the sanitizing of Times Square, the explosion of homelessness and cops and en­ Solidarity and the stricken city. thusiasm for moral policing. Flaming youth no doubt found a way; with any luck, they will again. And pairs in first flush could JoAnn Wypijewski still drain the night, exuberantly, tenderly, till “the sun rose dripping, a bucketful of gold.” What emboldened ardent souls, though—the lovers who just met, the lovers who were pledged, the lovers who might never know each other’s names—was more primal than romance. It was what had always drawn so many to cities, especially New York: the chance to be simulta­ neously anonymous and known, to be yourself, in your skin, in

Our huddled masses: New York City’s Lower East Side, in the age before social distancing. INTERFOTO / ALAMY STOCK PHOTO July13/20, 2020 The Nation. 21

a crowd, in the streets, in proximity to the skin of others. Stoking suspicion—of moral contagion, of one That’s what made New York electric when kids like me wrapped ourselves another—​had been mainly a tactic, which became a fact around each other and downtown drag queens ruled the night, in the days as fear of sex, of strangers and child snatching, of crime before so much about the city was reduced to greed and ambition and bows and juvenile criminals, of touch and proximity, rippled to that mayor or this police chief for cleaning the place up. That’s what some­ through the culture, echoed by liberals out of opportun­ how survived, too, with a weak pulse—the sensual idea, the prospect that in ism, cowardice, or rage and inflated by a media jacked any crush of bodies something might still go zing! on scandal and alarm. Unlike the TV movie version of Now proximity is killing us—or might. We who are nonessential turn events, that politics of fear and retribution never retreat­ away, cross the street, or walk in the bike lane when another body comes ed. It just took more baroque, bipartisan forms. close. We pass judgment on sunbathers, picnickers: The louche have a new Many of us are legitimately afraid now and alone. name; maybe we shame them on Instagram. We’re cautious, and we ought to Shocked by vulnerability on so many levels, people worry be, but we have been in training for distance for a long time, and it’s showing. over large questions. What does freedom mean? What We probably don’t think too much about how central sex has been to cre­ is public health, beyond the metrics of disease? Will ating distance in the political sense. I didn’t think there was anything political I be loved, kissed? Will I die bereft? They withdraw. about a romp in the park in the late 1970s, either. I was a white working-class They lash out. Contagion is shocking and exploitable. A girl with a white Army-brat boyfriend who’d inherited the freedoms for which masked neighbor on my street avidly checks an app he says others had paid. Sexual freedom seemed the least of these—but of course it broadcasts the latest Covid-related crime. His is a learned would, for us, relatively protected, relatively confident of getting the benefit response, and why not? We criminalize HIV; we monitor of the doubt. We didn’t even fully know whom we owed. Bohemia had been a sex offense registries and banish whole populations from social and political fact when we were growing civic life; we lock up 6,000 ex-cons up. All the meetings and the marching and the in mental institutions as “sexually riots had gone before; all the arguments about dangerous” for fear of what they multiple oppressions had been had (though Stoking suspicion—of moral might do; we consign millions to hardly settled) by people who were just a little contagion, of one another— pestilence in prisons. None of it bit older. Liberation rode on a song. It was has kept us safe. easy to take things for granted when Marvin had been mainly a tactic, Our thin hope is that what Gaye had been the soundtrack of your life. which became a fact as fear has been learned might be un­ We would wise up soon enough, because in learned. So much about social that moment, sex was being wielded with of sex, of strangers and life turns out to be about ne­ particular cunning as a political weapon not child snatching, of crime gotiating distance and proxim­ only against the liberation movements whose and juvenile criminals, of ity. The politics of fear points fights had made kids like us feel daringly alive in one direction, solidarity in but also against the ethic of solidarity, which touch and proximity, rippled another. Both make demands bohemias had always tried, imperfectly, to through the culture. first on thought. An injury to advance against inhumanity. one is an injury to all, solidarity Anyone who spent part of lockdown famously affirms. The slogan watching Mrs. America, the FX on Hulu series implies a humane reordering of about the 1970s battle over the Equal Rights Amendment, economic and international relations, but its primal source is a reverence would have gathered that the New Right’s fight against for the human person in the most quotidian of circumstances. Reason plays the ERA wasn’t waged primarily to stop loose “libbers” or a big part in that. What, after all, is more remarkable—that the subways, or godless homosexuals or even the amendment. which New Yorkers may not experience again in the same way, were dirty, In the figure of its chief strategist, Phyllis Schlafly, it was loud, and occasionally frequented by the random nasty groper or that every waged for political power. It used fear and lies, enabled day millions of people pressed their bodies against one another, not sexual religious fanatics, and exploited the real anxieties of but strangely intimate, not fearless exactly but wordlessly acknowledging women who felt the ground shifting under their families, that the space each occupied depended on a certain generosity among all? their incomes, their identity, their lives. Like the contem­ We groused. Of course we did. But if that proximity made us especially poraneous fight against sex education led by the Christian susceptible to the virus, its spirit value-​signaled something else. Because Crusade and the John Birch Society (which sold fear of anyone who ever considered the experience while emerging into the light depravity when overt racism and the Red Scare became from underground had to marvel at this unlegislated and unacknowledged outré), it sought to build a base for an agenda with differ­ generosity, this most common love, among most of us, most of the time. ent, less homely priorities. Kneecapping organized work­ Defiant humanity, it said, is possible, if we want it. ers, redistributing wealth upward, dismantling the state’s social program and fortifying its violence program—the Coda: Every passing day threatens to make the one before seem irrelevant. A graph prisons, the military budget, the new cold and hot wars— of daily Covid-19 deaths in the US resembles a fire: 1,379 dead on May 27; 478 on those were the priorities of the original “Make America June 1; 1,039 on June 2; 448 on June 7; 926 on June 9; 345 on June 14. The fire Great” campaign, later renamed the Reagan Revolution, is the thing, the spectacle of disposability that connects the health crisis, the economic which, among other things, would look the other way as crisis, the immigration catastrophe, and the protests in the streets in the name of all tens of thousands of gay men died of AIDS. the George Floyds, all those extinguished more methodically, with less notice, and for so long. Whether or not one can join the protesters and without dismissing every legit- JoAnn Wypijewski is the author of What We Don’t Talk imate concern about proximity and danger, they have struck a blow against political

INTERFOTO / ALAMY STOCK PHOTO About When We Talk About #MeToo, just out from Verso. distance. The politics of fear is potent, but it may be losing its grip. ■ 22 The Nation. July 13/20, 2020

Donald Trump is a master CIRCUS MAXIMUS J. WILLIAMS of political misdirection.PATRICIA PATRICK SEMANSKY / AP PHOTO PATRICK July13/20, 2020 The Nation. 23

hat’s not to love about a good old-fashioned three-ring circus? the flash and bang of the human cannon, the dancing bears, the ponies prancing in lockstep, the flying trapeze, the tiger tamed, the clown brought down in a pratfall. But circus magic depends upon the art of misdirec­ tion. The best acts amaze us not only because they are skilled gymnasts or animal whisperers but also because they have mastered the ability to focus attention—on what they are doing as well asW away from it. Perfected distraction is the essence of magic: the sleight of hand, the visual feint, the shell game, the disappearing act, the great escape. President Donald Trump is a master of political misdirection. For those who have never seen his performance as comic impresario for World Wrestling Entertainment (WWE), back when he was en­ gaged in a Battle of the Billionaires with Vince McMahon, now might be the time to do some catch- up viewing. A natural ringmaster, our president was fond of entering an arena flanked and followed by fawning courtiers. The evening he was nominated at the 2016 Republican National Convention as the party’s of Lafayette Square, including the US attorney general, presidential candidate, he made just such a magnificent the secretary of defense, and the chair of the Joint Chiefs entrance from behind a smoky scrim, illuminated by of Staff. Together they formed a brave flèche, picking their flashing lights amid a great wash of loud music. This Many way through the litter of tear gas canisters where peaceful over-the-top performativity is why many people who protesters had been violently removed only moments voted for him still insist that Trump isn’t a racist or a supporters before. A White House spokeswoman took the liberty misogynist, that he doesn’t really­ mean what he says. still insist of comparing the scene to Winston Churchill inspecting In their estimation, he’s only doing shtick; he’s merely a that Trump the rubble of London during World War II, but to me, great rodeo clown who seduces with humor and hyper­ Trump’s angry march across the plaza amid a hellscape bole. Even as recently as April, he was forgiven by many isn’t a of pepper grenades and loud cries looked more like the in his base for the “satire” of prescribing bleach and racist or a stormy entrances made by the darkly wrathful WWE blasts of ultraviolet light, like a demented sword swallow­ character and crowd-pleasing favorite the Undertaker. er’s bid to cure Covid-19. misogynist, Like any good gimmick, this misbegotten tableau For nearly four years, Trump has dissolved the founda­ that he’s came with an evocative caption: Operation Themis. I tions of our government in the acid of such nonsense, with merely a found a certain deceptive irony in that sheep’s clothing of even the most bizarre, ignorant, heinous, nativist, incoher­ a name, so tailor-made for a wolf. Themis is said to have ent, awful behavior greeted as miraculous transmutation. great rodeo created the Delphic Oracle. Themis was the Greek god­ From caging children to classifying journalists as “enemies clown who dess of divine order, customary norms, and the general of the people,” he has eroded the Constitution with nary seduces with awareness of right from wrong. Her will was revealed a check and has been repeatedly forgiven because suppos­ through omen and revelation, not man-made law. When edly he’s a businessman or he’s a performer or he’s “real.” humor and Themis’s commands were neglected or ignored, Nem­ It’s all OK as long as he’s not really a politician. hyperbole. esis was said to take over—Nemesis being the goddess It’s all funny—hilarious, even—until it really, really isn’t. of divine retribution, the avenger of crime. Carrying a When, on June 1, Trump strode across Lafayette scourge, a whip, a sword, and a measuring rod, she was Square from the White House to a symbolic house of called implacable. To me, therefore, Operation Nemesis God, the fictive circus suddenly got real. It was like one seemed a much more fitting label for the events of June 1. of those terrible Agatha Christie moments when the But whether in the name of Themis or Nemesis, the Back to the bunker: magician puts a woman—it’s always a woman—into a Trump returns from staging suggested mythic glory, this evocation of Moses box and pretends to saw her in half. Except the trick goes his visit to St. John’s parting the Red Sea, this smackdown team of muscled if wrong! We are frozen for a moment. That can’t be blood! Church on June 1. (continued on page 32) We don’t believe our eyes. There was certainly lots of drama leading up to the moment. There was the president’s weeklong snowballing fury, which climaxed with that photo of him holding the Bible aloft like a cat he had just strangled. There was the call with governors, during which he used some form of the word “dominate” 14 times. There was the threat, de­ livered from the Rose Garden, of sending in the military to discipline domestic demonstrators. There was an order to designate antifa as a terrorist organization—in the absence of any evidence it either is an actual organization or is engaged in terrorist activity. Finally, there was the summoning of a retinue of courtiers to cross the Rubicon

Patricia J. Williams is the university professor of law and humanities and the director of law, technology, and ethics initia-

PATRICK SEMANSKY / AP PHOTO PATRICK tives at Northeastern University.

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Anonymous (8) • William Aaronson • Jane Abbott-Lighty • Robert Adams • Deborah Aiona • Paul Alper • Clifford Anderson • Joseph Andrade • Barbara Andrews • Jacob Appelsmith • Michael and Rima Apple • David Arms • Rosemary E. Armstrong • Peter Athearn • Andrew D. Augustine • Richard Aurelio • Lee Azus • Christine Bailey and Wesley Glebe • Jim Bailey • Don Barber • Ashok Bardhan and Raka Ray • Robert Bartholomew • James H. Barton • William Bassin • David Battis • David Beckman • E. Bell • Leon Bell • Mary Bell • Jane and Ronald Berenbeim • Doris Bergen • Joseph Bertz • Eric Bierce • Daniel Bird • William Blair • Jonathan Bloom and Sheila Blair • Sid Boddy • Bruce Bohannan • Gary Bohn • Pamela Boll • Geoffrey Bond • Leon Bonner • Kent Borges • Norman P. Boyer • Susan Bradley • Joseph Brehler • Maria C. Brennan • James L. Brewer • Bill and Sue Briney • M. Carolyn C. Britton • Ernest J. Brod • Kate Bronfenbrenner • Jeffrey Bronfman • Charlotte Brooker • Marjory Brooks • David Brown • Michael Brown • William F. Brown • Lawrence and Betty Bryan • Charles Buchanan and Carole Edelsky • William Buie • Susan Burchenal • Margaret A. Burns • Robert Burns • Phoebe Busch • Michael Bussell • Michael and Donna Butler • Jean Cahouet • Phyllis Cairns • Laura Callahan • Lee Cameron • James T. Campen • Donna Canali • Robert Cantor • Frank Carmona • Stanley Carnarius • John W. Carroll • Joy Carroll • Stephen Carroll • Cindy Carter • Juliet Cassone • Madeleine Caton • Lorraine F. Cecil • Howard and Dawn Charman • Wayne Chauncey • Ching Chen • Charles Christensen and Beth Welch • Vernita Christianson • Kang R. Chun • Norm and Shelley Cimon • Naoma D. Clague • Pamela Clark • Rosalee and Robert Clarke • Jean-Baptiste Clavaud • Claudia Cline • Mary Cody • Pam Coffin • Lester Cohen and Stacey Schlau • Edward Colbert • Claude Colleyacme • Martha Collins • Terence M. Collins • David L. Colton • Joel Conarroe • Margaret Meckes Conrow • Helen Conway • Tina Coplan • Ray Cornbill • Charles Cornwell • Colin M. Cortes • Betsy Cotton • Herbert Cowern • Susan Craft • Owen Cramer • Carolyn E. Crump • Joanne Csete • Stephen Curry • Martha Cutler • Lynda Dahl • Mohammed Dar • James W. Davenport • Chandler Davis and Natalie Z. Davis • Robert A. Davis • Patrick Dawson • Joanne De Phillips • Margaret and James Delfraisse • Duane Denney • James Destefano • Stephen Diamond • Ken Diamondstone • Ellen and Manfred Diflo • Elizabeth Domingue • Hannah Donigan • Marjory Donn • Harold M. Draper • P. Benjamin Duke • Don Dumond • Cameron Duncan • James P. Eberhardt • David J. Eck • Steve Edlefsen • Richard Egelhof • James and Bernadette Egen • Lloyd A. Eggan • Marjan Eicher • Hester Eisenstein • Eugene Eldridge • Constance Elko • David Ellis • Joni Ellsworth • Sarah E. Emerson • Dennis Engel • Douglas and Debrah Engen • Naomi Epstein • Peter Evans • James C. Faris • James Farmin • Joseph Fashing • Mary A. Feitler • Dennis Ferguson • Lowell Fey • Rosalind Fielder-Giscombe • Birthe Filby • Fred Fischer • Lorenz Fish • Raymond Fix • Gil Follini • Susan and Hugo Franzen • Leif Fredin • Janie W. Freeman • Barbara French • Janet B. French • Frank Friedman • Julian Gaa • Charla Gabert • Bob Gaynor • Ana Gerena • George Gibson • Mark Ginsburg • Francisco Girona • Harold Glick • Michael Godec • Lawrence Goerke Sr. • Joe Goldenson • Frank Gomez • Yves and Jacqueline Gonnet • Mary C. Goodman • Jonathan Goss • Fancher Gotesky • Laura Gottsman • Lynn Grant • Don Green • Leo Greenbaum • Katherine Greene • Richard Greenspan • Lumina Greenway • Erica Greer • Nina Gregg and Douglas Gamble • Lynn Greiner • Agnes Gretzinger • Marjorie Greville • Louis Grieco • Ed Griffen • Richard Grigsby • Laurence Gross • Randy Gudvangen • George Guerci • Richard and Carmela Guza • Francis Hagan • Mary Sue Hamann • James W. Hammonds • Mary Ann Handley • Rollo Handy • James Hansen • Shawn Hargan • Donald A. Harland • Susan Harris • Sandy Harrison • Roy Havenhill • Mary Hayden • Ray Healey • John Heighway • Anne Herrmann • Ellen Hertzmark • Judith Herz • Jayne Hileman • George Hill • Thomas Hilliker • Helga L. Hintner • Kathlyn Hoekstra • Marcia K. Hoffmeister • Thomas Holme • Benita Howell • Jennifer Humiston • Edward and Marjorie Hurwitz • Jonathan F. Husband • Tom Hutchinson • Ted D. Huters • Jane Illades • Laurie Imhauser • James Jacobs • Jane and Bill Janke • Colleen Jensen • Michael Jensen • Steen Jensen • Gary P. Johnson • Peter J. Johnstone • Ann R. Jones • Anne C. Jones • David Joravsky • Pauline Jue • Mary S. Julien • Gunther Just • Henry Kahn and Mickey Gilmor • Ruth Kahn • Ronald L. Kaiserman • Steven Kanig and Barbara McAneny • Clarence Kano • Martin and Carolyn Karcher • Robert Kass • Ralph Kaywin and Lisa Buchberg • Richard C. Keene • Jesse W. Kehres • Jennifer L. Keller • Constance and Seth Kellogg • Rebecca Kervin • Markus Kessler • Doc Kiley • Frank and Jo Anne Knell • James Kollros • Catherine Kord • David Korn • Ross and Laura Kory • Julia Koths • Janet Kramer • Milton Krieger • Julio Kuperman • Susan Kupfer • Alan La Briere • Maurina Ladich • Peter A. Lamal • Louise Lamphere • R. Landgraf • Peter Landon • Jean Larson • Catherine and Fred Lauritsen • Wallace Leake • Laura A. Leavitt • Susan Lee • Anthony Leggett • Helen Lehotzky • David Lerner • Jerry Levine • Arthur Levy • Howard Levy • Charles Lewis • Herbert Lilleberg • C. Koehler Lodge • David F. Logan • Matthew Loschen • Judy Lotas • Jerry Lounsbury • Dinah Lovitch • Victoria J. Lowe • Joanne Luczka • Heide Luerssen • Thomas Lutgens • Joanne Lyman • Leslie Lyndon • Margaret Lyons • Patrick Maceroni • Ian MacGregor • Britt MacLeod • Andrea Maneschi • Carl Mariz • Bill Martin • Myrtle Mason • Marjorie Masterson • P. Melissa M. Mathis • Marc Mauer • Stephen Maxwell • Jeffrey R. Mays • Elsie McBride • Betty and John McCoubrey • Anne K. McCulloch • Mark McDermott • Marianne McDonald, PhD • Neil W. McIntosh • Mary Lee L. McIntyre • Jane McKeever • Stephen McKnight • Michael McLaughlin • Nancy McPherson • Phillip Meade • John Medcalf • Robert W. Meek • Victoria H. Meller • Carl Mellor • Cathleen Merenda • Paul Meyer-Strom • David Michaelis • Robert Michaelson • Evelyn Mickevicius • Rob Milburn • Carol J. Miller • Joseph Miller • Peter Miller • Bamshad Mobasher • Barbara Morland • Mary Morse • Charles Mott • Rena and Michael Murphy • Jane Myers • Lynn Myers • Charles Naef • Francis Nash • Kenneth R. Nassau • Michael Nissman • Wade Norman • Ethan Norris • Joan Novick • Christopher O’Brien • Erin O’Mara • Brett O’Sullivan • Sevgin and Elizabeth Oktay • Kathleen Oneil • Hal Opperman • David Oran • Cassie Osborne • Sara Oswald • William K. Ota • Denis J. Overturf • Edith Oxfeld • Connie and Kerry Ozer • Ana L. Paddock • Alice Paisner • Jane E. Pak • Elizabeth A. Pallitto • Barbara Pampalone • Cheryl Parker • James J. Patterson • Jane Pedersen and Dominick Lacapra • Jeffrey Pekrul • Charles and Marthe Perdrisat • Robert Perrone • R.G. Peterson • Richard Peterson and Carolyn Loeb • Willa and G. Pettygrove • Tom Pillar • June A. Pinnell-Stephens • Lena Plamondon • Douglas Plante • Carl A. Polesky • Arlene H. Pollack • Wendy Pollock • Lois Porfiri • Renee Prescan • David Raese • Robert Railey • Alain Ratheau • William Rawson • Bonnie Reagan • Karen Reibstein • Mark Reppert • Elaine Reuben • Stuart Riddle • J.M. Rimert • Dick Ringler • John and Mary Robertson • Elizabeth and Cedric Robinson • Shari D. Rochen • Allan Rodgers • Joel Rogers • Lawrence Rogers • Mary Jo Rozumalski • Donald Rucknagel • John Rudolph and Sheryn Holinsworth • Gina Rusch • Mary and William Russell • Mary Ryan • Harry Saddler • Harvey Sadis and Harriett Cody • Joshua Saffren • Quaid Saifee • Robert St. George • Joanne Salzman • Patricia F. Sanders • Mary Saxton • Kathleen A. Scanlan • Nancy Schimmel • Mary E. Schlegel • R.J. Schless • Tom Schloegel • Carol J. Schmidt • Carol Schneebaum • Sally and Steven Schroeder • Elizabeth Schueth • John Schwarten • Harold L. Schwartz • Joyce P. Schwartz • Frederick A. Schwarz • Burkhard K. Schwillinski • Louis Schwitzer • James D. Scofield • Nadrian C. Seeman • Carole Anne Seidelman • Julie A. Setnosky • George Shaw • George and Helen Shaw • Sayre P. Sheldon • Robert and Cindy Shields • Yoshiaki Shimzu • Sunny Shine • Robert Shunate • Edward Sichterman • Peter Sigmann • Richard Silverberg • David J. Simons • Carla Singer • Erik B. Skamser • Jonathan B. Skinner • Anexora Skvirsky • Nancy Slenger • Dallas Smith • Idiot Smith • Alix and Joseph Smullin • Christine Snyder • Ruth A. Solie • Charles Sowders • Jeannine Spann • M. Edward Spaulding • L. Gwen Spicer • Richard Stephenson and Susan Rogers • Tim Stevens • Christine Stidley • Peter Stoel • John E. Struthers • Paul Sullivan • Thomas Sweda • Cheryl Sweeney • Vincent Swiech • Anna Szabolcsi • Barbara L. Taylor • Kathryn and Clark Taylor • Audrey A. Terras • Norma Thomason • James Togeas • George Towner • Peter Tracy • Joel Truman • Margaret Truman • W.D. Uhl • Ernest Urvater • Kathleen W. Vale • William Van Buren • Valerie Van Dam and Ray Kelleher • Cornelia Van Der Ziel • Jacqueline H. Van Gorkom • William and Melinda vanden Heuvel • Anne Veague • Martha Vicinus • Martha Vinick • Margo Viscusi • Peter Von Christierson • Daniel J. Walkowitz • Holly Walter • Laura Ware • Patricia and Robert Waterston • Diana Wear • Dale Weaver • Diana Wege • Nancy Weinrich • Michael Weinstein • Teresa Welborn • Douglas Whitley • Elaine Wickstrom • Benjamin Widiss • Richard Wilkof • Carl Williams • J.M. Williams • Marc G. Williams-Young • Allan Willinger • Emma Wilson • Ken Winkes • Martha K. Winnacker • Barbara Winslow • H.L. Winter • Martin Wolf • Laura Wolf-Powers • Ken Wolter • Robert and Mary Woodrow • Mary Worman • Sharleen Worsfold • David G. Youmans • Allison Young • David Young • Lorraine H. Yuccas • J. Zimmerman • Nancy Zumoff $100–$249

Anonymous (14) • David and Suzette Abbott-Klafter • Virginia and Stephen Abrams • Daphne James H. Chappel • Marie-Cecile C. Charlier • Martha M. Chase • Susan and Laurence Chase • Berenice Fisher • Louis L. Fisher • Michael Fisher • Stephen Fisher • Austin Fite • Dennis Achilles • Irv Ackelsberg • Carol Adams • Daniel Adams • Marina Adams • Rhea Adams • Yucheng Chen • Carol and Dwayne Chesnut • Victor and Eileen Chieco • Louis Chiero • Lucia Fitzgerald • Terrence Fitzgerald • Henry W. Fitzpatrick • Nancy Fjortoft • Richard Flacks • Arnold William Adams • Norma Adler • Suzanne Akers • Qais Al-Awqati • H.R. Alalusi • Stephen Alberg Childs • Barbara Chinitz • Harold C. Choitz • Noam Chomsky • Peter Churton • Joseph Ciliberto D. Fleischer • Nancy Fleischer • Roy J. Fleischer • Anthony Fleming • Elizabeth W. Fleming • • Cathy Albisa • Jenna Alcott • Joan Aleshire • Charles Alexander • Christa Alexander • Daniel • James and Dorothy Clair • Steve M. Clare • Hayes Clark • Heinke Clark • Robert Clark • Malcolm Fleming • Barbara Fletcher • Jim Flock • Bob Flood • Barbara Flores • Fernando Flores Alexander • James P. Alexander • Janice Alexander • Ralph Alexander • Vince O. Alexander • William Clark • Robert M. Clatanoff • Per Clausen • F. Lee Clayton • Joyce Clayton • Celia • Darrell W. Foell • Susan B. Fogel • Terry Foldenauer • John Foley • Ross Folino • Christine Ford Judith L. Alford • Henry Alkema • Kelly Allan and Barbara Haeger • Caroline Allen • Edith Allen • Cleland • Scott Clemens • Robert Clerihew • Mary Cleveland and Thomas Haines • John Clifford • Conny Ford • Edward Ford • James D. Foresman • Eva Foster • Florence W. Foster • Lawrence Joanne Allen • Mark Allen • Lois Allum • Gar Alperovitz • Jeff Alson • Richard and Susan Alvord • William W. Clohesy • Sofia Close • Patricia Cloutier • Debbie Clovis • Jay Coakley • Deonisa Foster • Karen Fouad • Ben Fountain • Ernest Fountain • Anna Foutes • Nancy Frahm • Andrew • Susan Alward • Kathryn Anastos • Judith S. Ancel • Rudolf Anders • Barbara and Lanny Coates • Gary Coates • Julius E. Coats • Russell W. Coberly • Lendell Cocke • Julie F. Codell • Francis • E.A. Francis • Marcie Francis • Alan Frank • Jimmy R. Franklin • Lynn A. Franks • Anderson • Frank Anderson • Mona Anderson • Sandra C. Anderson • Shawn Anderson • Donald Robert Coe • Wendy Coe • Rosemary Coffey and William Lefler • Larry Coffman • Allen Cohen • Wayne Franks • Gabriel Frayne • Stephanie Frazier • Joanne Freda • Pam and Glen Frederick • Andreini • Holly Andrews • Donald Angell • Paul Angelo • Robert Annandale • Rufus Ansley • Fritzi Cohen • Ira Cohen • Kenneth Cohen • Lorraine Cohen • Mark Cohen • Richard Cohen • Leigh Fredrickson • Bobbie Fredsall • Russell Freedman • Nora Freeman • William French • Frank Anthes • Kendall Anthony • John Antignas • Vittorio Antonini • Carol Antosiak • Brian Steven H. Cohen • Jeffrey A. Cohlberg • Jim Colando • Gary Colangelo and Gerald Duvall • George Marsha Fretwell • Olive Freud • Dennis Frey • Ann Frick • Donna G. Fricke • Gene Friedlander Anziska • Richard Appelbaum • Chris Apple • Rafael Aragunde • George Archambault • Petros Colbert • David Colburn • David Colby • Margaret Cole • Graeme Coleman • Louise S. Coleman • and Maureen Moore • Ralph Friedly • Roberta Friedman • Robert Frisch • Colin Frost • Diana and Nita Argyres • Powell Arms • James Armstrong • Jesse Arnold • Stella M. Arola • Alisa Rose Coler • Cindy Colkitt • Janet Collett • Richard J. Collins • Nathan Collyer • George C. and Dr. Andrew Frost • Jon Frost • Sherry Frumkin • Bette Frundt • Robert Fry • David Fryberger • Aronson • Jeff Arp-Sandel • Jeffrey Arps • Joan Arsenault • Janick Artiola • Muriel T. Asbornsen • Comden • Veronika Conant • R.L. Conley • John P. Connolly • Terry Conrad • Brenda Conry • Robert Fuentes • Michiko Fukuda • Arthur Fuldauer • Mary Fund • Robert Funk • Glenn Furnier • Arlene S. Ash • Carolyn Ashbaugh • John Ashbaugh • James Ashe • Jody Ashenhurst • Louis David Cook • James W. Cook • Katheryne Cook • Robert Cooke • Jeanette Cool • Daniel R. Cooley Dennis Furst • Melvin L. Gabel • Robert Gabel • Carolyn Gable • Joanne Gainen • Jane Gaines • Asher • Michael B. 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Thomas Costello • Steven Costion • Debra Garcia • Gillett and Delores Garcia • Marshall Garcia • Helen M. Gardella • Mary Gardinier • Elizabeth A. Baker • Jennie Beth Baker • Natalie J. Baker • Stuart E. Baker • Susan Baker • Earl Cotton • William G. Coughlin • Douglas E. Coulter • Joseph R. Coursey • Lorin J. Cowell • Samuel David Garrett • Jan E. Garrett • William and Vella Garrison • Susan Garruto • Elizabeth Gaynes • Balch • Justino Balderrama • Max Baldwin • Royal E. Bales • Edward L. Ballantyne • Al Bally • T. Cowling • Joseph Coyle • Laurie Coyle • Bernard Crain • Carter Cramer • Barbara Crandall • Tom S.L. Gayton • Peter Gazzerro • Charles A. Gebert • Richard Geduldig • Charles Gee • Lucy Bruce Balter • Lester Baltimore • Hamid Band • Steven Banilower • A.W. Banker • Richard Frederick Cranmer • Paul Cranmer • Ed Crapol • Richie Cravens • Sydney Cravens • Jim Geever-Conroy • Kathleen Geissler • Mary J. Geissman • A. Gelburd • Thomas P. Gengler • Barber • David A. 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Cutler • Harry Cylinder • Catherine Cyrus • John Czajkowski • Giger Jr. • Jay Gilbert • Lana and James Gilbert • Margaret Gilfillan • David Gill, MD • Georgia Baskan • Mary Lou Battley • Ellen T. Bauder • Mary K. Baumslag • Adam Baumunk • Paul Beach Edward Z. Dager • Andrew Daglas • John S. Dahler • Sandra Daigneaux • Henry Dale • Jean Gillespie • Linda Gillison • Max Gilstrap • Marc Ginsberg • Louis Gipp • Emojean Girard • • Richard Beal • Bradford Bearce • Bonne Beavers • Roger Beck • Edward and Barbara Becker • Dalenberg • Donald Dame • Meredith Danenberg • Jim Daniel • Ellen Danish and Bob Sloan • Mitchell Gitin • Brian Gitt • Dorothy Givens • Sherrie Glass • Marjorie Glasscock • David C. Glick William L. Beckes • Sue Beckham • Yvonne Beckman • Marilyn H. Bedford • John Bednarski • Loni Dantzler • Bernard Dare • Steven G. Darnley • John Dashmans • Louis M. Dauner • Michael • Howard S. 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Bergey • James Bergh • Robert • Victor M. Davis • Kenneth Dawe • Paul Day-Lucore • Michael Dean • Ruth Dean • Anne Decarli • Suzanne Goode • Philip M. Goodman • Bill Goodrich • Ann D. Gordon • John Gordon • Kay Berkow • Sid Berkowitz • Judy and Dennis Berman • Schorr Berman • Jo Anne and Alan Bernstein • Joel Deegan • William DeGroot • Ann Deinnocentiis • Peter Delacorte • Thomas Delate • Victor Gordon • Marc Gordon • Walter Gordon • Carolyn Gorman • Michael Gorman • Fred Gosnell • • Katherine Bernstein • Ann Berry • Linda R. Besant • Roxanne Beseman • Thomas Besser • Rae Delclos • Anthony Delucia • Harry Demarest • Iris DeMent • Dennis L. Demmel • RoseAnn DeMoro Thomas Gottlieb • Schuyler Gould • David Gourdoux • Roger P. Grafious • J.P. Graham • Beverage • Gregory Bezkorovainy • Ira Bibbero • Paul Bickart • Wallace Bigbee • Sophie and • Mark Demory • Alexey Demyanenko • Ardon Denlinger • Jane G. Dennis • Steve Dennis • Pat Graham • Patricia and Fredric Grannis • Peggy Grant • Pirie J. Grant • Geraldine S. John Bilezikian • Jonathan Birnbaum • Mary Bischoff • Nancy Bishop • Nancy S. Bishop • William Der • Jeffrey Derby • Amparo Dereymundo-Hinson • Martha and Doug Derry • Ken Grant-Hansen • Floyd Grave • Andrew Gray • David B. Gray • Marianne Gray • Stephen Gray • Richard Bishop • Judy Bjorke • Monika Bjorkman • Alice C. Blachly • Carol Black • Robert Blake Deschere • Paul Desjardins • Thomas Detorrice • Diane and Joseph Dettmore • William Dewel • Jeanne E. Greatorex • Marietta Green • Michael E. Green • Rosemary Green • Roy Greenbaum • • Melinda Blakesley • David Bland • Susan C. Blandy • Michael Blasnik • Brian Blatz • Robert Roslyn Diamond • Barbara Dibernard • Jeanne Dickerman • Rob Dickson • Dennis Didonato • Charles Greenberg • Nancy Greep and Jerry Tobis • Christine Gregory • Michael Grele • James L. Blau • Norman Y. Blaz • Sam Bledsoe • William and Ada Bleecker • Gay Block • Jeff Bloomer • Margaret Diekemper and David Harris • Mary Dietz • Susan Dietz • Arline Dillman • Meredith Greslin • Harry Griffith • Jim D. Griffith • Michael S. Grigsby • Mary Grindeland • George Griset • Ruth Bloomer • Jacques Blumer • Lloyd Blunden • Charles R. Blyth • James Bode • Diana and Michael Dillon • Mary Ann Dimand • Leslie Dirgo • Timothy P. Dirkx • Jim Disilvestro • Kathryn Grody • Donita Gross • Michael Gross • William Grover • Helen Grubbs • Erich S. Gruen Bodtker • Heinz Boeckmann • Theodora Boehm • Carol Boggs • Paul Boggs • Robert F. Boggs • E. Dispenzieri • Elaine Distasi, CSW • Walter Ditman • Gary Cornell Dixon • Irene Dobbins • Tina • Joseph Gubernick • Joaquin Guerra • Philip Gula • Stephen O. Gunderson • Stanley Guralnick • Myra Boime • Dick Bolan • Susan and John Boland • Lois E. Boles • Max Bollock • Kevin Bolton • Dobsevage • Taizoon and Munira Doctor • Stephanie Doetsch • Elizabeth Dokken • Julia Theodore Gurney • Renae Gustafson • Catherine A. Gutmann • Henry Gwiazda • Ray Gwinn • Barbara Bommarito • James M. Bonito • Robert Book • Michael Booth and Kristine Smets • Dominian • James B. Donahue • Paul Donahue • Debra Donaldson • Dan Donham • Fred Donner Mark Gyure • G. H. • Ernest Haberkern • Rolf Habersang • Brian Hadley • Paul C. Hager • John Abbey Borghei • Steve Bornaman • Robert Borosage • Jack Botts • Roger E. Bove, PhD • Bob • James Donovan • Gwen Dooley • William K. Dooley • Gary Doran • Alvin Dorfman • Ariel Hagopian • Robert Haining • Ann and Dave Hake • Raymond S. Hale • Charles Banner Haley • Bowen • Anne Bower • Bill Bower • Meg Bowerman • Robert Bowers • Eric R. Boyer • John Boyer Dorfman • Peter P. Dorgan • Alessandro Doria • Daniel M. Dorman • Jessica Dorman • Ture Bea Halfen • George Hall • Pamela C. Hall • Robert Hall • Robert W. Hall • Donna Halper • • Ellen Boylan • Mary E. Boyle • David D. Braach • Richard Braden • Michael Bradie • James Dormsjo • Stanley Dorn • Steve E. Dorris • Earl Dorsey • William H. Dorsey • Frances Quay Dortch Dolores Hamady • David Hamilton • Albert Hamm • Peter G. Hammar • Rudolf Hammermeister • Bradley • Mary Bradley • Sheila A. Brady • Carma Branch • Robert Branch • Walter Branch • • John Doscher • Eugene Dougherty • Mary C. Dougherty • Herbert Douglas • Veronica Douglas • Nancy Hammond • Marian Hampton • Peter Hanauer • Paul Hanawalt • Gerold Hanck • Gwen Frank Branchini • Jerry D. Brand • Mary Brannin • Patrick Brantlinger • Janet Brassart • Anne John Downing • Linda Downing • Donald Draganski • Peter Dragin • Michael A. Draper • Bob Handelman • Jack Handley • Cynthia Hanes • David Hankin and Nancy Diamond • Pauline L. Marie Braun • Barbara Braun • John Braxton • Bernard Brean • Larry Bredeson • Alexander Dreizler • Aletta Dreller • Cathy Dreyfuss • Robert Drinan • Stephen Duarte • Nanette Dubin and Hannaford • Marilyn Hannum • Tim Hansen • Timothy Hanser • Susan Hanshaw • Carol L. Brennen • Robin Brenner • Russel P. Breyfogle • Temmie Brier • Frank Briggs • Samuel Briner • Tony Masuck • Dina Dubois • Helen Duchon • Nicholas Duchon • Karen E. Duda • Norman Hanson • Eloise V. Hanson • Walter Hanson • William H. Hanson • Marc Hapke • Ellen Hardebeck Helen Brink • Ralph Britton and Barbara Christiani • Donald J. Broderson • Malcolm Brodrick • Dudziak and Damaris Rohsenow • Ann I. Duerr • Allen Dumont • Jeanne Dunay • J.L. Duncanson • Harry E. Hardebeck • Sarah Harder • James and Anne Harding • Mary Harding • Catherine Edward and Marion Bronson • James Brooks • Joan Brooks • Jean Brousseau • Colin Brown • • David Dunham • Carolyn Dunlap • Dan Dunn • Lu Dunn • Dorothy Dunnam • Louise Dunne • Hardy • Judy C. Hardy • Virginia Hardy • David S. Harmon-Esquivel • Ann B. Sutherland Harris • David P. Brown • Fred D. Brown • G.M. Brown • Hamilton B. Brown • Herbert Brown • Kenneth David B. Dunning • L. Dutton • Eleanor Dwight • Nancy C. Dyer • Stephen Dyson • Craig D. Benjamin Harris and Rebecca Mitchell • Glen Harris • Ladonna Harris • Louis C. Harris Jr. • Brown • Mary Brown • Mike Brown • Pamela M. Brown • Stephen L. Brown • William Brown • Eakins • Sara Early • Glenn Eastep • Susan Eaton • Judy and Mark Eckart • Richard Eckberg • Lowell Harris • Mary Ellen Harris • Melissa Harris-Perry • Graham Harrison • Jeffrey Harrison • Winfield Brown • Albert Browne • Sarah and Kirby Browns • Thomas Brudenell and Lynn Sibley • Virginia Ecker • William Edelman • David L. Edwards, MD • Gary Edwards • Jon Edwards • Nancy Marjorie Harrison • Joy Hart • Nancy M. Hartan • H. Bernard Hartman • Steven Hartman • Lynne Stanley J. Brunette • William Bryan • Jerry Bryant • Deborah K. Bublitz • Sharon and John Buch • Ehrenreich • Martin Eichinger • Susan Eidenschink • Jean Eilers • Carolyn Eisenberg • Ruth E. Harwood • Kazi Z. Hasan • Bonnie and Charley Hash • Judith Haskell • Alan Hasselwander • Richard Buchanan • Kent Buchholz • Orval and Ernestina Buck • Guy W. Buford • Michael Eisenberg • Alan Eisner • Kenneth and Barbara Eisold • James C. 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Washington • Patricia Washington • Zoller • Karl Zollner • Timothy Zollner • Donald Zook • James Zralek • Eugene Zsiros • Cindy Zucker • Steven • Mary Sweet • Daniel Swenson • Sally Swetnam • Winton Sweum • Allene Swienckowski • Oliver Swift • Bill Paulette Washington • Rosalie Washington • Audrey Wasik • Mariusz Wasik and Maria Werner-Wasik • Robert Zucker • Michael Zuckerman • George and Patricia Zug • Catherine V. Zukowski • Jacqueline Zukowsky • Don Swigert • Martha Swilkey • Lois Swirnoff • Hannah Syburg • Ke Sydnor • Maarij Syed • Karen Sylvester • Waskiewicz • Jane Wasserman • Jerome Wasserman • Lenny Wasserman • Scott D. Wasserman • Zulch • Craig ZumBrunnen • Anthony Zupancic • Russell Zurasky • Robert Zusin • Anthony Zygmont LEGACY SOCIETY Jane Abbott-Lighty • David Abt • William Anderson • Isabel Auerbach • Curtis Bell and Linda Gretsch • Ada Bello • Judy and Dennis Berman • John O. Biderman • Janel Borsos • Betty J. 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Lewis • Rodger Liljestrand • Herbert Lilleberg • Arthur Lipkin and Robert Ellsworth • Gail Long • Clarissa S. Love • Dorothy MacKay • Ian S. MacNiven • Bruce H. Mann • Marvin Marcus • Richard Marrero • Bruce Martin • Emily P. Mazzei • Jacqueline McKenna • Ann P. McNeal • Carlin Meyer • Nancy R. Milio • Helen C. Miller • James L. Miller • Mary E. Milligan • Rene Moncada • Margaret Nash • Martin Newmark • Glenn Norris • Patrick O’Dougherty • Lee Ormsbee • Robert Palladino • Mark Pearson • Lynne Pendleton • Eric Perkins • Miriam Pollet • Albert Porroni • Michael Radow • Gale G. Reid • Lisa Reynolds • David H. Richardson • Michael Richter • Barry Robertson • Mary Robinson • Margaret Ropchan • Lawrence E. Sauer • Jim Sawyer • Celia R. Schreiber • Daniel Shaw • Maureen Sheahan • Betty Sheinbaum • Eleanor and Richard Shorter • David P. Sickles • Joanne Siegla • Ellen F. Simon • Norman J. Sissman • Oona Smith • Claudia Sole • Deborah Southard • Carol Stein • Thomas Stevenson • Robert Stottlemire-Richardson • Christina Tartaglia • Margaret A. Thomas • Tina Vartanian • John Vecchione • Mary F. Vicario • Will Von Klemperer • Walter L. Wallace • Kenneth M. Weare • Steve Weiss and Linda Scott • Ruth Weizenbaum • Lewin Wertheimer • Harry Westmoreland • Peter Winders • Ed J. Wolf • Gary H. Wright • Geraldine Young 32 The Nation. July 13/20, 2020

(continued from page 23) complexity of dissent, there seemed to be a clear national maskless superheroes, with Princess Ivanka bring­ uptick after June 1 in police throwing demonstrators to ing up the rear like an ice swan, bearing a Bible in the ground, beating marchers, attacking journalists and her boxy snow-white handbag. And just as with the photographers, spraying tear gas in onlookers’ faces, and Undertaker’s entry into the ring, Donald Trump’s threatening protesters with moving vehicles. procession was marked by Sturm und Drang and Consider one particularly visible and vexed case: On curtains of smoke through which the victorious June 4, 75-year-old Martin Gugino, a Catholic peace lord materialized and “dominated.” activist, was shoved by members of the Buffalo Po­ The fact that the smoke was really tear gas lice Department’s Emergency Response Team. Gugino or that there were flailing batons, sharp-hoofed stumbled backward and fell, hard, onto the pavement, horses, and gladiators in real battle gear with real fracturing his skull. He lay there with blood flowing pro­ guns pointed at real citizens or that this was the fusely in a pool around his head. Later, after help finally real president and the real secretary of defense commanding the real and came, he was hospitalized (and remained so two weeks immense power of the US military against a lawful and peaceful assembly or later, in serious condition). But remarkably, help was that this was a display of real authoritarianism in unconstitutional service to not immediately forthcoming. A spectator with a smart­ such a petty, tin-pot end… well, it all hardly seemed to matter. What lingered phone captured the episode; the video showed an entire in the mind was that this was a brilliantly theatrical, visually plotted perfor­ squadron of police, including the officers who shoved mance with so many mixed-up cinematic and comic book him, walking past Gugino’s supine form. Not one of references, it was hard to keep track. them came to his aid. Instead they moved on like a school But the magic of misdirection does not only make us When Trump of fish or a pack of wild horses gliding around a big stump wonder how that hefty white rabbit materialized out of strode across in the ground. It is a shocking video. The push itself was thin air. Performed skillfully enough, you just might end both brutal and careless, the response even more so. up believing that the magician himself is a renderer of Lafayette Yet there was a notable moment in the video when miracles and that the word “abracadabra” can override Square from one officer hesitated, seemed to waver. But just then, the very laws of physics. Trump’s march, cutting its the White another officer put his hand on his shoulder and sig­ way through crowds like a bulldozer, was the kind of naled him to keep moving. That brief turn toward the performance that enchants its viewers into new realities. House to a injured man was the tiniest shimmer of movement, lost It visually telegraphed a powerful alternative universe symbolic as quickly as it came, as the herd moved on. I remark on and enacted a heretofore unimaginable blueprint of that small hesitation because it occurred at the instant how state force might “dominate” a public space. It house of in this narrative when Themis might reasonably have was behavior whose performativity operates far beyond God, the been invoked. This was the moment of crisis when the itself. Mere oaths of office faded in its wake. The Posse fictive circus internalized voices of our leaders, mentors, teachers, Comitatus Act evaporated like a ghost. You, the people, and friends should insert themselves for a nudge toward used to have a working Constitution, but—oops!—you suddenly goodness. It is precisely the instant when one might blinked, and it disappeared. got real. wish for better angels rather than avenging scolds to intervene. This is the situation in which lessons in the don’t wish to spend much time deconstructing Out of darkness: basic skills of deescalation might assert their value as what was going on in the president’s mind. Better to Trump’s entrance at those inner advisory voices, that second nature. That’s examine the downstream effects of his pantomime as the 2016 Republican enough. Take your knee off his neck. Don’t step over an un­ it was echoed and reenacted in the pushing aside of National Convention conscious body in your role as a guardian of public safety. was a stage-managed other peaceful protesters in other places in the days spectacle with smoke, Indeed, in the video, the officers seemed transfixed by Ithat followed. For all the genuinely moving moments flashing lights, and the groupthink of staying together, an orderliness that of police kneeling and thoughtful engagement in the throbbing music. overrode kindness or common sense. It looked as though they were pursuing a mission unrelated to the fate of members of the public and had forgotten what they were there to do. Too busy to look down or look back, they couldn’t stop to heal or to recognize actual vulnerable civilian circumstance as part of their charge. This brusque triage of concern is the downstream application of a state of mind that treats public ground as a “battle space,” as Secretary of Defense Mark Esper urged the governors during the group phone call of June 1. That logic of war was made even more apparent in short order: After the two officers who shoved Gugi­ no were suspended and charged with second-​degree assault, the entire Emergency Response Team—some 57 officers—resigned “in disgust” to protest the “mis­ treatment” of their brethren. As John Evans, the pres­ ident of the local Police Benevolent Association, told The Buffalo News, “Our position is these officers were simply following orders from Deputy Police Commis­ July13/20, 2020 The Nation. 33 sioner Joseph Gramaglia to clear the square…. It doesn’t come viral moral templates to be reenacted elsewhere, specify clear the square of men 50 and under, or 14 to familiarized as normative baselines are reset. Trump 40. They were simply doing their job. I don’t know how explicitly endorses an ethic that urges officers not to much contact was made. He did slip in my estimation. be “too nice” when making an arrest. He encourages He fell backwards.” an environment in which just stopping to acknowledge It is easy to pick up on the casual cruelty of those in­ You, the that you’ve mowed someone down is seen as weakness dividuals who are just “following orders.” What is subtler people, had and restraint in governance is acting like a fool. The and more complex is the corollary, expressed by Roger president praises extraordinary shows of force, seem­ Berkowitz in a New York Times reflection on Hannah a working ingly driven by no higher morality than the pure vanity Arendt’s portrayal of Adolf Eichmann. Berkowitz wrote Constitu- of wanting to appear invincible, the question of propor­ that the harder cases are those when people act “not as tion, but— tion a superfluity. a robotic bureaucrat, but as part of a movement.” They If we are ever to return merely to the flawed life we “commit themselves absolutely to the fictional truth of oops!—you once had, let alone drag ourselves into the better world the movement…. It is this thoughtless commitment that blinked, we hope to inhabit in the future, we must profoundly permits idealists to imagine themselves as heroes and and it reappraise political appeals to magical thinking. There makes them willing to employ technological implements are no miracles. There are no gods among us. Once we of violence in the name of saving the world.” disappeared. had a Constitution. We all saw it. Now you don’t? Then it’s time we stop wringing our hands and intercept that s though to complete the circle and re­ Oz-like orange joker as he sidles for the door. We cannot inforce this ethic of good-soldierly dominance, let him abscond with something so precious hidden up Trump lost no time endorsing the Buffalo of­ his sleeve. ■ ficers’ mass resignation, tweeting a completely unsubstantiated theory that Gugino “could be Aan ANTIFA provocateur.” (This is not an accusation (continued from page 19) to be taken lightly; in declaring those associated with city that goes heavily into debt in order to provide antifa as terrorists, Trump potentially subjects them not adequate public services for its citizens while sup­ only to oversight by police but also to much-harder-to- porting its poor residents.” trace surveillance and interference by the FBI, CIA, and Patman imagined a new federal corporation other spy agencies.) The president’s tweet concluded, to aid all states, the District of Columbia, all US “I watched, he fell harder than was pushed. Was aim­ territorial possessions (including Puerto Rico), and ing scanner. Could be a set up?” Although the FBI and “any Indian tribe.” He effectively sought to lend the the Department of Justice have, to date, announced no sterling credit standing of the federal government arrests of protesters linked to antifa ideology or groups, to contracting state and local borrowers. The pro­ Attorney General William Barr suggested on posed corporation would “guarantee the payment of that the lack of cases “does not mean they haven’t been principal and interest” on debt issued by state and involved in the violence.” The eloquently compressed local governments borrowing “to finance one or more needed public facili­ response from Gugino’s attorney noted that the injured ties.” It would also offer interest-rate-reduction grants and turn the federal man “has been a longtime peaceful protester, human government into a clearinghouse for municipal information, obviating the rights advocate and overall fan of the US Constitution.” capricious opinions of credit analysts. Even Republican Senator Susan Collins stated, “I think it As we imagine alternative forms of investment, Patman’s idea is one place to would be best if the president did not comment on issues start. We must be creative as we look for ways to decouple infrastructure from that are before the courts.” the private market. But it is not enough to devise new mechanisms to enable It is true that the two members of the Emergency investment in the built environment. During the 20th century the “deference Response Team charged with Gugino’s assault will come to localism” that structured many federal social programs often “preserved a before the courts—eventually. Meanwhile, we must won­ concentration of power in city and state governments,” as historian Tom Su­ der what will happen to our collective consciousness by grue wrote. This meant that federal funds often followed local, racist routes. then. Second-degree murder charges have been filed To guard against this, it is essential that local groups—especially the against Derek Chauvin for the killing of George Floyd— black activists to whom we owe this momentous opportunity to remake the but what filters might settle over our perceptions to meaning of safety in America—have a seat at the table in determining where make that presently inexcusable death seem reasonable investments are made. In the 1960s we called this maximum feasible partici­ through the same lens that exonerated the officer who pation, a contested term with an equally contested history. Today, as the very strangled Eric Garner? terms of governance are challenged by young black leaders “unencumbered We must treat this sleight of hand with the serious­ by past failures and buoyed by their connection to the ruckus in the street,” ness it deserves. It may be that this moment sufficiently as scholar-activist Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor recently put it, we might simply reveals to all Americans the disparities that African call it insurgent black politics. Americans and other people of color have been experi­ As communities divest from the police and invest in local infrastructure encing for generations. But we have been here before, if through alternative means, we should lean on the efforts of activists and oth­ not to the same degree, yet over and over, what seems er engaged citizens who have already fused the energy of the streets to the to be seen becomes unseen, our attention redirected. painstaking work of examining municipal budgets. For real change to come at Even when the Trumpian circus earns scorn and furious last, we must refuse to cede control over the budgeting process to technocrats backlash, his basest theatrical stylings nevertheless be­ with business degrees. ■ 34 The Nation. July 13/20, 2020

The Nation. [email protected] EDITORIAL DIRECTOR & PUBLISHER: Katrina vanden Heuvel EDITOR: D.D. ­Guttenplan PRESIDENT: Erin O’Mara EXECUTIVE DIGITAL EDITOR: Anna Hiatt (continued from page 2) with murder as adults but LITERARY EDITOR: David Marcus giving more fodder to the makes no comment about it. SENIOR EDITORS: Atossa Araxia Abrahamian (on leave), Roane Carey, Madeline misogy­nistic pack of male The context is crucial. There Leung Coleman (acting), Emily Douglas, Shuja Haider (acting), Lizzy Ratner, media mavens reveling in this is no mention that two trou- Christopher Shay opportunity to undermine bled 14-year-olds from well- MANAGING EDITOR: Rose D’Amora CREATIVE DIRECTOR: Robert Best Me Too and the legitimacy of known difficult circumstances COPY DIRECTOR: Jose Fidelino women’s experiences of sexual (including one who was cared RESEARCH DIRECTOR: Miguel Salazar harassment and abuse. for by an uncle because he COPY EDITOR: Rick Szykowny Lin Kaatz Chary lost his parents) were indicted MULTIMEDIA EDITOR: Francis Reynolds gary, ind. ENGAGEMENT EDITOR: Annie Shields by a publicity-​conscious, so- ASSOCIATE LITERARY EDITOR: Kevin Lozano Katha Pollitt writes that Reade called reform DA who would ASSISTANT COPY EDITORS: Lisa Vandepaer, Haesun Kim is a strong supporter of Bernie rather cater to the monetary WEB COPY EDITOR/ PRODUCER: Sandy McCroskey ASSISTANT TO THE EDITOR: Ricky D’Ambrose Sanders, and it may be rele- concerns and hysteria of DC CORRESPONDENT: Ken Klippenstein vant that her story came out in and INTERNS: Emily Berch, Daniel Fernandez, Meerabelle Jesuthasan, Taliah Mancini, the pro-Sanders media just as some white residents than to Rima Parikh, Jessica Suriano • Cindy Lee (Design), Sara Baig (Business) Biden was emerging as the pre- act on what he knows well: NATIONAL AFFAIRS CORRESPONDENTS: Jeet Heer, John Nichols, Joan Walsh sumptive Democratic nominee. that the Supreme Court has JUSTICE CORRESPONDENT: Elie Mystal It is an insult to Amy acknowledged that children EDITOR AT LARGE: Chris Hayes COLUMNISTS: Eric Alterman, Laila Lalami, Katha Pollitt, Patricia J. Williams­ Good­win to dismiss Democracy who do terrible things are still DEPARTMENTS: Art, Barry Schwabsky; Civil Rights, Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II, Now! as “pro-Sanders media,” children. How does the com- Defense, Michael T. Klare; Environment, Mark Hertsgaard; Films, Stuart Klawans; when her journalistic stan- mission of a crime—albeit a Legal Affairs, David Cole; Music, David Hajdu, Bijan Stephen; Poetry, Stephanie dards are impeccable and she terrible one that left a young Burt, Carmen Giménez Smith; Sex, JoAnn Wypijewski; Sports, Dave Zirin; Strikes, is for most progressive causes, woman dead—turn two trou- Jane McAlevey; United Nations, Barbara Crossette; Deadline Poet, Calvin Trillin bled children into adults? CONTRIBUTING EDITORS: Robert L. Borosage, Stephen F. Cohen, Mike Davis, Bob some of which overlap with Dreyfuss, , Thomas Ferguson, Melissa Harris-Perry, Doug Henwood, the Sanders campaign’s, some The impact of that legal Naomi Klein, Sarah Leonard, Maria Margaronis, Michael Moore, Eyal Press, Joel of which don’t. The Nation, choice is devastating: They Rogers, Karen Rothmyer, Robert Scheer, Herman Schwartz, Bruce Shapiro, Edward too, endorsed Sanders, so is will be tried in an adult crimi- Sorel, Jon Wiener, Amy Wilentz it fair to label this publication nal court rather than in family CONTRIBUTING WRITERS: James Carden, Zoë Carpenter, Wilfred Chan, Michelle Chen, Bryce Covert, Liza Featherstone, Laura Flanders, Julianne Hing, Joshua Holland, “pro-Sanders media” and dis- court, and if convicted, they Greg Kaufmann, Stephen Kearse, Richard Kreitner, Julyssa Lopez, Dani McClain, miss the very column Pollitt can be given life sentences, Marcus J. Moore, Ismail Muhammad, Erin Schwartz, Scott Sherman, writes? Of course not. Even whereas youths convicted even Mychal Denzel Smith, Jennifer Wilson in the time of Trump, some of of crimes involving violence EDITORIAL BOARD: Emily Bell, Deepak Bhargava, Kai Bird, Barbara Ehrenreich, us see things in more subtle face shorter sentences, with Frances FitzGerald, Eric Foner, Greg Grandin, Lani Guinier, Richard Kim, Tony Kushner, Elinor Langer, Malia Lazu, Richard Lingeman, Deborah W. Meier, shades than media belonging the understanding that the Walter Mosley, Khalil Gibran Muhammad, Victor Navasky, Pedro Antonio Noguera, exclusively to one camp. brains of children are mallea- Richard Parker, ­Elizabeth Pochoda, Rinku Sen, Waleed Shahid, Zephyr Teachout, Pollitt throws in that it is ble and, given better circum- Dorian T. Warren, Gary Younge “possibly relevant” that Reade stances, they can mature and ASSOCIATE PUBLISHER, SPECIAL PROJECTS: Peter Rothberg lied or timed her allegations change. Beyond the conse- VICE PRESIDENT, COMMUNICATIONS: Caitlin Graf ASSOCIATE PUBLISHER, CONSUMER MARKETING: Katelyn Belyus to help Sanders, when in fact quences to these youngsters, it CONSUMER MARKETING MANAGER: Olga Nasalskaya the charges came out too late is a terrible precedent that sets CIRCULATION FULFILLMENT MANAGER: Vivian Gómez-Morillo to make a difference and, back the national struggle for E-MAIL MARKETING ASSISTANT: Will Herman not surprisingly, didn’t help justice for youths. ASSOCIATE PUBLISHER, DEVELOPMENT: Sarah Burke DEVELOPMENT ASSOCIATE: Guia Marie Del Prado Sanders in the slightest. The failure of the commu- DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANT: Yubei Tang I expect better from both nity to speak out for justice ASSOCIATE PUBLISHER, ADVERTISING: Suzette Cabildo Pollitt and The Nation. and for treating children— ADVERTISING ASSISTANT: Kit Gross Michael Cohen even those who might have DIGITAL PRODUCTS MANAGER: Joshua Leeman los angeles done something so terrible— IT/PRODUCTION MANAGER: John Myers as children and its failure to PRODUCTION COORDINATOR: Duane Stapp A Terrible Precedent DIRECTOR OF FINANCE: Denise Heller take into account the toll of ASSISTANT MANAGER, ACCOUNTING: Alexandra Climciuc Joan Walsh [“The Murder their experiences will leave a HUMAN RESOURCES ADMINISTRATOR: Lana Gilbert That Threatened to Divide deep wound within the neigh- BUSINESS ADVISER: Teresa Stack the Two Harlems,” June 1/8] borhood, our city, and the PUBLISHER EMERITUS: Victor Navasky touched on but did not exam- cause of children’s justice. LETTERS TO THE EDITOR: E-mail to [email protected] (300-word limit). Please do not send ine how children are treated Joel Schwartz attachments. Letters are subject to editing for reasons of space and clarity. by the criminal justice system. staten island, n.y. SUBMISSIONS: Go to TheNation.com/submission-guidelines for the query form. She mentions that the two ac- Each issue is also made available at TheNation.com. [email protected] cused boys have been charged Please do not send attachments ROBERT F. KENNEDY AND HERMAN BADILLO IN IN NEW YORK CITY DURING BADILLO’S CAMPAIGN FOR BRONX BOROUGH PRESIDENT, 1965 (BETTMANN / GETTY) tion, andtheBetrayal ofPuertoRico. and Force inAmerican PoliticsandCulture Ed Moralesisthe author of Latinx not,intheeyesof Trump billionaire capitalism?After all,are fascistic nativism and deadly bottom-line publican Partyanditscurrent fusionof Latinx voters possibly find with the Re they exist?Whatcommongroundcould and radicalrightTrumpism, howcould Covid-19, BlackLivesMatterprotests, who voteRepublican.Intheageof W Fantasy Island: Colonialism, Exploita vexing toconsiderthoseLatinx as “theLatinxvote,”itcanbe lous yetasdesperatelycrucial political formulationsasnebu hen consideringdebatesabout Books & the Arts & Books Latinx: TheNew A DRIVINGFORCE - - - The pastandfuture ofLatinx voters even afterthree yearsofincessantim 2016. Thishasn’t waned considerably, where between 20and30percentin that Trump’s Latinxsupportwassome W. Bushin2004,thesobering realityis support peakedat40percentfor George dates. AndwhileHispanicRepublican ed forRepublicanpresidential candi voters nationwidehaveconsistently vot the 1960s,asubstantialnumberofLatinx can beeasytoforgetthatgoingback driven byPuertoRicanDemocrats,it ble, whereLatinxpoliticshaslongbeen center oftheNortheastleft-liberalbub culture ofthefoundingsettlers”? saw to“thedistinctAnglo-Protestant dire threat thatSamuelP. Huntington faithful, thelivingembodimentof Viewed fromNewYork City, the by ED

MORALES - - - - - how the Democrats and Republicans its rightwardturn, bothbooksdiscuss away fromthe Republican Partyduring African Americancounterparts) shifted ry, whenmostLatinxvoters(liketheir their narrativesintheearly20th centu how complicatedthisstoryis. Starting the LatinoVote: AHistory Benjamin Francis-Fallon’s From NixontoTrump lican: TheShapingofanAmericanIdentity, this thornysubjectin leaning towarddoingso. they were either voting for Trump or crisis, 23percentofLatinxvoterssaid April, inthemiddleofcoronavirus Latino Decisionsandpublishedinlate migrant bashing:Inapollconductedby Geraldo Cadavatriestoshedlighton , which,alongwith The HispanicRepub , illustratesjust The Riseof - - 36 The Nation. July 13/20, 2020 alike sought to organize disparate national The Hispanic Republican a poor white man who worked alongside and ethnic groups living in different re- The Shaping of an American Identity, poor Mexicans in the orchards and fields” gions into one “Latino” constituency by From Nixon to Trump only further solidified this relationship. At appealing to them through class interests— By Geraldo Cadava the same time, some New York Puerto Ri- as workers/​activists or as businessmen/ Harper Collins. 448 pp. $29.95 cans became supporters of the state’s liberal property owners—as well as through their Republican governor, Nelson Rockefeller, views (often stereotyped) on family unity The Rise of the Latino Vote and were brought into the party by his and Christian morality. Situating the story A History softer strain of conservatism. Others were of these voters in the context of a broader By Benjamin Francis-Fallon attracted to even more extreme right posi- history of Latinx in the United States, both Harvard University Press. 504 pp. $35 tions and supported Arizona Senator Barry books offer important additions to this his- Goldwater’s presidential campaign in 1964. tory’s growing canon, which is beginning League of United Latin American Citizens Cuban exiles in Miami, who felt betrayed to chip away at long-standing narratives by and progressive workers’ groups like El by the failure of the Bay of Pigs invasion, giving a fuller account of the ambiguous yet Congreso de Pueblos de Habla Española. were especially drawn to Goldwater. undeniable historical reality of Latinx as a Likewise, years before the Cuban Rev- The realization that Republicans need- political constituency. olution, recent South and Central Amer- ed Latinx voters because black ones had At the heart of any argument about ican immigrants—particularly those who mostly abandoned the party shaped an “Latino” or “Hispanic” politics, of course, identified with Spain and were opposed evolving so-called inclusion policy after is also a discussion about those labels them- to anti-American nationalism in Latin Nixon’s election in 1968. In a highlight of selves, especially since political strategists America—embraced some of Cold War the book, Cadava examines Cuban Amer- and advocates and marketing consultants conservatism’s anti-communist politics. At ican and Mexican American involvement have played such a big role in creating the onset of the Cold War, John Flores, a in Watergate, which was not limited to the the notion of a monolithic Latinidad. By public relations representative whom Ca- “plumbers” who raided the Democratic carefully examining archives from under­ dava credits with being “the first Hispanic Party’s offices but also included the “Brown utilized sources like the UCLA Chicano to articulate a national vision for Hispanic Mafia,” a group of Mexican American and Studies Research Center and the Center Republican mobilization,” founded Latinos Japanese American operatives who man- for Puerto Rican Studies, along with the con Eisenhower. Despite being slighted by aged the patronage politics for the GOP archives of Hispanic Republicans like Ileana the president, who dismissed his request to in California and became involved in the Ros-Lehtinen and Manuel Luján, Cadava be considered for the position of deputy tangled web of financial transactions as- and Francis-Fallon show that Latinx vot- assistant secretary for inter-American af- sociated with the Committee to Re-elect ers in both parties embraced the idea that fairs, Flores argued that Latinx could play the President. The Brown Mafia was led Latinx should envision themselves as a na- a key role in fighting communism in Latin by William Marumoto, a Japanese Amer- tional constituency in order to wield more America. Thanks to their knowledge of the ican raised in the LA barrio, and Benja- power than individual groups could. Both “language, customs, and traditions of Latin min “Boxcar” Fernández, who founded the books also show what was lost by creating America” as well as his “relationships with Republican National Hispanic Assembly one constituency out of many and offer “anti-Communists south of the border,” in 1974 in order to gain influence in the new historical insight into the evolution of they could help the United States more GOP as well as to encourage Hispanic terms like “Hispanic” and “Latino,” which efficiently stave off leftist populism there. participation in local party politics. Besides remain contested in local communities and As Cadava shows, this anti-communist pol- handing out federal contracts to supporters the mass media. itics, far from being the sole province of in pay-for-play schemes, these men tried Miami Cubans, was prevalent among a unsuccessfully to bribe people like Neva- ispanic Republicans, Cadava argues, much wider range of Latinx. da land-rights activist Luis Reies-Tijerina, trace their origin to the shift in Hispanic Republicans, while still a the leader of La Raza Unida, a short-lived American politics in the New Deal minority of Latinx voters, also began to Mexican American third party, to get them era. When many African Americans craft an identity for themselves around Re- to blunt their anti-Nixon stance. transferred their allegiance from the publican principles—in particular, small-​ Postwar Hispanic Republicanism never HRepublicans to the Democrats, many US business entrepreneurialism, patriarchal won over a majority of Latinx voters, and as Latinx did so as well. But some grew dis- family values, and the rejection of the wel- Cadava shows, it eventually found a home enchanted with the Democrats: Starting fare state in addition to anti-communism. in neoconservatism. But even as President in the 1950s, small but noticeable numbers Their movement intensified in the late Ronald Reagan slashed social spending and of Mexican Americans, frustrated by their 1950s and early ’60s around Eisenhower’s used the War on Drugs to massively incar- perception that the Democrats were more vice president, Richard Nixon, when he cerate poor people of color, he still courted concerned with African American votes, ran for president in 1960, and it reached an Latinx voters with offers of immigration began to move back to the Republican Par- apex with his victory in 1968. This support reform. In the 1990s the anti-immigration ty. Groups like Latinos con Eisenhower and was premised on a politics of social con- extremism of figures like John Tanton, the Viva Nixon (a group cochaired by I Love servatism and anti-­communism, but Nixon founder of the Federation for American Im- Lucy star Desi Arnaz) garnered support, was also willing to appeal to Latinx voters migration Reform; the nativist presidential mostly among the Mexican American–​ as part of his strategy to make up for his campaign of Pat Buchanan; and a series of dominated Latinx populations in Texas, lack of support among African Americans. anti-immigration laws passed in California California, and the Southwest and offered Public relations campaigns that painted and Arizona began to erode this support. a counterpoint to centrist groups like the Nixon, a native of Whittier, Calif., as “once But “compassionate conservatism” re- SUPPORT INDEPENDENT JOURNALISM WITH EVERY PURCHASE.

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dez and his forgotten presidential campaign; Latin America’s pink tide have been checked READ TO KNOW Linda Chavez, who worked in the Reagan by a recent surge of right-wing racism in and George H.W. Bush administrations and countries like Brazil, Guatemala, and Bolivia. once campaigned to make English the of- In Brazil, which has historically claimed to be ...a weekly online news ficial language of the United States; and a racial democracy, a right-wing nationalist magazine for young people, two US treasurers, Romana Bañuelos and like Jair Bolsonaro has been able to take pow- ages 10 and up. Katherine Ortega. (The former suffered the er and avow a racialized politics with a strik- indignity of an Immigration and Natural- ing resemblance to Trump’s America, while ization Service raid on her tortilla business, in Guatemala a former blackface comedian, The best way to get young and the latter was roundly criticized for her Jimmy Morales, took office, and in Bolivia, people to uninspiring speech at the 1984 Republican the coup against Evo Morales was carried National Convention.) out with the use of anti-Indigenous rhetoric. understand Yet Cadava largely does not address the the world. way questions of race within and outside y taking on the full spectrum of politi- the Latinx community were manifested in cal history and examining the far larg- Hispanic Republican politics. While it’s true er majority of Latinx Democrats and that Mexican American politicians had a left-wing activists, Francis-Fallon’s history of seeking to define their commu- book helps fill in the other side of the nities as legally white, by the time Hispanic Bhistory that Cadava explores, charting some Serious news for kids, Republicans came on the scene, many Mex- of the tensions among Latinx voters who because we take kids ican Americans were shifting away from were loyal Democrats and found Republi- an assimilationist understanding of their canism antithetical to their ideals, as well as seriously. identity toward a Chicanismo that stressed the GOP’s determination to convert some of indigenous roots. The Cuban migration these voters to its cause. The Rise of the Lati- 48 weekly issues-$35. to South Florida and the subsequent rise no Voter takes us back to the jockeying for of the Cuban Republican voter also had a position between Mexican Americans and strong racial dynamic to it, since many of Puerto Ricans during the John F. Kennedy, 1-800-356-2303 the middle- and upper-class Cubans who Lyndon Johnson, and years. KNOWLEDGEUNLIMITED.COM/FAMILY/ fled Castro’s revolution had a relatively easy While Francis-Fallon weaves fascinating path to citizenship through the Cuban Ad- details about the careers of Democrats like justment Act and avoided the racialization San Antonio’s Henry Gonzalez, Los Ange- turned with George W. Bush (whose of noncitizen status. les’s Eddie Roybal, and New York’s Herman brother Jeb Bush had married a Mexican The labels “Hispanic” and “Latino,” while Badillo into a broader story about the for- national), who openly courted Latinx vot- often used synonymously, have sometimes mation of a political constituency, he also ers and won over 40 percent of them in also been encoded with racial undertones that considers the role of Latinx movements that 2004—a peak in the success of the inclusion can at times explain the differences between worked outside electoral politics. strategy. In the 2008 election, however, this Hispanic Republicans and Latino Demo- Providing insight into the way that at- strategy could not be sustained by Arizona crats. In the context of politics, “Hispanic” tempts to organize Latinx nationwide Senator John McCain (who, Cadava notes, is sometimes used as a way to signal Spanish resulted in these movements seeking to declared “Build the danged fence!” in one (hence European) origins, while “Latino,” a foreground class- and race-based oppression of his campaign ads) as the Republican somewhat more recent term, is often used to as well as reject American exceptionalism anti-immigration wing gained ascendancy, allude to a mixed Afro-Indio-Iberian identity and imperialism, Francis-Fallon shows how and Latinx voters showed just how vital they and has represented a kind of Bolivarian Latinx voters helped change not only the were to the Democratic coalition by helping melting pot of mixed-race Caribbean and Democratic and Republican parties but also to put Barack Obama in the White House South American migrants—although in the the egalitarian and internationalist politics for two terms. Southwest it has also been used as a label that of the American left. He cites El Congreso avoided the indigenous identity of Mexican de Pueblos de Habla Española in the 1930s, adava’s book deftly makes clear that Americans, or Chicanos. (Recently two new which was inspired by other multir­acial there is not one type of Hispanic terms have come into use as well: “Latinx,” Popular Front groups and “fus[ed] class and Republican but rather many: Cuban a label that proposes a new inclusivity for culture consciousness…[and] advocated for American, Mexican American, Cen- gender-nonbinary folks, and the acronym striking workers as it demanded an educa- tral and South American, and to a “BIPOC,” for “black, Indigenous, and peo- tional system that nurtured its members’ Clesser extent Puerto Rican. He reminds us ple of color.”) language and heritage.” that each of these groups of Republican vot- Likewise, despite the fact that many US Francis-Fallon begins his story with the ers, while often a minority in their own com- Latinx identify as people of color, the mes- United States’ annexation of Mexican terri- munities, were drawn to conservative politics tizaje ideologies that both of these terms tories in 1848, which created an emerging for different reasons—historical, cultural, promote have, in many countries in Central sense of collective identity among Mexican political, or economic. Cadava also does a and South America as well as in the United Americans. He then tracks the formation good job of telling the story of the many dif- States, supported a notion of inclusion that of a “Hispano” identity with New Mexico’s ferent Hispanic Republican activists on the does not disrupt a culture of white suprema- statehood in 1912, the establishment of the ground, writing compellingly about Fernán- cy. The gains made by people of color during League of United Latin American Citizens, July 13/20, 2020 The Nation. 39 and the move by the majority of Latinx vot- lonial economic policies in Puerto Rico, ers to the Democratic Party in the 1930s. and the need for normalizing relations with Taking us into the post–World War II era, Cuba. But the Democratic Party did not when Mexican Americans formed import- appear ready to take up this pan-Latinx pro- ant political bases in Los Angeles and San gram, and many Latinx Democrats found Antonio, he charts the Viva Kennedy years, themselves frustrated with what they saw the civil rights movement, and the attempts as Carter’s unresponsiveness on numerous to arrange a “shotgun wedding” between national issues because of his “color-blind” East Coast and West Coast groups in the refusal to address “special interests.” Yet late 1960s. The last few chapters discuss the Latinx Democrats continued to stick by the limits of Latinx liberalism and the emer- party, even as it increasingly took their votes gence of Hispanic conservatism, neatly in- for granted. tersecting with the subject of Cadava’s book. The most compelling part of Francis-​ he struggle to create a pan-Latinx Fallon’s analysis comes when he documents identity and politics has posed chal- the efforts by early Latinx Democrats to lenges ever since. Latinx voters are build multiracial constituencies by invok- regionally disconnected, with great- ing the notion of a pan-Latinx identity, ly varied class backgrounds and cit- which helped bring together a variety of izenshipT statuses. They are also racially Spanish-speaking communities and connect dispersed: There are white, black, Asian, them to other racial, ethnic, or social strug- Indigenous, and multiracial Latinx. Yet it is gles. These efforts proved to be a potent also clear that Latinx voters play a vital role political force in many cities, including New in contemporary electoral politics. One of York and Chicago. But Francis-Fallon’s sto- the major driving forces behind Vermont ry of how Latinx voters and organizers Senator Bernie Sanders’s early support in helped shape a nationwide agenda is also the Democratic primaries this year came telling for the present moment. Recounting from Latinx, with 50 percent voting for him the first Unidos Conference, held in New in Nevada and California and 39 percent in York in 1971, he shows how Badillo, a Puer- Texas. Moreover, Joe Biden’s success in the to Rican congressman from New York, and upcoming general election will depend, in Roybal, a Mexican American congressman part, on ensuring that he has their votes. from Los Angeles, helped lead a discussion During a moment when it’s clearer than on the creation of a national Latinx agen- ever that the extreme rightism of Trump da that tried to significantly influence the must be defeated, Latinx voters have seem- Why Democratic Party. ingly no choice but to support a centrist Do Textbooks Hide How Yet even in the midst of a unity con- Democrat running on an agenda that has More Than 100 Years Ago ference, divisions were hard to transcend. traditionally neglected their concerns. But Russia Sparked World War I While Badillo and Roybal were large- even if this is the case, the lessons of the By Killing Austria’s Archduke? ly successful in their efforts, the fractures Unidos Convention remain: The best hope that appeared at the conference exposed for Latinx is a more radical politics that prior divisions—ideological, cultural, and seeks a broad multiracial and multicultural­ TWELVE AMERICAN WARS historical—that remain unresolved. For ex- coalition aimed at reversing the growing NINE OF THEM AVOIDABLE ample, despite New Mexico Senator Joseph economic and racial inequalities found in Montoya’s passionate plea for unity, Badillo society today. Likewise, we need a politics was repudiated by Puerto Rican indepen- that seeks to remake US foreign policy, dence activists, who insisted the conference which has been a key driver of Latin Amer- endorse their demand to decolonize­ Puerto ican crises and immigration to the United Rico. “What seemed to have been most States in the first place. Meanwhile, there’s disquieting to the congressmen who had the problem highlighted in Cadava’s book— brought them together, was that many who of your tío or prima who believes that the remained until Sunday seemed genuinely best hope to get through the coronavirus poised to reject Democrats and Republicans crisis is a revival of Trump’s “record-setting alike,” Francis-Fallon writes. economy.” Maybe Hispanic Republicans Badillo and Roybal managed to smooth can provide them with the important insight over most of these differences in the short that while the Democrats have failed in in- term, especially those between West Coast numerable ways, the Republicans have been Mexican Americans and East Coast Puer- even worse. It’s no accident that many of by EUGENE G. WINDCHY to Ricans, and in the years that followed us have never heard of Benjamin “Boxcar” Author of Tonkin Gulf they were able to develop a national Latinx Fernández and Katherine Ortega. After all, platform that connected the injustice of their party did nearly everything it could to 4th Edition Amazon Kindle $3.99 Mexican immigration crackdowns, US co- put them on the wrong side of history. ■ 40 The Nation. July 13/20, 2020

THE PLACE YOU CALL HOME Maria Reva’s mordant fiction from before and after the Soviet collapse by JENNIFER WILSON n “Novostroïka,” the opening story of address with that number. Daniil becomes Much of Good Citizens Need Not Fear Maria Reva’s Good Citizens Need Not Fear, flustered, asking her to check again. “Nine- teeters on the edge like this. Reva is at once we meet Daniil, a resident of 1933 Ivansk teen thirty-three Ivansk Street, Kirovka, sober-minded about the cruelties of bu- Street, a building that may or may not Ukraine, USSR. Mother Earth.” reaucracy and refreshingly sardonic about exist. It is winter, and the heat in his fam- It might be tempting to read more into how people learn to cope with them; the Iily’s apartment isn’t working. “Grandfather this, a post-Soviet short story about a place result is a droll humor and grotesque ab- Grishko’s telling everyone he hasn’t seen you call home no longer existing, but Reva surdism that have drawn comparisons (and his own testicles in weeks,” his aunt yells, insists that this actually happened with her deservedly so) with the work of Nikolai adding, “We’re tired of the cold, Daniil… family’s old apartment building in Ukraine. Gogol. She irreverently mines Marxism and we’re tired of hearing about the tes- She said in an interview in Fiction Writers and the conditions that led to the Soviet ticles.” However, when Daniil goes to the Review, “My dad told me that during that Union’s collapse for good one-liners, in- town council hall to get the heat turned on, first winter the heating didn’t turn on, voking the kind of black but tender com- the clerk has no record of the building, no which was strange because everything was edy common among people who lived in centralized and connected. He gave his the USSR. In “Bone Music,” a woman Jennifer Wilson is a contributing writer for address to the woman at the town council. who sells banned Western records by im- The Nation. Her work has also appeared in The She said that there was no such address, printing them on X-rays sends her young New York Times, The New Republic, The and since they didn’t have it in the records, daughter to inform her coconspirator that New Yorker, and elsewhere. our building didn’t exist.” she’s sick and cannot make it to their ILLUSTRATION BY TIM ROBINSON July 13/20, 2020 The Nation. 41

“biweekly study session on dialectical ma- Good Citizens Need Not Fear what one would expect for his cans at work: terialism.” In “Miss USSR,” party leaders Stories “Minimum Dimensions of Space Neces- in Moscow are concerned that a beauty By Maria Reva sary for Human Functioning, 85 processes: pageant in Kirovka might start a chain re- Doubleday. 224 pp. $25.95 Sleeping (based on average Moscow male, action of local, decentralized events. “Next head to toe) = 175cm…Evacuating blad- thing we know,” an angry official says, finding out where they go. Her characters der (volume) = 400ml…Breathing (torso “it’ll be Miss Estonia SSR. Miss Latvia are an eclectic assemblage of personalities expansion) = 1.5cm.” When we learn in a SSR. Miss Georgia SSR.” In moments like and types who, despite their mutual sus- later story that Daniil’s cans are overpacked these, Reva showcases a deftness with dark picions, are all equally dependent on one and have begun to explode, leaving their humor that both resists sentimentalism another, whether it’s for friendship, gossip, purchasers with shrapnel wounds, one may about the difficult aspects of Soviet life or cloves. Perhaps that is why, for a book start to wonder whether Daniil, too, will and rejects the idea that it was nothing but about a place that is falling apart, Reva’s eventually burst in frustration. bad. Instead, she frees herself up to tell stories are so prodigiously well structured. When I studied abroad in Moscow, our bigger (and often smaller) stories about She understands, as a facile young intelli- orientation involved a brief lecture on the her homeland—stories about agoraphobic gence officer says in a moment of clarity, particularities of Russian and post-Soviet black market profiteers, the practice of “A bolt cannot function without a nut and culture. At one point, the program leader making swans out of old tires, and how to a nut cannot function without a bolt.” told us there was no word in Russian for find privacy within yourself. In doing so, The nine stories in the collection are “privacy” (an oft-mentioned though some- she establishes herself as one of the leading linked by 1933 Ivansk Street, where the what misleading cultural anecdote). Stu- post-Soviet writers of her generation while characters live, lurk, or simply wind up, dents suddenly looked wide-eyed, excited breaking through the limitations of the often through fantastical means. As Reva that these people were in fact going to be term itself. tells us, the building was hastily assembled very different from us, despite the Star- after construction workers realized they bucks and McDonald’s nearby. However, ore than anything else, Good Cit- had enough spare parts to make not two in Good Citizens Need Not Fear, Daniil jeal- izens Need Not Fear is about how but three towers; hence it fails to show up ously guards what little privacy he has and things are made—the labor that in official records. The people inside work resents its constant invasion. At one point, goes into them, the fragile foun- at chemical plants, metallurgical factories, he throws a space heater out a window to dations upon which they’re built, polyclinics—the sort of jobs that are often make room and perks up at the prospect of Mand the humanity that is required to sustain presented as banal and sources of pity in leaving the cramped apartment to retrieve them. As readers, we become intimate- Western books and films but in the Soviet it. Here too, Reva pushes back against ly familiar with where the sinkholes and Union were recognized as essential. stereotypes and pat narratives about the exposed rebar can be found in Kirovka Daniil works at the Kirovka Canning Russian soul or Soviet mentality. Daniil and whose bones are less sturdy than they Combine, where he has just been ordered does not display some kind of primordial, appear. (The foreign tourists want to know: to find ways to economize the amount Slavic, wholesale embrace of communal- Because of Chernobyl?) We learn how of metal used to can various food items ism; like any of his Western peers, he wants much tinplate you need for a can of pickles. and begins to evaluate the “squeezability” his space. But this never undercuts his be- Diagrams, charts, models, and infrastruc- of different products. “Some foods posed lief in the broader principles that gave him ture reports abound. That, too, feels like more of a packing problem than others,” and his family shelter in the first place. He an inside joke, a play perhaps on the genre Reva writes. “Soups could be thickened never rails against or de- of construction novels popular in the Sovi- and condensed milk condensed further, cries the communist system. He is a “good et Union, like Cement (1925) and How the into a mortar-like substance. String beans citizen.” He just wants the heat turned Steel Was Tempered (1934). It is a subject proved the most difficult: Even when ar- on and for his grandfather to stop talking Reva knows intimately. While pursuing her ranged like a honey­comb, they could reach about his testicles. MFA at the University of Texas at Austin, only 91 percent packing efficiency. In the she worked in construction. As she told the middle of every three string beans hid an n “Novostroïka” and in telling the story author Lara Prescott, a guest instructor unfillable space.” of the origin of 1933 Ivansk Street, in the program, in an e-mail introducing For Daniil, the task becomes a way of Reva helps us understand what it means herself (as recounted by Prescott on the thinking about his access to breathable for anyone, in the Soviet Union or website Electric Literature), “I work with space. Like “pressed meat liver paste” or elsewhere, to fall through the cracks. some nasty chemicals and lead paint…but “whale meat in natural juice of the mam- IIt can be a source of anguish but also an get to wear a spacesuit (kind of).” mal,” he feels squeezed in everywhere—in escape. In “Little Rabbit” (a story that won Likewise, in Good Citizens Need Not the factory, in the streets, and most import- a National Magazine Award), she explores Fear, Reva trains your eye to look for loose ant, in an apartment with 13 other family the inner workings of an orphanage in screws and shaky support beams, inviting members. He had been living in a com- Kirovka where the children are rated from readers to think about how to build a munal apartment (one of the multifamily one to three based on their perceived value sturdier foundation so that a better world, buildings that were a common feature of as future citizens. “Threes have a minor if we ever make one, won’t sink into the Soviet life), and the personal unit provided defect,” she writes. “Twos are blind and/ ground. And she proves to be an incredible by his job was quickly invaded by aunts, un- or deaf. Skin disorders and ambiguous builder of worlds, largely by recognizing cles, grandparents, and their pets, includ- genitalia fit the criteria, too. Ones simply that people, like screws, cannot simply ing a cage of hens. Reflecting on his lack lie there.” They’re arranged in a pattern, be discarded because you don’t feel like of privacy, Daniil creates a chart similar to represented by Reva with a diagram in 42 The Nation. July 13/20, 2020 which threes are given pride of place. “The failing infrastructure that only confirm her When they sell the records, Lila points to director would deny any pattern to the sense of uneasiness: “A sinkhole trapped a the tumor to entice customers. “As with distribution of the babies. If the healthier commuter bus. A family of five plummeted any growth or deformity,” Reva explains, babies lie next to the great bright windows to their deaths in an elevator malfunction. “the tourists always want to know: ‘A vic- where they can chatter with the magpies, A gas leak gently poisoned preschoolers for tim of…?’ The tourists don’t want to say and next to the doors where the occasional weeks before being discovered. Pedestrians the dirty word themselves, but are itching Ministry inspector can see them best, it’s were advised to avoid underpasses.” to hear it, pronounced authentically by surely a coincidence,” she writes. this kerchiefed babushka.” Lila gives them One of the children, a little girl named he stories in Part II, “After the Fall,” what they want. “Chernobyl,” she says, Zaya, becomes ill with pneumonia and is largely revisit the characters from though her husband never served there. downgraded from a three to a one. As she Part I, their roles now reversed in Nonetheless, “at the word ‘Chernobyl,’ the lies in bed, she sees a slit in the vinyl floor. mostly meaningless ways. Here too, tourists have their wallets out.” For their A strange glow starts to emanate from it, Reva pushes back against the idea part, Larissa and Milena have moved on to and she becomes transfixed. “What she thatT this moment represents a glorious the fur coat trade, working day and night to has to do is crawl toward that crack. The ushering in of wealth or freedom. All sew a coat out of ermines for a rich young need is bodily, instinctual. She has seen it that felt fragile becomes even less stur- girl so that Larissa can move to Canada. in every moth and mosquito bewitched by dy. Every­thing continues to crumble, and There is nothing new about telling the a flame.” Zaya peels away the vinyl and, not just concrete but also people. Bodies story of the USSR and its fall through finding floorboards underneath, manages become crushed or compromised by the the country’s apartment buildings. His- to dig her way through and escape, for a need to earn money. Konstantyn, who once torian Yuri Slezkine has made something time. She is the closest thing we get to a made a political joke that got him in of a career of it. In 2017’s The House main character in Good Citizens Need Not trouble with a KGB officer, now of Government, he offered an Fear; she appears and reappears across hires that officer to guard epic, 1,128-page history of the collection. In a later story, she is ad- the ground floor of 1933 a single building in Mos- opted by Konstantyn Illych, the head of Ivansk Street, which has cow that housed Soviet a cultural center, who tries to turn her been converted into a officials. Years earlier, into a beauty queen for the Miss USSR tomb for a supposed he wrote a widely cit- pageant—an endeavor that becomes a ma- saint. Konstantyn col- ed essay that discussed cabre version of Pygmalion. “What’s the lects money from the the Soviet Union and one thing people don’t know about you?” pilgrims who travel its amalgamation of he asks Zaya, quizzing her for the inter- there for a blessing; it distinct ethnic republics view portion of the pageant. Confused, she is said that praying to the in similar terms: “If the responds, “You can’t take a squat [at the saint can alleviate tinnitus USSR was a communal orphanage] without an audience. Every­ and cure alcoholism. One apartment, then every family one knows every­thing about everyone.” day while cleaning the tomb, that inhabited it was entitled to She runs away again here but returns in the former KGB officer accidentally a room of its own.” Fellow scholar a later story, realizing, as the rest of her knocks over the body, causing the saint’s Margaret Litvin has suggested that the country will in time, that a way out is not well-preserved white teeth (the main at- “Soviet dormitory novel” might constitute the same as a way up. traction and source of revenue) to spill not only a distinct subgenre but also a As Part I of the collection, “Before the across the floor. The teeth begin to haunt useful heuristic for understanding the lived Fall,” comes to a close, the sense of collapse the officer, seeming to wink at him, leading experience of communist internationalism. is underscored by Kirovka’s crumbling in- him on a wild goose chase as he attempts Indeed, much history is inscribed in frastructure. In “Bone Music” we meet to retrieve them. “I tried to imagine my- the courtyards, doorways, and stairwells Smena, the woman who sells forbidden self as a lover, following rose petals to a of the former Soviet Union, where public music illicitly reproduced on X-rays. She is bed,” he says, “but couldn’t help feeling housing was inextricable from the entire agoraphobic and depends on a trend hunt- like a rodent, lured by crumbs to a trap.” national project. When I lived in Moscow, er named Larissa and a polyclinic worker He eventually trips and falls in his pursuit, I once stayed in a khrushchevka, a prefab named Milena to help with her black mar- knocking teeth out of his own mouth. five-story apartment building named after ket operation. The three women crowd Much of the absurdity of the pre-fall the thaw-era leader who oversaw their into Smena’s kitchen to hear one of Laris- stories is transformed in Part II into dark construction. The private apartments with sa’s latest acquisitions, a Megadeth album. satires of capitalist consumption and the communal yards were originally intended “Megadeth is a deliberate misspelling of commodification of narratives that depict to usher in a new era of consumer goods the English word ‘megadeath,’ one mil- (in the Western imagination) Soviet life and the kind of suburban comforts that lion deaths by nuclear explosion,” she tells as miserable and physically degrading. In people thought existed only in the West. them (another Cold War fear turned into “Roach Brooch,” we meet Pyotr and Lila, What Maria Reva wants to say about the a punchline). Smena becomes increasingly new hawkers of “bone music,” which has Soviet Union through the history of the anxious that their underground operation been transformed from a clandestine prac- apartment building at the center of Good will be discovered, but this is accompanied tice into a way to create souvenirs for Citizens Need Not Fear is less explicit, ex- by a more generalized dread about the tourists. Pyotr has a tumor that he leaves cept that like 1933 Ivansk Street, it existed world around them coming undone. She untreated so they can have continued ac- and then fell apart, but what has been built reads reports in the papers about the city’s cess to free X-rays from the polyclinic. in its place is no sturdier. ■ INTRODUCTORY SPECIAL: 4 EXCEPTIONAL WINES FOR $30 AND ONLY 1¢ SHIPPING!

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suffered at the hands of police brutality and violence. These uprisings felt different from protests in the past: In Minneapolis, rioters burned down the police depart- ment’s Third Precinct station house, where Chauvin worked. The uprisings also took place in Mike’s hometown. In Atlanta, protesters vandal- ized the College Football Hall of Fame and Phipps Plaza, an upscale shopping center, among other landmarks. In years past, this seemingly would have pleased Mike. On “Close Your Eyes (and Count to Fuck),” from the stellar Run the Jewels 2, he urged fellow anarchists to kill the police, take over a prison, and waterboard the warden. Yet on the heels of the recent Atlanta incidents, Mike sounded a different note, passionate but measured. “I watched a white police officer assassinate a black man, and I know that tore your heart out,” he declared in a tearful, widely circulated speech. “It is your duty not to burn your own house down for anger with an enemy. It is your duty to fortify your own house so that you may be a house of refuge in times of organization. And now is the time to plot, plan, strate- gize, organize, and mobilize. It is time to beat up prosecutors you don’t like at the voting booth.” He has a point, but for those who have followed Mike and Run the Jewels, that ad- vice seems to contradict the scorched-earth POWDER KEG tenor of his previous rhymes. What Run the The return of Run the Jewels Jewels 4 makes clear is that Mike and El are still gearing up for a fight and providing by MARCUS J. MOORE another soundtrack for rebellion—but with age, world-weariness, and introspection, he previous Run the Jewels album victory conjured the specter of full-scale re- they’ve begun to bare their souls to their Run the Jewels 3 arrived one month volt, the idea that this might be the breaking listeners, too. after Donald Trump was elected the point. We all know the story of the last three 45th president of the United States. years, though: Nothing happened. n “Walking in the Snow,” Mike Atlanta’s Killer Mike and Brooklyn’s Run the Jewels 4 finds the country on fire breaks down what systemic racism El-PT echoed the horror and anger of many once again, yet the mood is somehow more feels like for black Americans, from

Americans shocked by the results of the urgent than it was in 2016. The corona­ the discrimination we face beginning 2016 election. The country felt raw, a pow- virus pandemic has halted the economy in elementary school to the police der keg of rage, anxiety, and fear brought on and killed more than 120,000 people in the Obrutality we endure as adults: by Wall Street greed and the police killings United States. Over 40 million people are They promise education, but really of unarmed black people. Sensing an up- un­employed, and mandated social distanc- they give you tests and scores. heaval, Mike, an outspoken Trump detrac- ing has forced many into long periods of And they predicting prison popula- tor and Bernie Sanders surrogate, openly isolation. Then in May, a white Minneap- tion by who scoring the lowest. wondered when the revolution would arrive. olis police officer named Derek Chauvin And usually the lowest scores the On the song “2100” he rapped, “Nuclear’s knelt on the neck of George Floyd, an poorest, and they look like me. too near / And the holders of the Molotov / unarmed black man, killing him and setting And every day on the evening news Say that revolution’s right here, right now / off mass demonstrations. Protesters also they feed you fear for free. And they ain’t callin’ off.” Indeed, Trump’s wanted justice for Breonna Taylor, who was And you so numb, you watch the gunned down in her apartment by the po- cops choke out a man like me. lice in Louis­ville, Ky.; for Ahmaud Arbery, Marcus J. Moore is a contributing writer for The Until my voice goes from a shriek to who was harassed and fatally shot by two Nation and the author of the forthcoming book whisper, “I can’t breathe.” The Butterfly Effect: How Kendrick Lamar white men in Georgia as he jogged; and for

Ignited the Soul of Black America. the many other black Americans who have Mike also wags his finger at the arm- THE FORECASTLE MUSIC FESTIVAL, KILLER MIKE AND EL-P OF RUN THE JEWELS AT HILL / FILMMAGIC) 2017 (TAYLOR LOUISVILLE, KY., July 13/20, 2020 The Nation. 45

chair activists who rant about injustice on first time they’d stopped working since they’re a little older and wiser and have but don’t take any other action: they met nearly a decade ago, when El more to lose. “Truly the travesty / You’ve been robbed of made all the beats for Mike’s breakthrough Elsewhere on their new album, however, your empathy / Replaced it with apathy.” album, R.A.P. Music. El got married and it’s business as usual. The song “JU$T” Like the band’s previous albums, Run the took on a film scoring project, while Mike dissects capitalism and police brutality and Jewels 4 is turbulent, a rebel-rousing LP admitted that he was “mentally, spiritually, features a defiant Pharrell, who chides “all meant to scourge law enforcement, po- physically…fried.” these slave masters posing on your dol- litical leaders, and bootlicking yes-men. That might explain the self-reflection lar.” Mike reduces Trump to a mere casino Though the vitriol of their older work we hear on Run the Jewels 4. Historically, owner, and El scolds New York City police remains, the new album feels more set- the rappers’ flows have been combative officers, calling them “murderous choke tled, even somewhat familiar. Producers and outward-facing, but on Run the Jewels 4, hold cops still earning a living.” On “Pulling El-P, Little Shalimar, and Wilder Zoby especially on the concluding track, “A Few the Pin,” which features soul music legend create dystopian electronic breakbeats for Words for the Firing Squad (Radiation),” Mavis Staples and singer-songwriter Josh the rappers to stomp through, and for 39 they tend to look inward. El-P unpacks Homme, El sounds obstinate but somewhat minutes, they devastate everything in sight. the anxiety he’s been suffering through: jaded. He’s still pushing for change, but it Yet the déjà vu this album engenders is “I should’ve focused mostly on the heart / can feel futile with the current administra- welcome at this moment. Whereas other ’Cause I’ve seen smarter people trample tion still taking up space. Then Mike spits mainstream rappers might create one song life like it’s an art.” Mike’s verses also a rhyme that has rattled in my head since or one album dedicated to the unrest, Mike capture him in a moment of introspection I first heard it: “Fuck the political. The and El have carried that torch for six years. and might explain why he was cautious in mission is spiritual.” That says it all, really. Once again, they’re urging us to wake up his speech to the Atlanta protesters. Here In times like these, when life can feel and keep fighting the system. he delves into a talk he had with his wife daunting and nothing prevails but anger, and how, as an outspoken famous black the line snapped me back to the true mis- n an interview with The New York Times, man, he now has to temper his desire to sion of the uprisings. This administration Mike and El explained how Run the Jew- incite rebellion: “Friends tell her he could is, ultimately, finite; it’s time for America els 4 was created after a much-needed be another Malcolm, he could be another to fully acknowledge the centuries of terror break from the road, where the duo Martin / She told her partner, ‘I need a the black people who built this country spent over a year and a half perform- husband more than the world need another have faced. There’s never been a better Iing more than 100 shows in the United martyr.’” The lyrics show a side we hadn’t time to destroy the system and the racists States and Europe. Reportedly, it was the heard from Mike and El. Four albums in, who maintain it. ■

“For us to build power, we need to be able to tell our own stories.”

EDDIE CONWAY EXECUTIVE PRODUCER Marshall "Eddie" Conway, a former member of the Black Panther Party, was an internationally recognized political prisoner for over 43 years.

THEREALNEWS.COM KILLER MIKE AND EL-P OF RUN THE JEWELS AT THE FORECASTLE MUSIC FESTIVAL, THE FORECASTLE MUSIC FESTIVAL, KILLER MIKE AND EL-P OF RUN THE JEWELS AT HILL / FILMMAGIC) 2017 (TAYLOR LOUISVILLE, KY., 46 The Nation. July 13/20, 2020

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